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You may know titles and positions in the Nigerian army, but can you point them out them by insignia?
Take the quiz:
It’s killing everyone. The enlistment and support would be overwhelming.
Imagine getting debited every time just for terrible services. The Nigerian Armed Forces would be fighting for a good cause if they faced these banks.
What’s the point of a country that can’t make it easy for you to take periodic breaks from it? Everything from travel bans to visa restrictions is stressing Nigerians out. We deserve soft vacations first.
The Nigerian passport is already worth little. What’s the point of billing us to death before we get it?
The best time to get rid of semo was before it was invented. The second best time is now. This food is a crime against us as a nation, and something needs to be done about it.
They’re clearly enemies of progress, and we don’t need them at this critical point in the life of our dear country.
The constant traffic on Lagos roads is a matter of national urgency. It’s shortening our life span every single day.
NEXT READ: Types of Nigerian Men That Should Get the Military Draft
In Nigeria, the nation’s land force arm of the Nigerian Armed Forces is known as the Nigerian Army. Since its inception in 1863, it has been known for both challenges and achievements—from successful terrorist raids to the most inhumane human rights abuses.
Soldiers gesture while standing on guard during Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari’s visit to the Maimalari Barracks in Maiduguri on June 17, 2021. Photo by Audu Marte/AFP via Getty Images
Recommended: Bad Since 1999: The Nigerian Army Needs Reform From Wickedness
But how did they get here? What’s the Nigerian Army origin story? How have they evolved time?
To answer these questions, we need to take you all the way back to 1862.
The first mention of an armed force in Nigeria dates back to June 1, 1863.
On this day, a unit of 80 former slaves was established by the then Administrator of the Lagos Colony, Lt. John Glover. This was during his trip back to Lagos from Jebba in Kwara State, where he had a shipwreck. Their crew became known as the Hausa Constabulary (a police force covering a particular area or city).
The Hausa Contingent, Under Major J.A. Burdon, Took Part in the Jubilee Procession [Elliott and Fry/Pinterest]
Sir John Hawley Glover (1829-1885) [Heritage. nf.ca]
A detachment of the Hausa constabulary was assigned for their first military operation in the Asante War of 1873-74 on the Gold Coast (Ghana).
The Gold Coast Constabulary of 1873 [Great War Forum]
This was because the Gold Coast once administered the Lagos colony. The detachment was deployed at Elmina and would later form the Gold Coast Constabulary in 1879, giving rise to the Ghana Army and Police.
As for the remainder of the Hausa Constabulary, they became recognised as the Lagos Constabulary in 1879 due to a formal ordinance by a new administrator, Sir Alfred Moloney.
Sir Alfred Moloney [Find A Grave]
But the Hausa and Lagos Constabularies would not be the only ones created.
In 1886, following the 1885 proclamation of a British protectorate over the “Oil Rivers” of Eastern Nigeria, the Oil Rivers Irregulars (made up primarily of Igbos) came into existence.
During the same year, the Royal Niger Company Constabulary was created as the private militia for the Royal Niger Company (RNC) and became the Northern Nigeria Regiment. The Royal Niger Constabulary set up its Headquarters at Lokoja.
Hausa Soldiers, members of the Royal Niger Constabulary in 1895 [Asiri/Getty Images]
In 1891, the Oil Rivers Irregulars were rechristened the Niger Coast Constabulary (NCC) as a result of a change of province name from “Oil Rivers Protectorate” to “Niger Coast Protectorate.”
It was later regularised in 1893 under the command of British officers based at Calabar and formed the Southern Nigeria Regiment. It is here that we first know that the indigenes of the NCC force were made up of “one-third Yorubas and two-thirds Hausas”. The Yoruba component was a result of indigenes that were captured from previous wars in Yorubaland.
From 1893-1897, these constabularies would continue to exist separately until war made the British rethink their military strategies.
France’s invasion of Ilo in the Borgu emirate in 1897 forced the British to make plans for military conflict, as they perceived the French invasion as a means of halting their trade relations.
Hence, the first battalion of the West African Field Force was created by Colonel Lugard on August 26, 1897. It expanded from a core of draftees drawn initially from the Royal Niger Company Constabulary. Two additional battalions, the 2nd and 3rd, were created in 1898.
Despite their preparations, there was no military conflict. However, there was already a demand for consolidating all British constabulary forces in West Africa from the War Office in London.
They argued that one central military force would lead to better coordination, an economy of force, and military efficiency in the scramble for West Africa.
This resulted in the establishment of a committee under Lord Selborne that formally separated Police (irregular) from Military (regular) functions.
It also consolidated all colonial forces—the Lagos Constabulary, the Gold Coast Constabulary, the Niger Coast Constabulary, the Royal Niger Company Constabulary, and the West African Field Force—into what became known as the West African Frontier Force under an Inspector General.
