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The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
Nigeria’s economy may be hard, but you don’t need to abandon your travel dreams. In this week’s Abroad Life, we gave you the cheat code for five cheap countries you can visit on a budget.
The life of a Nigerian ‘9-5er’ is not an easy one. From hustling in traffic to meeting up with crazy deliverables and KPIs, it could be a stressful life.
Hence the need to sometimes spoil yourself with some elements of a “soft life”. And how else can you do that but by travelling?
For today’s Abroad Life, we have curated a list of affordable countries to consider for vacations, so you don’t have to.
But first, you need to know the following:
Factors Considered in Choosing Travel Destinations
When analysing the cheapest countries to travel to from Nigeria, many analogies must be considered.
1. The country concerned’s standard of living.
2. Ease of transportation to and within the country.
3. Possibility or opportunity to get a job
4. Ease of setting up a business as a startup.
5. Easiest way of getting a visa to the country, better still, if it is a visa-free country
Now, let’s dive into the list:
Benin Republic
Grand Mosquee de Porto Novo, Benin Republic [Guardian Newspapers]
A cheat code to getting cheap travel destinations is to look out for any of Nigeria’s neighbours, especially the Benin Republic. If you use Lagos as your taking-off point, getting to most of the Benin Republic’s towns is easy and cheap. It has some downsides, however, and you can learn more about this through the lens of this Nigerian living in Benin here.
Because you’re living in an Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) member country, you can enter and stay for 90 days visa-free. Afterwards, you can apply for a residence permit if you continue your stay. However, if you’re smart enough, just move across the border and get an entry stamp, and you will have another 90 days visa-free.
Morocco
The Le Jardin Secret, a botanical garden in Marrakech, Morocco
By African standards, Morocco is not a poor country, and it’s on record that it enjoys a stable economy and government. Morocco is one of the few northern African countries you can travel to by road from Nigeria with little-known fears.
The beautiful aspect of travelling to Morocco is that getting an entry visa as a Nigerian is not difficult. When you enter and intend to stay, you have the freedom to extend your stay by applying for a residence permit.
Rwanda
King’s Palace Museum, Rwanda
If you love wildlife, you’d love Rwanda. It is popular for its volcanoes, waterfalls, and rainforests, home to wildlife animals such as mountain gorillas and hippos.
An all-expense paid trip from Nigeria to Rwanda costs nothing less than N600k online.
Turkey
Mount Nemrut, Turkeyo
Turkey is gradually becoming a preferred destination for many Nigerians, and if you’re looking for the cheapest country to travel from Nigeria, Turkey, a gateway country to Europe, Asia, and the Middle East, is a place to go.
The country is immigration friendly, with many budget flight providers you can approach to do it for you, depending on your needs.
On May 8, 2023, a Twitter user with the handle @GoziconC claimed that the lawyers defending Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the secessionist group the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) now in custody, are the same as those of Labour Party presidential candidate, Peter Obi, at the ongoing presidential tribunal proceedings.
The user followed up his claim with a photo of Obi in conversation with some lawyers in court. As of the time of writing, the tweet has been viewed over 412k times.
A self-acclaimed leader of the IPOB, Simon Ekpa, also tweeted on May 9, 2023, that Mike Ozekhome (SAN), who is Nnamdi Kanu’s counsel and appears in the photo above, is part of Obi’s legal team.
11th May is the court of MNK, Ozekhome is part of @PeterObi legal team, and Obi’s election tribunal is on the same date 11th May. I Hope Ejiofor will not be left alone to mess the case up again. I have ask this question internally and i am waiting for update.
On Wait First, we divide claims into three categories. A valid claim is a fresh banana. A false claim is burnt dodo. And a misleading claim is cold zobo.
Fact-checkers at the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD-West Africa) examined this claim. Here’s what they found:
In January 2022, following his apprehension by the Nigerian government, Nnamdi Kanu appointed Mike Ozekhome as his lead counsel in his case against the FG. Ifeanyi Ejiofor, one of Kanu’s lawyers, also confirmed this.
Is Mike Ozekhome representing Peter Obi at the Election Tribunal?
“The election petition prepared by Obi’s legal team includes a list of the legal practitioners representing the petitioner. Mike Ozekhome’s name does not appear on the list.
“We, however, found Ozekhome to be among the legal team of Atiku Abubakar, the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which was inaugurated in March 2023. The team included his name in the petition that was submitted.
“Further investigation revealed that Ozekhome and Atiku have had a clientele relationship since 2017. He is also currently representing the latter in the alleged money laundering case filed by Festus Keyamo.
Sometimes, it’s difficult to keep up with the number of agencies in Nigeria, much less be informed on what their duties and responsibilities are. In this article, we’ll be shedding light on an agency founded in 1993 with the major role of promoting national unity, patriotism, and the advancement of Nigerian society.
What’s this agency?
On August 10, 1993, the military government of General Ibrahim Babaginda established the National Orientation Agency (NOA), which is currently under Garba Abari leadership.
It’s an arm of the Ministry of Information, and its main objective is to ensure that government policies and programmes are better understood by the general public. They also work to mobilise favourable public opinions towards these policies and ensure that Nigerians across all ethnicities and ages develop social values promoting patriotism and nationalism.
Some functions of the National Orientation Agency include:
Mobilisation of favourable public opinion and support for government policies, activities and programmes.
Educate Nigerians on their rights, privileges, responsibilities and obligations as citizens.
Encouraging and promoting the spirit of dignity of labour and commitment to the production and consumption of home-grown commodities and services.
Propagate the need to avoid all vices in public life, which includes corruption, dishonesty, and electoral and census malpractice.
Sensitize Nigerians for positive patriotic participation in national affairs and issues.
Re-orient citizens about power, its use, and the proper role of government in serving the collective interests of Nigerians.
The NOA has worked on issues ranging from health to encouraging nationalism, discouraging electoral malpractice, and rehabilitating repentant insurgents.
Let’s look at some of the campaigns conducted by the NOA.
Great People, Great Nation
When Prof. (Mrs.) Dora Akunyili was the Minister of Information and Communications in March 2009, she was the driving force behind the “Great People, Great Nation” campaign.
The campaign was created to rebrand the country and reject negative labels used to describe Nigeria and Nigerians by the Western media. There were also hopes that it would foster a new sense of commitment in Nigerians towards righting wrongs and creating a better country.
Change Begins With Me
In an effort to promote integrity and accountability among Nigerians, President Muhammadu Buhari led this campaign in September 2016. It was also aimed at fighting corruption and promoting peaceful coexistence in the country.
To drive home the campaign’s point, the federal government collaborated with the private sector to sponsor campaigns to reach the public.
National Campaign Against Fake News
The current Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed, launched this campaign in July 2018.
Its primary objective was to sensitise Nigerians to the dangers posed to national peace and security by spreading fake news.
Operation Safe Corridor Programme
This programme was established in 2016 to rehabilitate, deradicalise, and integrate voluntary and repentant defectors from the Boko Haram terrorist group. Although the effectiveness of this programme is still in doubt as Northern Nigeria is still suffering from insecurity, about 2167 repentant Boko Haram members have graduated from the programme.
The National Orientation Agency fosters peace and national unity in Nigeria, and looking at the country’s current state, the importance of this agency cannot be overstated.
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In an alternate universe free from the claws of capitalism, I’d be a traveller. This would mean freedom from sapa and to achieve this, I plan to become the President of Nigeria because it looks like being a tourist is part of the job description. When President Bubu first got into office in 2015, he made many head-turning promises that he has found challenging to fulfil. One of these promises was to end medical tourism and as we all know, he failed.
As with the common phrase, “All men do is lie,” Bubu was no different. He too dey lie. Bubu has spent more than half a year going abroad at different points for medical treatments; even more, he’s currently in London for a dentist appointment.
During the 2023 general elections, many Nigerians hoped to finally get a president that wouldn’t ghost us for medical excursions overseas, but it looks like there’s something about the Aso Villa that turns you into an Ajala the traveller—globe trotting often for medical purposes.
