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Mohammed Abacha | Zikoko!
  • Why FG May Give Up on 25-Year-Long OPL 245 Wahala

    Why FG May Give Up on 25-Year-Long OPL 245 Wahala

    On April 29 1998, the federal government of Nigeria awarded an Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 245 to Malabu Oil & Gas Ltd. for $20 million. The license covers a defined deep-water offshore area over 1,000 m below sea level and approximately 150 km off the Niger Delta.

    As awards go, however, this has turned out to be a poisoned chalice. It’s been a constant source of litigation for successive governments due to allegations surrounding fraud and corruption in awarding the licence. The FG may have finally thrown in the towel based on the latest reports. 

    The Cable has reported that Abubakar Malami, the attorney-general of the federation (AGF) and minister of justice, has written a memo to President Muhammadu Buhari asking the federal government to end all cases relating to OPL-245 because it has little chance of winning.

    Timeline of events

    Here’s a timeline of key events over the last 25 years.

    April 1998

    The FG awards OPL 245 for $20 million to Malabu Oil and Gas. The company belonged to Dan Etete, an associate of the former head of state, Sani Abacha and a former petroleum minister who served between 1995 and 1998. Etete awarded the license to himself using false identities.

    [Dan Etete (right)  /  picture-alliance/dpa/G. Barbara]

    May 1999

    Nigeria is in its Fourth Republic under the administration of Olusegun Obasanjo. On behalf of Malabu, Etete pays $2.04 million for the OPL 245 licence out of the $20 million the company had agreed to pay.

    March 2001 

    Shell signs an agreement to acquire a 40 per cent stake in OPL 245 from Malabu. The agreement was on the condition that Shell would pay the outstanding $18 million to the FG.

    July 2001

    The FG revokes Malabu’s OPL 245 licence. This sets off a series of litigations over its ownership.

    May 2002

    Shell informs Malabu that its contracts have been frustrated by the revocation of the licence. Shell is officially awarded 40 per cent of OPL 245. It starts exploration and appraisal work and later signed a production-sharing deal with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). Under the deal, Shell Nigeria Ultra Deep (SNUD) agrees to pay a $209 million signature bonus, placed in an escrow account until the Malabu dispute is resolved.

    August 2002

    Shell goes to the International Court of Arbitration (ICC) to file a case against Malabu based on terms of the March 2001 agreement.

    May 2003

    The House of Representatives (HOR) orders Shell to pay Malabu $550m for damages resulting from the revocation of the OPL 245 license. It also asks the FG to return the licence to Malabu. The FG refuses to comply.

    November 2004

    The ICC rules in favour of Shell.

    November 2006

    Malabu settles with the FG. It agrees to pay $218 million to the FG in return for the licence being fully reinstated to Malabu. Malabu, however, fails to pay.

    April 2007

    Shell (SNUD) commences Bilateral Investment Treaty arbitration against the FG for wrongful expropriation.

    August 2007

    The FGN promises Shell a new prospecting licence in other blocks, worth 50 per cent of OPL 245. Shell declines.

    2008 

    The FG seeks a resolution, and negotiations commence.

    December 2010

    Mohammed Abacha, son of the former head of state, enters the ring. He launches a legal challenge arguing that Etete pushed him out of his partial ownership of Malabu.

    2010

    Eni proposes to Malabu and Shell to buy a stake in OPL 245. Malabu refuses. 

    April 29, 2011

    Malabu, Shell, Eni, and the FG reach a resolution. Malabu agrees to hand OPL 245 back to the government for $1.092 billion. Shell and Eni agree to pay the FG $1.092 billion and a signature bonus of $208 million, bringing the total payment for OPL 245 to $1.3 billion.

    [An oil rig / The Cable]

    May 20, 2011

    The $1.092 billion is placed in an escrow account opened by the FG with JP Morgan Bank. $875 million is transferred to Malabu bank accounts.

    2011

    A former Russian diplomat Ednan Agaev, claims Malabu owed him millions of dollars for arranging meetings with Shell and Eni.

    2014

    The HOR votes to cancel the OPL 245 deal.

    December 2017

    FG sues JP Morgan in London for its role in transferring the $875 million to Etete’s Malabu, alleging negligence.

    May 2018

    The main trial in Milan starts. 

    April 2019 

    A Nigerian judge issues arrest warrants for Dan Etete.

    November 2020

    A London judge rules that the Nigerian lawsuit against JP Morgan can go to a six-week trial.

    March 17, 2021 

    A Milan court acquits all the defendants in the Italian trial.

    What did Malami tell Buhari?

    In the AGF’s memo to Buhari dated February 6, he listed a lengthy series of losses that the FG has faced over the OPL-245 matter. They included defeats in the UK, US and Italy, where the courts ruled in favour of Eni and dismissed any fraud cases against Eni and JP Morgan.

    Malami asked Buhari to settle all civil and commercial cases between the FG and Eni and to convert the OPL to an Oil Mining License (OML), which, in Malami’s words, would help Nigeria take “advantage of the fast-disappearing opportunities in the oil exploration industry.”

    What else should I know?

    [Mohammed Abacha / Channels]

    The case involving Mohammed Abacha hasn’t been resolved. The EFCC is recommending that Eni pays $500m to the Abacha family. A former AGF, Mohammed Adoke, in 2017 said that even if Abacha had a claim to the oil field, he had to forfeit them to the FG.

