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  • What Does Governor Nyesom Wike’s Report Card Look Like?

    What Does Governor Nyesom Wike’s Report Card Look Like?

    He has a thing for rigging elections

    After winning the Rivers State governorship elections in 2015, he was served a petition that contested its validity. A tribunal was set up, and it was reported that the INEC awarded him votes that were five times higher than the number of registered voters in the state at the time.

    Long story short, he kept evading the tribunals until the court had to paste their processes on the walls of his house, since he wouldn’t show up. On October 24th, 2015, the election was annulled and the court ordered a rerun.

    But he managed to stay on as governor

    He fought the case all the way to the supreme court, where he was able to have the verdict overturned in January 2016. This allowed him to stay on as governor.

    His re-election bid was rife with violence

    As if this election fraud wasn’t enough, the election that ushered him in for a second term was suspended for days due to electoral violence. It eventually happened, and he won by an insane margin of 500,000 votes.

    He declared free tuition in Rivers state’s public primary and secondary schools

    After finding out that public school administrators collected the fees for personal use, he declared that primary and secondary education would be free within the state. This included fees for exams like NECO and WAEC, which would all be taken care of by the state.

    He did a lot more to improve education in Rivers state

    His administration invested billions of naira in the school system. He revamped school structures and built new ones across the 23 local government areas within the state.

    But it fell short of expectations

    In spite of the effort put into improving education within the state, lack of teachers and poor teaching infrastructure led to the abandonment of many of these schools.

    He ordered the demolition of a hotel during the COVID-19 pandemic

    While certain governors denied the existence of COVID-19, Wike took extreme measures to contain it. One of these measures was ordering the demolition of two hotels that’d disobeyed the lockdown order and stayed open for business. Governor Wike got wind of this and ordered the demolition and establishment of a school on the land.

    He and his band gave us many hit songs

    It’s safe to say Governor Wike is the biggest hitmaker without a Headies award in Nigeria — he doesn’t need one because he’s bigger than the award anyway. He and his band have given us incredible live shows, and even though they were either singing his praises or mocking his enemies, we remain grateful for their artistry.

    @zikokomag_

    There’s no party like a Wike band party 💃🕺. #citizen #zikoko #zikokocitizen #wike #fy #fyp

    ♬ original sound – Zikoko

    Best in flyovers

    We mentioned how Governor Yahaya Bello deserves an award for being the best in construction. But he doesn’t come close to Governor Wike, who constructed three flyovers in sixteen months. It makes you wonder what he’s doing right, because other governors spend years doing the same thing.

    He signed a law allowing women to inherit properties

    It might be surprising to hear, but there are places in Nigeria where a woman is still not allowed to inherit properties from her family. This extremely discriminatory custom has left a lot of women and families in poverty when the wealth of their parents or spouses are torn up among other members of the family. In 2022, Governor Wike signed a law against it within Rivers state.

    But he handles the state like a dictatorship

    If this wasn’t already obvious from the unwarranted demolition of a hotel building, he once asked his aide to arrest two people for making noise while he was giving a speech.

    He de-recognised a former governor of the state

    In 2007, Rotimi Amaechi won the primary elections to become PDP’s governorship candidate in Rivers state. But it was awarded to Celestine Omeiha instead, who eventually went on to win the general elections. Rotimi Amaechi fought this in court and Omeiha was removed as governor, as he never should have contested in the first place.

    In October 2022, Governor Wike signed a legal instrument into law that de-recognised Omeiha as ever being a governor in the state. The man takes no prisoners when he doesn’t like you. That one’s for sure.

    Overall Grade: B-

    In spite of his huge focus on infrastructure and education within the state, his administration is rife with high-handedness that borders on tyrannical, and is notorious for electoral sneakiness.


    NEXT READ: What’s in Governor Sanwo-Olu’s Four-Year Report Card?


  • What’s Inside Governor Yahaya Bello’s Eight-Year Report Card?

    What’s Inside Governor Yahaya Bello’s Eight-Year Report Card?

    For eight wild years, Governor Yahaya Bello ruled over Kogi State in ways that were either crazy, unpopular or downright distasteful. From owing salaries to denying the presence of COVID-19, here’s what his report card looks like.

    Year One

    He spent ₦260 million on security votes

    In 2016, barely a week after he was elected governor, he approved a total of ₦260 million for himself as security votes. His reason was that Kogi state had way too many criminals, and he needed to protect himself.