On March 21, 2023, the press learned about the news that Nigeria’s president-elect, Bola Tinubu, was travelling to Europe for medical care. However, Tinubu’s campaign and media aides debunked the rumours, claiming he went to rest from the election activities, which, to be fair, is understandable. Tinubu finally returned to Nigeria on April 24, and barely three weeks later, it’s in the news again that he has packed his bags to continue his exploration of Europe. The reason this time is that the journey abroad is a “working trip” to meet investors and prepare for the inauguration on May 29.
My issue in all of this isn’t about Tinubu’s possible interest in being a tourist but rather how his administration might be eerily similar to Buhari’s. Nigerians already have enough PTSD from Buhari ghosting the country for months, without us hearing from the Presidency, and the last thing we want is for affliction rising the second time..
What else happened this week?
Two Dead After Wedding Ceremony in Kano
On May 11, news broke that two people were confirmed dead and eight were hospitalised after drinking tea at a wedding ceremony in Sheka, Kumbotso Local Government Area, Kano State.
The tea is being reported to have been prepared with a local leaf called Zakami and a combination of other drugs. Thankfully, the hospitalised victims were effectively treated and discharged to go about their day-to-day activities.
The spokesperson of the Kano State police command, SP Abdullahi Haruna, says that although no formal report was made to the police station, an inquiry will be made into the accident.
Video of the week
“I will switch to Ogogoro”
“I will never stop, it’s an inevitable devil”
🤭🤭
With the FG set to implement a tax rate increase on alcoholic drinks, we visited a beer parlour to find out how Nigerians felt about this.
On May 22, the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) will mark its 50th anniversary. Do you think it’s time for the programme to be scrapped?
Ehen one more thing…
Nigerians face several challenges every second of the day, from lack of stable electricity to traffic congestion, or “go slow,” as they call it. But have you ever wondered how the term “go slow” came to represent traffic congestion? We have the answer here.
To ensure you don’t miss out on the next edition of Game of Votes, subscribe to the newsletter here.
When you’ve figured out how to get recruited into the Nigerian Army, knowing the ranks is also important. The Nigerian Army is one of three components of the Nigerian Armed Forces responsible for safeguarding Nigeria’s land. The other two are the Nigerian Navy, which protects Nigeria’s waters, and the Nigerian Airforce, which maintains control over our airspace. They collectively ensure Nigeria’s territorial integrity and shield the nation from external and internal threats.
Let’s dig into how the army is ranked. In this article, we’ve compiled all you need to know about the ranks in the Nigerian Army.
History of Army ranks
The Nigerian Army has a fascinating history that can be traced back to 1863, when Lt. Glover, a British Naval officer, established “Glover’s Hausas.” This small group of runaway slaves played a crucial role in protecting British trade routes by embarking on expeditions into the hinterland. Over time, this led to the formation of the West African Frontier Force, which eventually gave birth to the Nigerian Army as we know it today.
The badges of rank in the Nigerian Army draw inspiration from their British counterparts, with one notable difference. Instead of the British crown, officers with the rank of Major and above proudly wear the Nigerian eagle from the Coat of Arms on their insignia. It’s a symbolic representation of the country’s identity and heritage.
While titles may be considered ranks in certain armies, they often signify specific appointments in the Nigerian Army. These appointments can range from ceremonial and honorary roles to positions of authority and responsibility within the organisation.
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Commissioned officers ranking
The Nigerian Army has commissioned officers who are graduates of military academies. There are 11 rankings for commissioned officers. They are below:
Second Lieutenant
[Second Lieutenant / Wikipedia]
The second lieutenant is the lowest commissioned officer rank in the Nigerian Army. Officers with this insignia bear one star.
Highest monthly salary: ₦187,159
Lowest monthly salary: ₦173,156
Lieutenant
[Lieutenant/ Wikipedia]
The next rank is the lieutenant. Officers on this rank carry two stars on their insignia.
Highest monthly salary: ₦218,400
Lowest monthly salary: ₦187,992
Captain
[Captain / Wikipedia]
The highest rank among junior officers. The rank of captain carries three stars.
Highest monthly salary: ₦232,484
Lowest monthly salary: ₦200,336
Major
[Major / Wikipedia]
This is a senior rank. Officers who are majors carry an eagle in their insignia.
A lieutenant colonel is a mid-level rank in the Nigerian army. Officers in this rank bear an eagle and a star in their insignia.
Highest monthly salary: ₦324,586
Lowest monthly salary: ₦282,573
Colonel
[Colonel / Wikipedia]
A colonel in the Nigerian Army carries an eagle and two stars aligned vertically. This is the highest-ranking senior commissioned officer and is typically in charge of army regiments.
Highest monthly salary: ₦352,631
Lowest monthly salary: ₦310,554
Brigadier General
[Brigadier General / Wikipedia]
A brigadier general is a flag officer and, as the name suggests, is in charge of brigades. This rank carries an eagle and three stars below arranged like a triangle.
Highest monthly salary: ₦677,895
Lowest monthly salary: ₦616,388
Major General
[Major General / Wikipedia]
The insignia of a major general carries an eagle with a baton and sword below it. A major general can command a division of 6,000 to 25,000 troops when appointed to a field command.
Highest monthly salary: ₦1,376,343
Lowest monthly salary: ₦1,003,245
Lieutenant General
[Lieutenant General / Wikipedia]
A lieutenant general is the third highest rank in the Nigerian Army. An officer of this rank can command as many as three army divisions with tens of thousands of troops. The insignia of a lieutenant general is an eagle, a star and a sword and baton, all vertically aligned.
Highest monthly salary: ₦1,486,451
Lowest monthly salary: ₦1,113,602
General
[General / Wikipedia]
A general is the second highest rank in the Nigerian Army. The insignia of a general is an eagle, two stars and a baton and sword arranged vertically.
Highest monthly salary: ₦1,724,83
Lowest monthly salary: ₦1,113,602
Field Marshall
[Field Marshall / Wikipedia]
The field marshall is the highest rank in the Nigerian Army. No one has attained this ranking yet. It’s a five-star rank typically given to a general after attaining an extraordinary military feat. The insignia is an eagle atop a crossed sword and a baton surrounded by a wreath of two branches.
Non-commissioned officers
The ranking of non-commissioned officers is as follows, from greatest to least:
Army Warrant Officer (Also called a Sergeant Major of the Army, Chief Warrant Officer or Force RSM)
Highest monthly salary: ₦171,793
Lowest monthly salary: ₦159,059
Master Warrant Officer (Former WO Class 1 – Also called a Regimental Sergeant Major)
Image source: CurrentSchoolNews
Highest monthly salary: ₦165,697
Lowest monthly salary: ₦148,583
Warrant Officer (Former WO Class 2 – Also called a Company Sergeant Major)
Image source: CurrentSchoolNews
Highest monthly salary: ₦101,974
Lowest monthly salary: ₦85,193
Staff Sergeant
Image source: CurrentSchoolNews
Highest monthly salary: ₦87,119
Lowest monthly salary: ₦69,647
Sergeant
Image source: CurrentSchoolNews
Highest monthly salary: ₦56,443
Lowest monthly salary: ₦69,261
Corporal
Image source: CurrentSchoolNews
Highest monthly salary: ₦58,638
Lowest monthly salary: ₦51,980
Lance Corporal
Image source: CurrentSchoolNews
Highest monthly salary: ₦55,832
Lowest monthly salary: ₦50,326
Private(No insignia)
Highest monthly salary: ₦53,892
Lowest monthly salary: ₦49,412
Recruit(No insignia)
Highest monthly salary: ₦10,237
Lowest monthly salary: ₦10,237
This brings us to the end of our list. Hopefully, you’re now better informed about ranks in the Nigerian Army.
In a world where Nigeria’s lawmakers are hard to reach like Dangote’s billions, OrderPaper—a think-tank monitoring Nigerian legislators—is here to help you unravel a few things about the legislative landscape with the MVP awards.
Do you know who an MVP is?
MVP typically stands for Most Valuable Player in a collaborative setting and Minimum Viable Product in the world of product development, and our partner OrderPaper has redefined it as the abbreviation for Most Valuable Parliamentarian in Nigeria’s National Assembly (NASS)–Senate and House of Reps.