In January 1896, a “Lagos Police Force” was created, separated from the more military “Lagos (Hausa) Constabulary.” Subsequently, as part of the new Frontier Force arrangements, in 1901, the “Lagos (Hausa) Constabulary” formally became known as the Lagos Battalion, West African Frontier Force.
The remnants of the Niger Coast Constabulary and the Royal Niger Company Constabulary companies were merged to form the Calabar Battalion, West African Frontier Force.
In late 1899, the Niger Coast Constabulary, the 3rd Battalion West Africa Field Force, and the Royal Niger Company Constabulary were merged to form what became known in early 1900 as the Southern Nigeria Regiment, West African Frontier Force.
In May 1900, the consolidation of the 1st and 2nd battalions of the West African Field Force and Royal Niger Constabulary companies based in Northern Nigeria, led to the formation of the Northern Nigeria Regiment, West African Frontier Force, under Lugard.
The Gold Coast Regiment, West African Frontier Force, was not formed until August 1901. The Gambia Company, The Sierra Leone Battalion, and the West African Frontier Force were not formed until November 30, 1901. Therefore, the Southern and Northern Nigeria Regiments were senior to the others in order of precedence.
Due to the amalgamation of January 1914, the Southern Nigeria Regiment was merged with the Northern Nigeria Regiment to form one Nigeria Regiment, the West African Frontier Force.
Remembering the soldiers of the West African Force [Norwich Art Gallery]
From this point on, the various colonial battalions (initially comprised of eight companies each) took on new designations with specific numbers, which they have retained to this day, with minor modifications:
Various re-designations have occurred since then. However, the 4th Battalion retained its number as part of The Nigeria Regiment.
During World War 1, when the number of battalions was expanded to nine, it was known as the 4th Regiment, West African Frontier Force. This was attached to the King’s Lancaster Regiment.
In 1920, after the war, the number of battalions was reduced to four but then expanded to five, several years later. The West African Frontier Force became the Royal West African Frontier Force in 1928.
Headdress of the Royal West African Frontier Force [Military Sun Helmets]
Prior to World War II, the unit was known as the 4 Bn, Nigeria Regiment, Royal West African Frontier Force. During World War 2, it was known as the 4th Battalion Nigerian Rifles.
The last colours of the RWAFF used were reportedly presented in 1952 by Sir John Stuart Macpherson, GCMS, then the Governor General of Nigeria. The colours were retired in 1960, when Nigeria became independent, and remain preserved in the Battalion Officers’ Mess to this day.
The Nigeria Regiment became The Queen’s Own Nigeria Regiment, the Royal West African Frontier Force in 1956, the Royal Nigerian Army in 1960, and The Nigerian Army in 1963 (when Nigeria became a republic).
The Nigerian army’s troops rapidly expanded with the start of the Nigerian Civil War (or Biafra War) in 1967. Troops of 8,000 in five infantry battalions and supporting units rose to around 120,000 in three divisions by the end of the Nigerian Civil War in 1970.
Soldiers in the Nigerian Civil War [Peter Williams/Wikipedia]
This also led to an extreme shortage of commissioned officers for the right positions. Newly created lieutenant-colonels commanded brigades, and platoons and companies were commanded by sergeants and warrant officers. The effect of this was the 1967 Asaba Massacre, which led to the murder of 1,000 civilians of Igbo descent.
At the end of the war, the Nigerian Army was reorganised into four divisions, with each controlling territory running from North to South to deemphasise the former regional structure. Each division thus had access to the sea, thereby making triservice cooperation and logistical support easier.
Later, sectors for the divisions took its place in place of the 1973 deployment formula.
The Nigerian Army, as of 2019, consists of 223,000 enlisted personnel. The Nigerian Army Council (NAC) oversees the army itself.
It is organised into combat arms, which are infantry and armoured. The combat support arms are artillery, engineers, signals, and intelligence. The Combat support services, which comprise the Nigerian Army Medical Corps, supply and transport, ordinance, and finance. Others include the military police, physical training, chaplains, public relations, and the Nigerian Army Band Corps.
The 1 Division is allocated to the North West sector with its headquarters in Kaduna. The 2 Division has HQ at Ibadan South West Sector, the 3 Division has HQ at Jos North East Sector; and the 82 Division has HQ at Enugu South East Sector.
The jury is still out on the Nigerian Army. Many Nigerians know it as a body that has done more harm than good for the people it was sworn to protect.
The Nigerian Army has been accused of war crimes such as torture, rape and killing civilians, even while fighting the Boko Haram insurgency.
But it isn’t always been bad news regarding the army.
In November 2022, for instance, the Nigerian Army said it killed over 50 terrorists in North East and North West Nigeria and rescued 864 kidnap victims.
Which, frankly, doesn’t sound bad at all.