    But ₦148 million of that money was for renovating his office

    Of all that money he approved for security votes, ₦148 million was used to renovate the state house he lives in. It’s safe to say he wasn’t just securing himself but also securing the bag.

    Then he decided to “clean up” the state’s civil service

    He used to be a civil servant. So when he was appointed (not elected) to office, he decided to clean up the civil service after seeing how messy it was.

    Year Two

    But owed salaries for months in the process

    As part of his plan to clean up the civil service even better, he thought the best way to do this was to stop the payment of salaries until everyone in the state’s civil service could successfully pass a screening system to ensure they deserved their job.

    The result: He ended up owing salaries for as long as 39 months, and a lot of people were plunged into poverty.

    But he fished out thousands of ghost workers

    To his credit, the scheme was effective in fishing out some ghost workers, but at what cost?

    He reduced the incidence of kidnappings in Kogi state

    Before the wave of insecurity that swept Nigeria over the past few years, Kogi State was already an unsafe place. People would regularly get kidnapped on highways and travel was unsafe. When he assumed office, he helped bolster the security forces within the state and the kidnappings were reduced.

    Result: The kidnappings did reduce, but there was a surge again in 2021 when banditry became an issue in Nigeria.

    Year Three

    He upgraded primary healthcare facilities in the state

    In 2018, he established 21 model primary healthcare centres in the state, to help increase access to healthcare. In fact, in his first four years, he constructed, upgraded, or renovated 400 primary healthcare centres within the state.

    The result: Kogi State emerged as the best-performing state in the World Bank’s ANRiN project, a priority healthcare project that’s focused on increasing access to nutrition services for pregnant and lactating women, adolescent girls, and children.

    Year Four

    He refused to pay civil servant salaries even after receiving bailout funds

    In October 2019, the federal government released salary bailout funds to the states that had salary backlogs and Kogi State was one of them. But the problem is, these funds weren’t paid out. This didn’t come to light until a year later when the EFCC found ₦20 billion of salary bailout funds sitting in a fixed deposit account.

    Then he denied the money and threaten to sue the EFCC

    After the EFCC found the money and tied it back to the Kogi State government, they returned it to the CBN. Governor Yahaya Bello then said the whole scandal was cooked up to damage his reputation and he had nothing to do with the money. He even threatened to sue the EFCC but that never happened.

    Year Five

    He denied the existence of COVID-19

    At first, he claimed that the virus was artificial and even refused to wear a face mask during public appearances. He also proclaimed that Kogi State was COVID-free, and did his best to suppress testing by the NCDC on so many occasions.

    The Result: Five cases of COVID-19 were reported and he simply dismissed them as being manufactured by the NCDC.

    He rejected ₦1.1 billion COVID-19 in support funds from the World Bank

    In October 2020, he said that he rejected a sum of ₦1.1 billion in COVID-19 support funds from the World Bank because in his words, “COVID-19 is nothing but glorified malaria.” It’s almost as if the millions of deaths across the world meant nothing to him.

    Year Six

    He spent ₦90 million on COVID-tracking software

    After denying the existence of COVID in his state and rejecting money from the World Bank, he went on to spend ₦90 million on COVID risk-assessment software. It turned out that the software only cost ₦300,000 to build.

    Then he became a fake professor

    In April 2021, Governor Yahaya Bello claimed that he received an honorary professorship in  “Humanitarian Services, Human Resource Management, and Peace Building” from St. Thomas-a-Becket University in London. He flaunted the professorship in his typical influencer style. It later turned out that the course does not exist, and that the school he claimed to have received it from doesn’t offer any UK-recognized degrees. It wasn’t even registered as a university, to begin with.

    Year Seven

    He “asked” the president to declare a state of emergency in Kogi State

    In anticipation of the floods that were already predicted to happen, he asked the president to declare his state a “National Disaster Zone”. What this was supposed to achieve, we’re not quite sure.

    But he also did some things to help flood victims within the state

    In September 2022, the floods hit all the states that were along the River Niger. Kogi State was one of the worst affected states with around 10,000 people rendered homeless by the floods. However, Governor Yahaya Bello created ten Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps for those rendered homeless, and also donated relief items to them.

    Year Eight

    He destroyed roads leading to his opponent’s hometown

    In a bid to disenfranchise voters and prevent INEC from reaching the place, Governor Yahaya Bello destroyed some of the major roads leading to the hometown of PDP’s senatorial candidate, Natasha Akpoti. 

    The result: People fixed these roads so they could vote, but his party won the election by 369 votes.