As Senators and Honourables, in the bicameral legislature established under Section 4 of the Nigerian Constitution, these legislators are recognised as the V (valuable) class due to their proven performance-driven, excellence-inspired, and public-spirited nature.
Out of the 469 parliamentarians comprising a Senate with 109 members and a 360-member House of Representatives, OrderPaper has shortlisted 25 individuals from the 9th Assembly to contend for the MVP Hall of Fame—only a selected few among the 25 would make it. The selection process so far has focused on evaluating the Bills they have sponsored, and the number of Bills passed, especially those signed into Law and their impact.
The sponsored Bills by these MPs encompass various reforms, programmes, and policies in education, healthcare, security, economic development, and environmental sustainability. Each Bill aims to address specific societal issues or concerns and enact laws that foster the well-being and progress of the citizens and Nigeria as a whole.
The 25 MPs who have been shortlisted for the MVP Hall of Fame are:
Senators:
Sen. Aishatu Dahiru Ahmed (Adamawa Central Senatorial District): 11 bills sponsored, 2 signed
Sen. Ezenwa Francis Onyewuchi (Imo East Senatorial District): 11 bills sponsored, no bills signed yet.
Sen. Ibrahim Yahaya Oloriegbe (Kwara Central Senatorial District): 16 bills sponsored, two signed
Sen. Ifeanyi Patrick Ubah (Anambra South Senatorial District): 20 bills sponsored, no bills signed yet.
Sen. Michael Opeyemi Bamidele (Ekiti Central Senatorial District): 23 bills sponsored, no bills signed yet.
Sen. Mohammed Sani Musa (Niger East Senatorial District): 38 bills sponsored, 6 signed
Sen. Ovie Augustine Omo-Agege (Delta Central Senatorial District): 25 bills sponsored, 1 signed
Sen. Orji Uzor Kalu (Abia North Senatorial District): 25 bills sponsored, no bills signed yet.
Sen. Sadiq Suleiman Umar (Kwara North Senatorial District): 25 bills sponsored, 1 signed
Sen. Suleiman Abdu Kwari (Kaduna North Senatorial District): 15 bills sponsored, 2 signed
Sen. Uba Sani (Kaduna Central Senatorial District): 31 bills sponsored, 2 signed
Sen. Yahaya Abubakar Abudullahi (Kebbi North Senatorial District): 7 bills sponsored, 4 signed
Hon. Benjamin Okezie Kalu (Bende Federal Constituency, Abia): 45 bills sponsored, 1 signed
Hon. Ben Rollands Igbakpa (Ethiope East/Ethiope West Federal Constituency): 17 bills sponsored, 1 signed
Hon. Dachung Musa Bagos (Jos South/Jos East Federal Constituency, Plateau): 33 bills passed, no bills signed yet.
Hon. Dan Agundi Munir Babba (Kumbotso Federal Constituency, Kano): 8 bills sponsored, no bills signed yet.
Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila (Surulere I Federal Constituency, Lagos): 23 bills sponsored, no bill signed yet.
Hon. Fulata Abubakar Hassan (Birniwa/Guri/Kiri Kasama Federal Constituency Jigawa): 15 bills sponsored, no bills signed yet.
Hon. Mohammed Tahir Monguno (Monguno/Nganza/Marte Federal Constituency, Borno): 52 bills sponsored, 2 signed
Hon. Onoifiok Luke Akpan (Etinan/Nsit Ibom/Nsit Ubium Federal Constituency, Akwa Ibom): 34 bills sponsored, 3 passed
Hon. Samuel Ifeanyi Onuigbo (Umuahia North/Umuahia South Federal Constituency, Abia): 4 bills sponsored, 1 signed
Hon. Simon Davou Mwadkwon (Barkin Ladi/Riyom Federal Constituency, Plateau State): 23 bills sponsored, no bills signed yet.
Hon. Tajudeen Abbas (Zaria Federal Constituency, Kaduna): 74 bills sponsored, 21 signed
Hon. Uzoma Nkem Abonta (Ukwa East/Ukwa West Federal Constituency, Abia): 40 bills sponsored, 2 signed
Hon. Waive Ejiroghene Francis (Ughelli North/Ughelli South/Udu Federal Constituency, Delta): 38 bills sponsored, no bills signed yet.
Many of these bills will undergo all four stages of passage before they can become Law. As you wonder why there is a much greater number of Bills sponsored than signed, it’s because many of the Bills are at these different stages:
First Reading: Introduction of the Bill, presenting its general principles and objectives
Second Reading: Debate and voting on the Bill’s principles and content
Committee Stage: Detailed examination of the bill by a committee, and they will propose amendments if necessary.
Third Reading: Final debate and voting on the Bill, marking its passage in the House of Assembly.
As the 9th Assembly prepares to be dissolved, more than half of the 469 seats in both the Senate and House of Representatives were won by first-timers after the February 25 parliamentary poll to join the 10th Assembly. As regards the bills sponsored by those who were not elected, they will not be automatically withdrawn or invalidated—the fate of those bills lies in the legislative dynamics, the level of support from other lawmakers, and the priorities of the incoming legislative session.
Among other stakeholders with expectations of the 10th Assembly, the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre has applauded OrderPaper, stating that the MVP Hall of Fame will encourage more “exemplary leadership” in the country’s legislative process.
Reason am, this recognition by OrderPaper will motivate the parliamentarians to keep doing excellent work for the betterment of their constituents and the nation.
The MVPs listed above set a precedent for more leaders to follow suit by sponsoring bills addressing specific societal issues or concerns. Their actions will undeniably inspire other lawmakers to take up the challenge of crafting bills that will foster the well-being and progress of the citizens and Nigeria as a whole.
Read the OrderPaper’s full report here to get more insight into the MVP Hall of Fame in Nigeria’s House of Assembly.
The Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS) is a government organisation that is charged with the responsibility of overseeing Nigeria’s immigration system, which includes international passport applications, visa issuance, and residence permits. And for many people, the NIS is the first step towards achieving the Nigerian dream—to “Japa.”
Being a federal agency, the NIS is a highly sought-after job, with people going as far as illegally paying for recruitment into the service and, unfortunately, falling into the hands of fraudsters.
This year, applications for recruitment into the NIS started on January 16 and ended on January 30, 2023. On May 15, the Civil Defence, Correctional, Fire, and Immigration Services Board released on its portal the names of successful applicants expected to write a Computer-Based test on Thursday, May 11, 2023, at designated centers across the country.
If you’re interested in joining the NIS but missed out on this year’s application, here are some things you need to know and have ready for next year’s application.
You must be Nigerian
Foreigners aren’t allowed to attend this party, as the NIS requires you to be a Nigerian citizen by birth or descent.
Age limit
All applicants are required to be between the ages of 18 and 30 years old. However, there’s an exception for doctors and pharmacists with an age limit of 35 years.
Educational requirements
To be eligible for the NIS recruitment, you must possess at least a West African School Certificate (WASC), Senior Secondary School Certificate (SSCE), or equivalent with a minimum of 4 credits, including mathematics and english, in not more than two sittings.
You must be physically and mentally fit
If you’re interested in joining the NIS, you’re expected to be physically and mentally fit with no criminal records.
All applicants are required to take a drug test to be eligible for the recruitment process.
Height
Another day, another stray bullet at short people. The NIS requires male applicants to be at least 1.7 metres tall and female applicants, at least 1.64 metres tall. Also, men are expected to have a chest measurement of not less than 0.87 metres.
Financial stability
Although the NIS doesn’t state a specific amount, applicants should not be “financially embarrassed”.
Another thing to remember before the application process is that you must have the following documents:
A scanned copy of your birth certificate or declaration of age.
Scanned copies of your educational certificates.
A scanned copy of your state of origin from your local government.
A valid phone number and email address.
A recent passport photograph taken within the last six months with a white background; it must also be 350×450 px and a high quality picture that shows your appearance clearly.