If you’re reading this and would like to join the Nigerian Army, here are some of the essential requirements that you need to know:
According to Section 29 of the Nigerian Constitution, a Nigerian is born in Nigeria, whose parents were also held in Nigeria, and belongs to an indigenous group. If you don’t meet this, there is no army for you.
Only adults from ages 22-28 are eligible to join the army.
Specifically, this is 1.68m (Male) and 1.65m (female).
Anyone convicted in a court of law shouldn’t be part of an organisation that fights terrorism and saves lives.
One must possess a minimum of first or not less than second class lower division from a recognised university. A HND from a recognised polytechnic and lower credit is also acknowledged.
The individual must also finish the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) program. This is a scheme set up by the Nigerian government since the end of the Civil War. Its purpose is to involve Nigerian graduates in nation-building.
This includes a valid birth certificate, certificate of state of origin, and recommendations from two recognised referees who must attest to your character and Integrity.
Now that you know what it takes to be a soldier in the Nigerian Army, what are the next steps?
You can visit www.recruitment.army.mil.ng and click on DSSC and SSC whenever applications are open. These will be announced on radio, newspapers and television.
Nigeria has a diverse range of security agencies that perform very different roles. The Nigeria Police Force (NPF) handles domestic issues, the Nigerian Army maintains Nigeria’s territorial integrity and the Amotekun is into animal prints or something.
Too much skin
Despite their operational differences, they all have the same goal to ensure the safety of Nigeria and Nigerians. But another thing most Nigerian security agencies have in common is a reputation for human rights abuse and gross misconduct.
And while much of this brutal streak is directed against civilians, there are occasional incidents of officers of these agencies turning on each other. One of such occasions reared its ugly head again on April 3rd, 2022, in Lagos traffic of all places.
This story doesn’t end well for at least one person.
A group of soldiers were stuck in traffic just like it happens to everyone in Lagos. When they investigated what was holding them up, they realised a group of police officers were holding up their lane to pass vehicles in another lane. And because they’re soldiers, they thought they needed to address the slight, so they confronted the police officers. Expectedly, a shouting match started between the two groups.
This is the point where the story of what went down deviates into more than one version, depending on who you ask.
During the quarrel, a police officer fired his weapon.
The bullet brushed the ear of one of the soldiers and caused enough damage to send him to the hospital. His mates didn’t like this, so they descended on the shooter and beat him to death.
His name was Inspector Monday Orukpe, and he’s survived by a wife and four children.
The soldiers, numbering about 30, attacked the five police officers on traffic duty for holding up their lane.
The soldiers beat up the team leader and kidnapped two inspectors and their AK-47 rifles. And when they tried to snatch another inspector, he fired into the air, forcing the soldiers to retreat.
The retreating soldiers turned their attention to torturing the kidnapped inspectors. Inspector Orukpe didn’t survive the injuries the soldiers inflicted on him and died. The second inspector, Igbafe Ojo, is currently being treated for his injuries.
The Lagos State Police Command has called out the Army’s claim of an injured soldier as a lie and demanded the return of the two AK-47 rifles and three magazines the soldiers stole.
So this is the state of affairs right now:
The clash between soldiers and police officers in Lagos continues a string of bad blood incidents between officers of both security agencies in Nigeria.
For example, when a team of policemen arrested a wanted kidnapper, Bala “Wadume” Hamisu, in Taraba in 2019, a team of soldiers attacked them. The soldiers killed three policemen and two civilians and liberated the suspect.
The government indicted 10 soldiers involved in the attack but withdrew charges against them to allow the Army to court-martial them first. Their dismissal from the Army remains a waiting game three years later, despite protests from the police.
The Army has already set up a board of inquiry to investigate the incident, promising to punish anyone found guilty of misconduct. But if the history of how these things play out is anything to go by, the police will be lucky to get justice for its brutalised officers.
The clash illustrates why security agencies have to consider serious reforms for the conduct of their officers, both with one another and with civilians.
In a tribute to Inspector Orukpe, the Police Command’s spokesperson, Ben Hundeyin, said, “You absolutely didn’t have to die.”
And that is as true for the officer as it is for every victim of police brutality in Nigeria.
ALSO READ: What Every Nigerian Should Know About the Supreme Court
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Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
On Sunday, November 30th, 2020, many Nigerians woke up to the sad news that over 43 rice farmers in communities near Borno State, Nigeria, had been killed by Boko Haram insurgents.
While the government has claimed that Boko Haram has been “technically defeated”, the group continues to carry out terrorist attacks, especially in the northeastern parts of Nigeria.
But, as the Nigerian armed forces continue to fight the insurgent group, it is important to look at some of the policies that the government has employed in the fight against Boko Haram, including the Nigerian military’s “Operation Safe Corridor (OSC)”.