    His words: “By Decree No 53, the (Abacha) family had forfeited all identified assets to the federal government. All undeclared assets were also forfeited.

    “People should ask if, in a decent country, the children of Abacha could come out openly to say ‘we own OPL 245’ when their father awarded the oil block. Should they have been so confident to lay that kind of a claim?

    “Why has the EFCC not gone after them to ask how they acquired an interest in OPL 245? If not that the political environment is conducive for them, they wouldn’t raise their head to be making such claims.”

    It remains to be seen if Buhari will approve this $500m payment to Abacha or whether he’ll pass the ball to the new administration. Whatever the case, it’s a relief that Nigeria can have some closure over the controversial OPL-245.

  • An Abacha in Agbada Is Trying to Return to Power

    An Abacha in Agbada Is Trying to Return to Power

    General Sani Abacha is pretty hard to forget for different reasons to different generations of Nigerians. Those that were alive in the 1990s remember him as the brutal dictator that turned Nigeria into a terrifying hellscape. The Abacha regime served human rights abuses for breakfast and political assassinations for dinner.

    An Abacha in Agbada Is Trying to Return to Power

    But younger generations of Nigerians remember him as the thief who stole so much that, every three Eke market days, a bunch of Abacha loot is still being discovered in the most random places on the planet. He’s now regarded as a sugar daddy whose past loot is making its way back to Nigeria in the present. 

    Regardless of which generation is passing judgement, a lot of people can agree that the Sani Abacha years weren’t such a great time for Nigeria. So, of course, it was going to raise eyebrows that an Abacha is contesting for public office in a democratic Nigeria. 

    Enter Mohammed Abacha

    Mohammed Abacha is trying to become a governor

    This guy

    When he suddenly died in 1998, Sani Abacha left behind six sons and three daughters. Mohammed Abacha is the eldest surviving son of the late dictator and has had an interesting life since his father’s death. On May 26th 2022, he won the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to contest in the Kano State governorship election in 2023. 

    First, a backstory

    Sani Abacha stole billions of dollars, and he did it with help from friends, close associates and family members. And his son, Mohammed, who’s been a central figure implicated in his late father’s thieving activities, was arrested in 1999 by the government of Olusegun Obasanjo over corruption and money laundering allegations. When he was released in 2002, the government announced that it was based on an agreement that required the Abacha family to return more than $1 billion stolen from Nigeria. That deal also allowed the Abacha family to keep the sum of $100 million they claimed was acquired before Sani Abacha took over Nigeria in 1993.

    An Abacha in Agbada Is Trying to Return to Power

    Mohammed was also arraigned in court for alleged involvement in the Abacha government’s assassination of Kudirat Abiola but was acquitted by the Supreme Court before the commencement of trial. 

    When Goodluck Jonathan came into power, his government dragged Mohammed to court in 2014 for receiving stolen property worth N100.38 billion, but the charges were later dismissed.

    Man’s the proverbial cat with nine lives.

    An Abacha in Agbada Is Trying to Return to Power

    ALSO READ: How to Punish Corrupt Nigerian Politicians, Since Imprisonment Isn’t Working

    Now, about Abacha’s political career

    The first thing to know about Mohammed’s political career is that this isn’t the first time he’s contesting to become the governor of Kano. He’s been trying to get into power long before anyone ever came up with the idea for TikTok.

    His first serious stab at running for office was in 2011. He was a member of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) which you may remember as the party of a certain Muhammadu Buhari at the time. In fact, Abacha’s wife and Mohammed’s mother, Maryam, said in an interview in 2014 that her son became a member of the party due to Buhari’s influence

    Dictator. President. Influencer — work rate >>>

    Mohammed won the CPC’s ticket in a primary election, but the party submitted the name of another aspirant, Lawal Ja’afaru Isa. The younger Abacha’s attempt to fight this in court ended in failure, and Maryam wasn’t happy with Buhari over this. 

    Mohammed wouldn’t take no for an answer, so he contested again in 2015. But he withdrew from the race just before the PDP’s primary election for unexplained reasons. But he didn’t stop there.

    Mohammed was a bit luckier in 2019 when he won the ticket of the Advanced Peoples Democratic Alliance (APDA). He was finally on the ballot for the governorship election and it seemed to be his time to shine. More than 2.2 million people voted in that election, but Mohammed ended up with only 3,035 votes. 

    So, what now?

    Even though Mohammed won the PDP’s governorship ticket, he’s currently not the party’s only candidate for the election.

    An Abacha in Agbada Is Trying to Return to Power

    This situation of two winners is made possible only through the magic known as “parallel elections”. But what does that even mean? Well, PDP had a civil war of personalities that created two opposing factions in the party. The two factions then went ahead to organise separate elections with different winners

    Mohammed won the PDP’s ticket in a contest against one other aspirant, Jafar Sani Bello. Sadiq Wali, the son of a former Minister of Foreign Affairs, won the other election which was organised at the Sani Abacha Youth Center in Kano. You can’t make this kind of irony up.

    What’s left now is for the PDP to decide whose name will be submitted to INEC as the authentic candidate. This means that Mohammed must be praying that whatever happened in 2011 with CPC doesn’t repeat itself in 2022 with PDP.

    ALSO READ: These Politicians’ Kids Are Taking Over from Their Parents