Lastly, to avoid falling into the hands of fraudsters, you must know that the application for recruitment takes place only on the NIS’s official recruitment portal. So, keep your eyes and ears open for the next application process, and good luck.
Joining the Nigerian Immigration Service can be a fulfilling and rewarding career path. However, it requires hard work, dedication, and meeting certain requirements as shared above. We hope this article has helped to answer some of your questions and provided you with a better understanding of what you can expect if you are interested in pursuing a career with the organisation and to serve Nigeria.
Nigerians being assaulted by police officers is nothing new; it’s as normal as spending four hours in Lagos traffic on a Friday evening. So, on May 13, 2023, when the video of Seun Kuti, son of the Afrobeat legend Fela Anikulapo Kuti, surfaced online of him assaulting an officer on Lagos’ Third Mainland Bridge, it definitely caught the attention of many and spawned many questions.
What exactly happened?
While the exact reason behind what started the issue in the first place is still unknown, the video showed Seun yelling repeatedly, manhandling, and eventually slapping the officer’s face.
Full Video of Seun Kuti seen in a physical Confrontation with a Nigerian Police Officer Third Mainland Bridge, Lagos. pic.twitter.com/v6jGFWIjaC
In his defence, Seun claims he was “assaulted” first, and the officer tried to kill him and his family members, although the video shows otherwise. He says that he has enough evidence to back this up and had the initial intention of placing charges against the officer for assault.
However, the Inspector General of Police, IGP Usman Alkali Baba, in a statement the next day on May 14, 2023, ordered the arrest of Seun Kuti and a full investigation into the causes of the assault shown in the video
We’ve seen this before
This isn’t the first time we’ve seen celebrities assault police officers. In 2014, when flagged down for violating a traffic law, Tiwa Savage decided she wanted all the smoke and proceeded to insult the police officers who stopped her. She didn’t stop there; she also removed and flung away the cap of one of the officers.
In 2018, Small Doctor was also arrested and prosecuted for threatening to open fire on an officer. And more recently, in 2022, Ice Prince was arrested for allegedly abducting, assaulting, and threatening to throw the police officer who stopped him for driving a car without a plate number at 3 a.m. into a river.
There are penalties for these kinds of offenses, as Nigeria is a country with laws.
What does the Law say?
According to Section 356(2) of the Criminal Code Act, assaulting, resisting, or willfully obstructing a police officer while acting in the execution of his duty, or any person acting in aid of a police officer, is considered a felony and can earn you three years in prison.
Section 98 of the Police Act 2020-98 also states that “A person who assaults, obstructs, or resists a police officer in the discharge of his duty, or aids or incites any other person to assault, obstruct or resist a police officer or other person aiding or assisting the police officer in the discharge of his duty, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a fine of ₦500,000 or imprisonment for a term of six months or both.”
Reactions so far
It is unusual for Nigerians to sympathise with members of the police force, and we’ve seen no lost love in this case.
Popular Nigerian singer Peter Okoye pleaded with the Nigerian police to temper justice with mercy.
Today, Seun Kuti was arrested and is currently being detained at the State Criminal Investigation Department in Lagos. Many Nigerians anticipate what penalty or punishment follows.
No one knows for sure how this case will turn out, but given the history of police assaults by celebrities, we hope it doesn’t get swept under the rug.
The name on everyone’s lips over the last four days is Hilda Baci. The 27-year-old self-taught chef from Akwa-Ibom has now eclipsed the Guinness World Record (GWR) of 87 hours for the longest cooking marathon by an individual. Although the GWR says it still needs to review the evidence, they wished her luck in her quest on Instagram. Hilda’s not stopping, regardless. Her eyes are set on the 96-hour mark.
Nigerians worldwide have shown Hilda immense support in their numbers, pushing her to the finish line in a physically and mentally exhausting feat. In his usual “Mr Predictable” manner, the Lagos state governor also showed up, even as some people suggest it’s PR.
Peter Obi and Bola Ahmed Tinubu also gave their shoutouts. Instead of them famzing, we came up with some suggestions for world records they can also break and set. Here are a few below:
Most liked tweet by a politician
On August 12, 2017, a white supremacist carried out a terrorist attack in Charlottesville, USA. This led to one death and 35 injuries. In response to this tragedy, former American President, Barack Obama, took to Twitter to quote the words of former South African President Nelson Mandela from his autobiography, “Long Walk to Freedom”. The tweet has received 3.9 million likes.
The first requirement for becoming president in Nigeria is to have bullion vans filled with money.
[Bullion vans in Bourdillion / ICIR]
But just how much would you need in your war chest to set the record for the most expensive election ever? The 2020 American presidential election holds the record for being the most expensive in history. Open Secrets said the election cost a staggering $14.4 billion, more than double the 2016 election. That’s about 40% of Nigeria’s gross external reserves. Nigerian politicians reading this should better not get funny ideas. Moving on.
Longest legislative speech
Patrick Obahiagbon has already made a name for himself in the Nigerian National Assembly for his crinkum-crankum speeches that can turn you insane. Yet, he’s still a learner.
According to the Guinness World Records, the record for the longest legislative speech belongs to Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi, a Zulu leader from South Africa. He addressed the KwaZulu legislative assembly between March 12 and 29, 1993. He spoke on 11 of the 18 days, averaging nearly 2½ hours on each of the 11 days.
However, Stewart Stevenson, a Scottish politician, may hold the record for the longest parliamentary speech at one stretch. In 2004, Stevenson delivered a speech lasting 23 hours and 51 minutes during International Suicide Prevention Week. He started at 5:21 PM on Wednesday, September 7, 2004, and completed it at 5:12 PM on Thursday, September 8, 2004. Even Obahiagbon would be impressed.
Countries with the most female heads of government
Nigeria has a notorious imbalance when it comes to female participation in politics. Only one woman out of 18 candidates contested the last presidential election. The numbers keep dropping alarmingly. The national average is 6.7%, which is very low compared to the 23.4% African average and the 22.5% global average.
Meanwhile, a few other progressive countries are leading women’s political participation. According to the GWR, excluding acting prime ministers, the countries with the most female heads of government are Finland, Moldova, New Zealand, Poland, and the UK, all with three. Nigeria is still yet to get one. God when?
Poorest president ever
No Nigerian politician ever wants to be on this table, but there’s a case to be made for having a frugal president for a country whose resources have been run to the ground by wicked leaders. Take a cue from Jose Mujica, the former president of Uruguay, whom the BBC has described as the “world’s poorest president.”
His story is fascinating. As president, he refused to live in the luxurious government residence and chose to live in his wife’s farmhouse. Only two police officers and a three-legged dog were watching over his house. He also donated 90% of his $12,000 monthly salary to charity—a very “unNigerian” thing to do.
[Jose Mujica / Getty Images]
No one realistically expects President-elect Bola Ahmed Tinubu to toe this path, but the least we can expect is that he declares his assets. Since he recently said he’d like to emulate former president Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, a public declaration of his assets would be a great place to start.
The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), created in May 1973, is celebrating its 50th anniversary. To commemorate this, Citizen spoke to former and serving corps members. They shared their thoughts on whether the scheme should stay on or be scrapped.
Opinions were mainly divided among three camps. The “let it stay” guys argued that the NYSC remained relevant in fostering unity and job creation for Nigerians. The “let’s get it scrapped” folks said they didn’t benefit from the scheme and that it doesn’t serve the purpose it was created for. A third group, the “chill first” guys, said the NYSC should be revamped and given a fresh look.
In any case, Twitter gave us many smashing photos of young Nigerians who reminisced about their time in service. To feast your eyes, type “NYSC50” or “NYSCat50” in the search box. That said, I’d later stumble on an interesting tweet. I also had a conversation with a friend, both of which inspired today’s Navigating Nigeria topic. First, the tweet:
I spoke with a friend last night, and it occurred to me that she didn’t join in the WhatsApp frenzy of folks sharing photos of themselves dressed in Khaki. That was interesting to me because, knowing her, she’d be the first to jump on trendy stuff. So I asked why, and she told me like she was pleading her innocence, that she didn’t do it.