In October 2015, the Federal Government of Nigeria, through the Defence Headquarters, announced the implementation of “Operation Safe Corridor” (OSC).
The goal of the programme was to rehabilitate Boko Haram militants and reintegrate them back into the society as law-abiding and productive citizens.
The programme employs the tools disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) in incorporating Boko Haram militants back into the society.
Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) activities are part of the United Nations’ approach to peace building, disaster management and reconstruction.
According to the UN, the DDR is a formal peace building plan for countries emerging from armed conflict, and it is implemented so that different fighting sides can build confidence and security, which is important before recovery activities can begin.
In the case of Boko Haram, DDR was employed so as to ensure peace between the Nigerian military and the Boko Haram insurgents.
“Operation Safe Corridor” was created similarly to the Niger Delta Amnesty programme launched by the Nigerian government in 2009, and it involved the setting up of a special facility where repentant terrorists who surrender their arms can get rehabilitated.
The programme promised to offer numerous opportunities and participants were scheduled for vocational training to ease their reintegration into the society.
Ultimately, Operation Safe Corridor promised de-radicalization, rehabilitation, and reintegration of repentant insurgents.
In March 2020, it was reported that over 606 Boko Haram members were ongoing rehabilitation through the “Operation Safe Corridor” programme. In January 2018, 95 Boko Haram terrorists were also reported to have been rehabilitated and reintegrated into the society.
In 2019, over 150 Boko Haram terrorists were also reported to be re-integrated into society and we’re being taught vocational skills.
Under the Niger Delta Amnesty Programme, militants were given 60 days to lay down their arms, after which they would receive employment, monthly stipends, vocational training, and they would be re-integrated into the society.
Over 30,000 militants and agitators gave up their weapons and were reintegrated back into the society through this program.
But “Operation Safe Corridor” seems not to have recorded the same level of success that the Niger Delta Presidential Amnesty Programme recorded in restoring peace to the community.
Many stakeholders have given their opinions on how the government can implement “Operation Safe Corridor”. Some of these include:
At the end of it all, it remains to be seen how effective “Operation Safe Corridor” will be in the fight against Boko Haram, given that terrorist attacks continue to happen in Nigeria.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
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Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
The Nigerian Army has shared their testimony twice at the Lagos State Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses.
At Zikoko Citizen, we have been following the “Lagos SARS panel” ever since the panel was inaugurated, and we have also been present at the panel hearing on the two occasions that the Nigerian Army has testified.
In this article, we will explain what exactly the Army’s new testimonies mean, including the impact of these testimonies for those who seek justice for victims of the #LekkiMassacre.
Read: The Nigerian Military Has A History of Killing Unarmed Civilians
The first time a representative of the Nigerian Army was called to testify at the Lagos State Panel on Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses was on November 14, 2020.
On that day, Brigadier-General Ahmed Ibrahim Taiwo, the Director of Information testified on behalf of the Nigerian Army to the proceedings of the night of 20th October, 2020.
He began by stating that it is unfortunate that the unrest that has happened in Lagos since the #EndSARS protests has been limited to the Lekki events. He added that the Army decided to intervene in the protests because hoodlums had hijacked the protests in many parts of Nigeria, killing policemen and burning police stations, and even resorting to cannibalism.
He stated that the situation was like the Liberian civil war where different forces were resorting to force were bandits and warring parties where total chaos had descended on the society and warring parties were burning and killing themselves.
He stated that it is this terrible situation of things that prompted the Lagos State government to call the Armed Forces by 12pm on 20th October 2020 to intervene in the situation in Lagos.
He continued, saying that the critical situation made the Governor of Lagos State, Babajide Sanwo-Olu to impose a curfew in Lagos, starting by 4pm, so that the streets would be free of hoodlums.
He stated that when the governor changed the curfew time from 4pm to 9pm, he did not communicate it to the Nigerian Army.
On the night of 20th October 2020, Brigadier Taiwo stated that the Nigerian Army officers of the 65 battalions joined with the officers of the 85 division garrison to secure Epe, Badore, Sangotedo and Lekki axis.
He maintained that the Nigerian Army did not use live rounds against peaceful protesters.
On this day, The panel hearing for the testimony of the Nigerian Army continued.
The hearing on this day focused on the video footage of the events of the night of 20th October, 2020, as provided by the Lekki Concession Company (LCC).
The LCC video is played, but the video has no audio. The video showed how the Nigerian Army arrived at the scene of the protests.
Lawyers to the Lagos State government take turns in cross-examining the Brigadier-General Taiwo of the Nigerian Army, who maintains that the Nigerian Army did not fire live rounds at protesters even after video evidence of people talking about the Army firing bullets at protesters was played to him.
The panel sitting eventually adjourned with the panel promising to summon other officers of the Nigerian Army if need be.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