    Other Highlights

    Best in road construction

    When he’s not destroying roads for political, he sure knows how to construct them. In his first five years in office, he constructed 500km of roads within Kogi State

    Overall grade: C-

    Governor Yahaya Bello’s eight-year reign has been very self-contradictory. He built primary health centres but still denied COVID. He approved questionable sums of money but went to great lengths to fight corruption in the civil service. It’s giving the same level of unseriousness as a secondary school student who’s not really sure why they’re in school.

  • The Oputa Panel Never Released Its Report

    The Oputa Panel Never Released Its Report

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    On October 19, 2020, the Lagos State Government set up the Lagos Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution for victims of police brutality in Lagos state. But, judicial panels are not new in Nigeria. In fact, about 20 years ago, we also had a popular Oputa panel.

    Read: #EndSARS: The Lagos Judicial Panel of Inquiry Is Now Sitting

    In 1999, Nigeria’s former President Olusegun Obasanjo set up the Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission of Nigeria, popularly known as the Oputa Panel. Because Nigeria was just getting back to democratic rule, Obasanjo inaugurated a commission to investigate human rights violations during the military era of 1984 to 1999.

    The panel later went ahead to investigate “gross human rights violations” dating back since as far as 1966. But unfortunately, the panel never officially made its report publicly available.

    Inauguration of the panel

    The Nigerian Human Rights Violence Investigations Commission, popularly known as the Oputa Panel was formally inaugurated on June 14, 1999, by the Statutory Instrument No. 8. of June 1999, pursuant to the Section 1 of the Tribunals of Inquiry Act of 1990 which gave the president the powers to constitute a tribunal.

    Statutory Instrument No.13 of October 4, 1999, amended the terms of the commission to 1966, and it also included changes in the membership of the commission.

    At the inauguration of the panel, Obasanjo charged the panel to review past authoritarian regimes and the human rights abuses “for the purpose of enhancing reconciliation, national cohesion, and entrenching the national democracy”.

    The 6-member panel was led by Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, an eminent jurist and a retired Judge of the Supreme Court of Nigeria from 1984 to 1989. It also included well-respected members like Father Matthew Kukah, a former Secretary-General of the Catholic Secretariat of Nigeria and the current bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Sokoto.

    The job of the panel

    The Oputa panel was authorised to investigate gross human rights violations between the 15th of January 1966 when Nigeria had its first military coup until May 28th 1999, the day before Nigeria got back to democracy under Olusegun Obasanjo.

    The panel also had the authority to work towards the reconciliation of many communities that were in conflict with one another during the military regime.

    The panel received over 10,000 petitions which included cases of i) physical and mental torture; ii) unlawful arrest and detention; iii) communal violence; iv) disappearances; v) intimidation and harassment vi) assault and battery; vii) victimisation in the workplace; and viii) murder and assassination.

    More than 200 cases from those petitions were heard at publicly broadcasted hearings across the six geo-political zones of Nigeria, and public hearings lasted for more than a year.

    Some of the most prominent hearings of the panel included the petitions about the death of Dele Giwa, the death of MKO Abiola, the purported coup to overthrow Sani Abacha in 1997, and the burning of Fela Kuti’s Kalakuta Republic on February 18, 1977.

    Report of the panel

    In June 2002, the Oputa panel presented an eight-volume report of 15,000 pages to the president, containing details of human right abuses during Nigeria’s military era. However, the government failed to release the report.

    After six months, Obasanjo’s government further annulled the panel on the grounds that it was unconstitutional. This decision was reportedly based on a Supreme court case of 2003 where two former military leaders, Ibrahim Babangida and Abdusalam Abubakar went to court to challenge the powers of the federal government to set up tribunals of inquiry.

    The Supreme Court later ruled that state governments, not the federal government had the power to set up tribunals of inquiry.

    These former military leaders and top functionaries like Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Abdusalam Abubakar, Colonel Halilu Akilu and Colonel A.K Togun also failed to appear and testify before the panel when they were summoned.

    Conclusions of the panel

    The panel concluded that:

    1. The Nigerian military was responsible for gross human rights violations
    2. There was collaboration of powerful and rich civilians in preparation for numerous coups.
    3. That some state counsels in the Ministries of Justice violated fundamental rights of due process in attempts to protect perpetrators in specific, named cases.

    The panel also recommended many things, including that victims of human rights abuses over the years were receive comepensation.

    Though the report of the panel has still not been officially published, the report was leaked online in 2005 by the Nigerian Democratic Movement and the Civil Society Forum, two activist groups.

    Read: SARS Was Created When The Police Ran Away

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.


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