“Why, what’s the story there”? I asked. “Nothing”, she said. My journalistic instinct wanted to keep pressing her on the matter. Given her staccato responses, however, my head told me I was beginning to irritate her and would enter her block list if I continued. But she did manage to add, “I’ve always said I wouldn’t serve Nigeria.”
Now that we have some context let’s delve right in. What if I’m not interested in serving Nigeria? So what?
What the law says about NYSC
The National Youth Service Corps Act of 1993 specifies the Corps’ objectives and the service conditions for corps members under the Corps. Here’s what it says about the calling up of corps members:
This passage says that every Nigerian citizen must serve in the NYSC for one year unless exempted. The requirements for mandatory service include graduating from a university in Nigeria, graduating from a university outside Nigeria, obtaining a Higher National Diploma or other professional qualification as prescribed, or obtaining a National Certificate of Education. The service must be completed within one year from the date specified in the call-up instrument.
So what are the conditions for being exempted?
The section above says that starting August 1, 1985, certain people won’t be required to serve in the NYSC even if they meet the requirements stated in subsection (l) of the Act. These people include those over 30 years old, those who have served in the Nigerian Armed Forces or Nigeria Police Force for more than nine months, those who are staff members of certain security agencies, and those who have received national honours.
But I don’t want to serve; is it by force?
There are different arguments to consider here. The most important is the argument for patriotism and why serving is a civic responsibility as specified by law. It’s like paying taxes. You don’t have to like it, but you’re expected to do it. Give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar.
Another is that there are penalties for not taking part in NYSC. Just because they’re not strictly enforced doesn’t mean they don’t exist.
Failure to report for service or refusal to make oneself available for service carries a fine of ₦2,000, imprisonment for 12 months, or both. Two thousand naira might be chicken change, but how does a one-year jail term sound? Think about it.
Before you retort that it’s not that serious and no one will arrest you, consider that if we want our leaders to uphold laws, we too must be willing to abide by those same laws, or else we’re only paying lip service.
Lastly, the law says that employers must demand either an NYSC certificate or a certificate of exemption from anyone who has obtained a first degree.
And as is common knowledge these days, aspiring to public office without an NYSC certificate—or worse, a forged one—can land you in soup. Someone like former finance minister Kemi Adeosun would tell you it’s a bad idea to do such a thing.
With these few points of mine, I hope I’ve made a case for why you should participate in the NYSC scheme. All that’s left is to forward this article to my friend while I wait with bated breath.
If you want to understand ethnic and multicultural diversity, especially on the African continent, come to Nigeria. We have over 250 ethnic groups, and while you may consider this a strength, it doesn’t always give. Often, we see people refer to the country’s diversity under three major ethnicities: the Igbo, Yoruba, and Hausa. Which is reasonable to some point; they make up over 60% of Nigeria’s widely-agreed population.
However, in this article, we’ll look beyond those three major ones and plug you in on some very unique minor ethnic groups in the country that you have to know.
Igede
Estimated to be around 260,000 in number, the Igede people are an ethnic group native to Benue State, in North-Central Nigeria. They’re the third largest ethnicity in Benue after the Tiv and Idoma; however, they are dispersed around the country, with some of their communities found in South-West Nigeria.
The Igede trace their origins to Sabon-Gida Ora, present-day Edo State, and are said to have descended from its high chief, Agba. This ethnicity has a diverse and rich culture, expressed through their masquerades, music, and cultural attire, which has three distinct colours, black, blue, and white.
Source: Nairaland/God1000
The predominant occupation of these people is farming, cultivating cassava, maize, yam, and groundnut, and every September, the people celebrate their New Yam festival called “Igede Agba”.
Mandara
The Mandara ethnicity is also called Wandala, and they can be found in Adamawa and Borno states in North-East Nigeria. Their primary source of livelihood is farming; they produce millet, beans, peas, and tobacco. Another income source is animal production, including bees, goats, horses, and cattle.
The Mandara practise a patriarchal and patrilocal system where all inheritances are passed down from fathers to eldest sons, and newlywed couples live with the groom’s family.
Jibu
This ethnicity can be found in Adamawa and Taraba in North-East Nigeria and some parts of the middle belt. With a population of 30,000 people, the major economic activity is farming, and the main crops grown are corn, bananas, peas, and guinea corn.
The people of this tribe have lived in the mountains for centuries, which helped them escape the activities of colonial masters. Therefore, as expected, the majority of them still believe in and practice their own religion called “Buki”, which means “thing of death”.
In the Jibu culture, people are to be buried immediately when they die. The burial process involves the men digging the grave. Once the corpse is buried, a gourd vessel is broken as a symbolic warning to others. This is to warn people that they might meet a similar fate if the deceased’s family isn’t respected and assisted. Also, an earthen pot is placed upside down on the grave to symbolise that the dead will be reincarnated in the first baby born in the village.
After the burial, the men wash their bodies in large water pots to “keep death from following them home”.
Dandiya
The Dadiya people can be found in the mountains of Gombe state and other neighbouring areas in North-East Nigeria, like Adamawa and Taraba states.
Their language is called Dadiya or Lodiya, and due to the Christian missionaries that visited their villages in 1930, about 40% of the people practise Christianity. The major occupation of the people is farming, and the main crops produced are maize, beans, rice, and groundnuts.
Kambari
The Kambari are a group of people found predominantly in a remote community in Birnin Amina, Rijau Local Government Area, Niger State, in North-Central, Nigeria. They can also be found in some areas of Kebbi State.
The Kambari people are mainly farmers who grow millet, groundnuts, and yams, but what makes them unique is their rejection of modernisation. They are neither Christians nor Muslims but instead, worship a god called “Magiro” and strongly believe in witchcraft. Also, they don’t speak English or Hausa, but their native dialect, Kambari. They live in houses made of mud and straw roofs; their only means of transport are donkeys, and the women, like the men, only cover the lower halves of their bodies with wrappers.
What’s more interesting is that when the Federal Government tried to introduce them to modernity, they refused, expressing their contentment and happiness with their lifestyle.
Ebira
Members of this ethnicity can be found mostly in Kogi State in North-Central Nigeria, although their oral tradition says that their ancestry can be traced back to Wukari, present day Taraba state.
Although the major religions practised now are Christianity and Islam, there used to be traditionalists who worshipped “Ohomorihi, the Supreme Being”. The Ebira people are mainly farmers who cultivate maize, yams, and cassava and trade beni seeds called “gorigo,” but they are also well known for their weaving.
The Ebiras have three major annual festivals: “Echane”, “Eche Ori” and “Ekuechi”. The “Echane” is a masquerade festival during which girls are given away in marriage to their suitors.
Source: Google/Kogistatecultureandtourism
The “Eche Ori” is a New Yam festival celebrated in only two districts of the Ebiraland, Ihima and Eganyi, and lastly, the “Ekuechi” festival is a night masquerade festival used to mark the end of the Ebira calendar year and the beginning of a new one.
Tangale
This ethnic group can be found mainly in Gombe State in North-East Nigeria; they are said to be migrants from Yemen and have moved from settlement to settlement due to constant inter-tribal conflict.
The primary language of this tribe is Tangale, but most of the population understands and speaks Hausa. Also, many presently practise Christianity, and some are Muslims and traditionalists. The delicacy unique to this tribe is a soup called “Arbayo”, made with a traditional seasoning called daddawa.
The Tangale people have two important festivals: the Eku and Tangra festivals. The Eku festival is used to celebrate the harvest season, while the Tangra festival is used to welcome the planting season.
Source: Facebook/Tangaletv
The primary economic activity of these people is farming, and they produce maize, guinea corn, groundnuts, and beans in commercial quantities.
Ethnicity appreciation is important for fostering inclusivity and cultural diversity. It also promotes equality and breaks down stereotypes and marginalisation. It’s important that we celebrate the multiple ethnicities that make up Nigeria and appreciate our rich cultural heritage.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
The subject of today’s Abroad Life spent five years working at Microsoft as a software engineer before leaving for Texas in America. He tells us his motivations for leaving the country, his experiences, and how he built Vesti, a financial service app that has helped more than 120,000 immigrants.
What motivated you to move to the United States?
I considered moving to the US in 2016 but finally moved in 2019. This was because of my previous exposure at Microsoft, where I worked for about five years in Nigeria. This gave me an idea of what the American economy looked like and the kind of value that I could provide. And for me, it was a relatively easy decision because there were things I wanted to achieve.
Nigeria was making my opportunities limited. My earning potential was lower than I wanted it to be. I was working in an advisory role where my colleagues in the US were getting paid like 20 times more.
I also wanted to give my kids a head start by giving them passports to a country like America where they can get the best education and a bright future.
Overall, I wanted to multiply my earning power and achieve what I wanted globally, and America was the best place to do it.
Nice! But why did it take four years before you made the move?
This was because I was unaware as of 2016 that I was qualified for the work permit, which is part of why I do what I do today. I had been qualified for the permit. They told me I had been qualified eight years prior, but I just didn’t know how to do it.
How did that happen?
When I was qualified, I was still two or three years into my job at Microsoft Nigeria, so I wasn’t planning to move permanently. But the moment I learned about the qualification in 2018, it would take me only four months to complete the work permit.
The four months were even a result of personal delays. It took two weeks for the US government to approve my work permit.
That’s fast! Can you give us a step-by-step process of your migration?
One needs to look for a first-world country with your skill set. I was a software engineer at Microsoft, so I knew relocating to the US wouldn’t be difficult.
The first thing to do is to narrow down your search and find out their popular job vacancies so that you can use your skill set to fill it up. Also, find out what visa type you’re qualified for.
In my case, it was the O-1 visa, and all I needed to do was to find an attorney who could file the petition for me, gather the documents submitted, and the petition got approved.
I then appeared at the embassy, the visa was granted within a couple of days, and I could move in with their family.
To check your eligibility, visit websites like WeVesti and check under visa. You’ll then participate in an eligibility test ranking from 1-7. If you scored high or above three, they are qualified. You have a call with the attorney. Then you pay a deposit and start working on a petition. You can move to the United States with your family within two or three months. It’s that basic. But I didn’t know back then.
Why did you decide to live in Texas?
Previously, I had gone to the East Coast, New York. DC was part of the Cold States of the US that I moved to when I first visited in 2015. I knew that the cold weather was not for me. So I wanted to stay in a place that has better weather. Texas allows you to feel tropical, like you’re in Africa. Also, there is a good number of Nigerians here. It’s a diverse area. Diverse with Indians with, Nigerians, Pakistans, and Mexicans.
I also have a great network of business partners, friends and mentors who moved to Texas long before I did and have been a source of great support.
What were the culture shocks you had in America?
There were several culture shocks, but there’s the fact that you can’t just bring your money and pay for stuff. Everything has a process. For instance, you can’t just rent a house in the US if you have the money. You have to apply for the house and be selected; then, they run background checks on you before you pay.
I also learnt that “takeaways” in Nigerian or UK restaurants are known in America as “to-go” boxes.
Did the rest of your family have culture shocks?
My spouse experienced a lot of culture shocks. She had to go to school to be a cosmetologist to get a license. This was a job she was doing without a license in Nigeria. That’s the thing about America; you need a license for everything here.
Regarding acclimatisation, she was also very lonely at first because our friends are not based here. Getting domestic help here is also extremely expensive; only wealthy people can afford it. Hence, she had to take care of two little girls alone. It was hard at first.
Now she has older friends who have families here she can connect with. For her business, she started attending events, getting referrals and flyers to public places. Even though it’s been five years since we moved, it’s still a journey for us. We are still learning new things every day about America.
What are the advantages of you living in America?
Yeah, I’ll talk about the advantages. It helps me to clearly understand what it means to work in an enabling environment. So from an economics standpoint, my finances changed. I started earning what my global peers earned. The value of a software engineer in the US is twenty times more than that of a Nigerian software engineer.
The economy here changes your perspective. It is where you feel like you can become anything you want to be. Of course, there’s power, internet access, and the ability to finance things right and buy them outright. You don’t have to wait to be super rich to drive a brand-new car or to be able to live in a good house. You can build your credit; you have a lot of finance and low-interest financing. You get to send your kids to good schools at affordable prices. Also, getting a travel visa from here to other countries is so much easier than in Nigeria.
Any disadvantages?
So in terms of disadvantages, the taxes here are much more enforced than in a country like Nigeria.
However, it also serves as a good thing because paying taxes here means the money will be deployed towards public works and the public good. So, we’re happy to be paying those taxes. And US taxes isn’t as stifling as the UK of taxes.
Can you go more into how taxes are paid?
It depends on what kind of work you do. You would be obliged to pay between 20-25% of your income now, and your income taxes are important. We pay Social Security taxes, which you contribute to the Social Security pool, which is eventually used when you are unemployed or for subsidising healthcare for the common good.
Usually, if you are working and employed, you’d be paid W2, which is anything between 25-30% of your income as taxes. If I am also a business owner, there are ways for you to reduce your taxes based on your experiences and donate to non-profits.
Opening bank accounts here is not easy as well. Most banks here are not immigrant-friendly, and it took a while before we could acquire one. The mistakes I made with this were part of why I made Vesti, to make immigration processes smoother.
Nice. So what was your motivation for starting a bank for immigrants?
When I moved to the US, I moved as an entrepreneur. I wanted to come and build a talent marketplace for software engineers to be able to work. But remote work is one thing; being in person is another.
During the pandemic, we started helping many folks get advice on getting school admission, getting access to jobs abroad and moving here, moving with a special talent visa, etc. It started as a Telegram group for advising people on immigration and admissions. Soon, people started asking to pay for admission, visa, etc. From there, we saw it as a huge opportunity to build migration and financial services. We made the first version of our app in 2021.
Nice! What have the successes been since then?
We had 7,000 app downloads within the first couple of weeks, and we saw that is a huge opportunity here to help people transition. We then started building operating systems, both legal and financial, for the next one billion immigrants. You know, it’s been incredible. Last 12 months, we have processed nearly 15 million dollars on the platform. One hundred twenty thousand customers using the platform, and we could well get to like 500k immigrants.
They’re 53 million immigrants in the US. It’s a very, very immigrant-welcoming country. The UK is welcoming a lot of immigrants as well. So is Canada, mostly coming from Africa, Pakistan, India, and other countries. So this could be a huge opportunity for us to serve hundreds of millions of people with information, community and ultimately, a smooth transition to a new life in a new country.
How could you register a business like Vesti in America as an immigrant?
It’s easy to register a business. Register your incorporation online, complete documents, and open a bank account.
Funding the account took work, as we first had to use our money and borrow from family and friends. As time went on, we got some venture capital companies. With the help of referrals that spoke of us highly, we got our first funding of $500,000. We’ve raised a million dollars, which will help us grow more than ever.
Would you ever want to retire to Nigeria or America?
Nigeria. I believe seriously in the potential of Nigeria. I still have a lot of investment in Nigeria. My eventual work is to impact the education sector. So eventually, yes, I will move back home.
On May 8, 2023, a Twitter user with the handle @Gen_Buhar claimed that Peter Obi’s drug petition against Bola Ahmed Tinubu had been dismissed. This tweet has been viewed over 74,000 times at the time of writing.
On Wait First, we divide claims into three categories. A valid claim is a fresh banana. A false claim is a burnt dodo. And a misleading claim is a cold zobo.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) declared Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) of the All Progressive Congress (APC) winner of the presidential election held on February 25, 2023. INEC declared BAT the winner with 8,794,726 votes. However, several political parties, including the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), Action Alliance (AA), Allied Peoples Movement (APM), and Action Peoples Party (APP), filed petitions challenging the election results.
The pre-hearing of the presidential tribunal, which started on May 8, 2023, will address these petitions. Peter Obi filed a joint petition with his party raising five “prayers” against the declared winner, BAT, his running mate, the APC, and INEC.
One of the petitions Obi and his party filed focuses on BAT’s eligibility in the concluded presidential election. Obi alleges that BAT was linked to drug trafficking by a US court. This then led to his forfeiture of $460,000 to the American government. He argues that, as a result, BAT is not qualified to contest the Nigerian presidency.
This fact check aims to see if the claim that a court has dismissed the drug petition is valid.
Verification
We looked into this claim with support from our partners, FactCheck Elections. Here’s what they found:
“FactCheckElections findings revealed that the presidential elections tribunal commenced its pre-hearing on May 8, 2023, and made a sitting on the petition filed by Peter Obi and the Labour Party challenging the outcome of the February 25 presidential election.
Channels reported that the Justice Tsamani-led panel announced it would commence its pre-hearing session with three petitions. They are the petitions by Action Alliance (AA) marked: CA/PEPC/01/2023; Action Peoples Party (APP) marked: CA/PEPC/02/2023 and Peter Obi & Labour Party (LP) marked: CA/PEPC/03/2023.
The Guardian reported the Tribunal on Monday dismissed the petition by the AA challenging the declaration of Tinubu as the winner of the presidential election after the AA withdrew its petition at the Presidential Election Petition Court sitting in Abuja, prompting the dismissal. According to SaharaReporters, AA gave no reason for the withdrawal.
However, Premium Times, in its timed live update at the inaugural sitting, did not report the dismissal of any of Peter Obi’s petitions. The court announced an adjournment of the case till May 10, 2023. This was reported at around 1:00 p.m. on May 8, 2023.
No reputable news or media platform reported the news of the dismissal of any of Peter Obi’s petitions.”
The case has been again adjourned to May 17, 2023, “to enable parties to harmonise their processes.”
Verdict
The claim that Peter Obi’s drug petition against BAT has been dismissed is false and, therefore, burnt dodo. Hearings on the matter will resume on May 17, 2023.
To commemorate its golden jubilee, Citizen reached out to Nigerians serving in or who have passed through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) to hear their views on whether the national youth programme should remain or be scrapped.
On May 22, 1973, decree No. 24 established the NYSC. It was created after the Civil War of 1967–1970 as part of a post-war policy formulated to reconcile and integrate young Nigerians across all regions of the country.
On its website, the NYSC says its primary objective is “to inculcate in Nigerian youths the spirit of selfless service to the community and to emphasise the spirit of oneness and brotherhood of all Nigerians, irrespective of cultural or social background.”
[NYSC members / BBC]
Our WhatsApp community has been discussing whether the NYSC programme should be scrapped or stay, with members sharing their thoughts and experiences about its relevance.
We’ve reached out to those in service of their country, Nigeria, and those who have passed through the system, so you don’t miss out on all they had to say:
Cynthia, 25
“I served at a firm in Lagos between 2021 and 2022. My Local Government Inspector (LGI) killed any hope I had left in Nigeria—not even the elections. She was the reason I had to indirectly offer a bribe for the first time in my life.
I believe it should be scrapped. It doesn’t address its initial objectives anymore. It could be remodelled since companies look out for corp members just for cheap labour—I’m only speaking about Lagos here. But this is like Jobberman or other online recruitment platforms. NYSC even has their recruitment platform; they made us sign up, but I don’t remember anything about it now.”
Nsikan, 23
“I currently serve at an IT firm in Ibadan, Oyo state. I think the NYSC should remain because it has helped me see a side of Nigeria I haven’t seen before. Having interacted with Muslims and Christians alike, I realise we’re all alike. We love the same and are caring. The ethnic divide we have is idiotic, stupid and self-inflicted.
During camp, I met a girl. We started talking and liked each other. She was from Kaduna.
I asked why she liked me back and that I was a Christian while she was Muslim. I felt we were supposed to be sworn enemies, but she explained everything to me and cleared up some nonsense myths about her religion. She was so nice and made me see the beauty in religious unity. I would have carried misconceptions about Muslims all my life if I hadn’t met her.”
Taiwo, 30
“I served at a privately owned radio station in Kaduna state between May 2021 and April 2022.
I believe that the NYSC should not be scrapped, it is serving many purposes now, and if it were to be scrapped, the ripple effect would be felt across the board.
NYSC provides the platform to gain a unique work experience for graduates that many would ordinarily not have. My work experience scaled up while serving at my Place of Primary Assignment (PPA), strengthening my application for a job after service.
At a time when Nigeria needs more cultural integration and unity than ever, scrapping the scheme will be going against one of the scheme’s core objectives. There might not be accurate data to back this up, but the NYSC Skills Acquisition & Entrepreneurship Department (SAED) program has helped launched several SME’s, leading to massive job creation.
Are there loopholes that need to be tied? Yes, because over the years, Nigeria has changed, and maybe it is time to revisit how the scheme is being run.
What NYSC needs right now is a better organisation and redefining and modifying its goals. Prospective Corp Members (PCM) should be able to choose how long they want to serve. They should be posted to relevant industries where their core skills will be used and developed.”
Ridwanullahi, 29
“I camped in Ogun State in 2020 but relocated to Lagos, where I worked at a broadcasting firm.
I feel that the NYSC is still quite much important. Apart from the fact that one gets to travel within the nation, one can easily build connections through it. However, the bad side or negative side I see is the posting of corp members who are not qualified—especially asking them to teach when we didn’t all read education courses.
I, for one, learned a lot during my service year as I was posted to my field, and it has helped me go back for my master’s degree program.
Thanks to NYSC, I’m more or less like a master when discussing issues relating to the field with my classmates, most especially group work.”
Korede, 28
“I served as a geography teacher at Lady Ibiam Girls Secondary School, Independence Layout, Enugu, in 2015.
It shouldn’t be scrapped. Instead, what it needs is an overhaul. Yes, the pressing concern of insecurity is a leading cause for it being scrapped. But how exactly does scrapping the NYSC solve the insecurity issue?
Elsewhere, as Nigerians, let’s move beyond blaming Lugard. The poor man is in his grave. Allow him to rest in peace.
To be fair, the scheme has exposed me to what Nigeria is. The good, the bad and the ugly altogether. Not leaving your immediate environment and believing stereotypes of other groups touches on the negatives of intergroup relations.
To have served in Enugu has changed my perception of Nigeria, particularly from the civil war background. More importantly, we must view the NYSC as a humanitarian and community-building effort. That doesn’t negate pursuing individual dreams or aspirations while in service.”
Lilian, 30
“I served in Ogun state in 2018. I’m 50/50 on whether the NYSC should stay or go. NYSC did nothing for me. So if it’s scrapped, I won’t feel bad, at least for upcoming corp members.
But then, many people saved up their allawee and used it to start a business, basically like a grant with no stipulations. So scrapping it will be bad for people who look forward to this.”
Tolulope, 30
“I was posted to Obubra in Cross River but redeployed back to Lagos for my social media job. This was between 2019 and 2020.
NYSC should be modified to allow people to choose their geopolitical zones, eliminating the insecurity fears people are showing towards the scheme. It shouldn’t be scrapped in any way because the benefits far outweigh the negatives.”
As Nigeria celebrates the golden jubilee of the NYSC, the debate on the programme’s relevance today in the country will continue, with some, especially those who consider it a key programme, continuing to advocate for its reform.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the All Progressives Congress presidential candidate (APC), was announced the winner of the February 25, 2023, presidential elections and Nigeria’s new president-elect on March 1, 2023, by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
However, with 19 days left until the presidential inauguration on May 29, 2023, Tinubu still has many opps standing in the way of his dream to become Nigeria’s next president.
On March 21, 2023, four presidential candidates, Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP), Solomon Okangbuan of Action Alliance (AA) and Chichi Ojei of Allied People’s Movement (APM) took the almighty legal steps. They filed petitions at the Presidential Elections Tribunal in Abuja, seeking to nullify INEC’s declaration of Bola Tinubu as the winner of the 2023 presidential elections.
The petitions claim that the elections should be voided for the following reasons:
At the time of the elections, Tinubu wasn’t qualified to contest, which would infer that he received “wasted votes”.
Tinubu failed to get 25% of the votes in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and engaged in corrupt practices which are in non-compliance with the Electoral Act.
The Presidential Election Petitions Court, led by Justice Haruna Tsamanni, began proceedings on May 7, 2023, and the Action Alliance (AA) party withdrew its petitions against Tinubu’s victory.
While we’ll continue to observe the tribunal, ZikokoCitizen reached out to some lawyers and political analysts to hear their thoughts on the tribunal and predict possible outcomes. Here’s what they had to say:
“Our democracy is maturing.”
Titilope Anifowoshe is a legal practitioner passionate about charity and good governance; she’s also the founder of the Eagles Foundation for Humanity. And she’s happy that our politics is evolving into a multidimensional one not necessarily dominated by two political parties.
According to Titi, “I have mixed feelings about the tribunal because some of the petitions are issues that should have been brought before the court pre-election. I hope some of the trivial and technical issues will not stall justice. But regardless, I’m confident that the Supreme Court will do the needful. Let’s not forget that Lady Justice is blindfolded and a respecter of no one but the Law. I am really optimistic that justice will be done.
On how likely it is for the tribunal to nullify Tinubu’s win, I can’t assertively say that this will happen because the whole situation is dicey. If you look at some of the grounds of the petition from Peter Obi and the Labour Party against Tinubu, while the 1999 constitution in Section 137 makes it clear that being charged and fined is grounds for disqualification, the Law also speaks about a 10-year gap. We should also remember the maxim that says that a man cannot be punished twice for the same offence.
If we also look at the grounds of the double nomination of Kasim Shettima, while it contradicts the Electoral Act, Section 35 of the Act uses the word “knowingly”, and Shettima can claim ignorance in the situation. But in the same vein, when we look at Section 60(5) of the Electoral Act, we can see that INEC violates its rules. So, considering these factors, it’s difficult to state clearly if the election will be nullified. However, we should never forget that judicial decisions must be accepted as correct, and I trust the tribunal’s decision.
But regardless, the tribunal and judiciary are governed by legal precedents and established rules, and justice won’t be denied. Although the Electoral Act and INEC guidelines are obviously imperfect, we’re gradually getting there. We hope the panel will reflect the yearning of the majority of Nigerians and they will be fair and honest.”
“Electoral injustice takes away the dignity of human persons.”
Festus Ogun, also a legal practitioner, hopes that the tribunal’s decisions reflect the people’s wishes and aspirations.
He said, “While it’s unprofessional to preempt or predict the outcome of the court in cases such as this, I honestly believe that a lot of our people feel cheated and violated. I also believe that electoral injustice takes away from the dignity of human persons.
Given this, many young Nigerians yearn for true justice at the tribunal. But unfortunately, as we’ve experienced in the past, when matters get to the court like this, lawyers and litigants tend to focus on technicalities. But I am hopeful that this time, Nigerians will pay more attention to the substance of the case.”
“There is a political question mark on Tinubu’s mandate.”
Demola Olarenwaju is a Public Affairs analyst, political commentator and the Special Assistant in Digital Media and Strategy to Atiku Abubakar. He thinks that regardless of the tribunal’s outcome, he doesn’t expect it to lead to an explosive situation in the country.
“The courts have made it clear that they don’t want to spend time on unnecessary litigation and technicalities, but instead, the case will be decided on merit. We hope this will be adhered to and the Presidential Elections Petitions Court will be concluded shortly. The petitions from the different political parties are very interesting. Peter Obi comes from the angle of legalities, which questions the legitimacy of Tinubu and Shettim as candidates in the general elections. On the other hand, Atiku Abubakar is coming from the angle of what happened on election day, which is the non-adherence of INEC to the Electoral Law. Also, in Atiku’s petition, we see the margin of lead principle, which says that where the margin of lead between the declared winner and the runner-up is less than the number of cancelled votes, then the elections should be considered inconclusive and makeup elections should be conducted. So, from all this, it’s clearly a two-pronged attack.
On the likelihood of the court nullifying the election, given the history of Peter Obi and Atiku with electoral litigation, it could happen again in this case. Also, the advent of BVAS makes it easier to point out areas where over-voting or electoral malpractice occurred. Also, the fact that there were four major candidates in this election and Bola Tinubu could only get 30% of the votes shows that he isn’t the choice of most Nigerian voters. There’s a political question mark on his election mandate as declared by INEC that has to be resolved in court.
Everyone will move on if the elections are nullified, or supplementary polls are held. I don’t think it will be an explosive situation, and despite what the ruling party says, Nigeria will continue to be Nigeria, and heaven won’t fall. It’s clear that many Nigerians believe that the elections were compromised, and the tribunal should be firm in adjudicating the case. I also expect the tribunal and judiciary to open their doors to the media to show that there’s nothing to hide.
However, my prediction for the worst possible outcome of the presidential tribunal will be supplementary elections between Atiku and Tinubu or Atiku and Peter Obi if Tinubu is disqualified. But in any way it plays out, Atiku Abubakar will be involved in the second round of elections”.
Every Nigerian is familiar with the term “go slow”, whether you live in go-slow hubs like Lagos or places with lesser go-slows.
For Nigerians today, go-slow means traffic congestion.
But have you ever wondered how that name come to be? We do, and here is your answer to this week’s episode of Citizen History.
Traffic congestion [Guardian Nigeria]
It’s a sad tale of maltreatment by the British government, fierce resistance, and a massacre.
The Story of the Iva Valley Massacre
Enugu State in eastern Nigeria is known as the Coal City because of the massive coal deposit in the capital Enugu City.
Coal, often used as fuel for locomotive engines, was valuable in pre-colonial Nigeria due to Nigeria Railway Corporation’s high coal consumption.
In 1915, the British colonial government opened the Udi Mine after discovering coal in Ngwo at the top of Milliken Hill. However, it closed two years later and was replaced with the Iva Valley mines in 1917.
Poor welfare of workers
In the 1940s, there was a persistent issue of poor workers’ welfare for people working with the colonial government in Nigeria. A series of protests occurred, leading to a nationwide strike in 1945.
The 1945 general strike in Nigeria [Alamy]
With that, the importance of trade associations to improve working conditions, pay etc., grew with the formation of the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria in 1942. Workers knew they could bring about change if they dared to stand up together.
However, the trade unions established around that time had internal beef, allowing their Opp, the colonial government, to be one step ahead.
Excerpt from “THE ENUGU COLLIERY MASSACRE IN RETROSPECT: AN EPISODE IN BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF NIGERIA” by S. O. Jaja
But the growing production did not reflect the life of an average miner, who worked underground six days a week with poor oxygen. The pay was also minimal, as they experienced pay cuts and inflation due to the economic recession led by World War 2.
The colonial government also weaponised tribalism by making indigenes of the Ngwo community where the mine was located work as coal miners while non-indigenes worked above ground and did more clerical duties.
Taking a leaf from the growth of trade unions in Nigeria, two unions came together to form the Colliery Workers Union (CWU), and their leader was the charismatic Isaiah Okwudili Ojiyi, a former schoolteacher.
On November 1, 1949, the CWU demanded better pay for all workers, improved working conditions, upgrading the mine hewers to artisans, and the payment of housing and travelling allowances. Naturally, the capitalist colonial government rejected their demands and doubled down on intimidation, assault, and promoting infighting.
The Go Slow strike
The workers at Iva Valley [Pulse Nigeria]
In 1941, the colonial government created Nigeria General Defense Regulations (NGDR), which banned workers from going on strike.
Therefore, the 1949 protesters had to be smart; otherwise, the miners would be fired altogether.
So they devised an industrial action called the “Go-Slow”.
The workers would not lay down tools but work very slowly, affecting production. A handful of coal was being produced daily instead of wagon loads. But as they were “working”, they couldn’t be punished by the angry government.
Reluctantly, the colonial government started a negotiation and reached an agreement but also breached it when it sacked more than 200 miners between November 10 and 12, 1949.
The Go-slow method escalated to a stay-in strike in which the workers came to the mine but did no work. This also prevented the colliery managers from simply replacing the protesting miners this time.
It was then decided that the police would remove the protesting miners. To justify this, they claimed that a set of explosives used for work in the mine had gone missing.
The Police were there to remove the bomb.
The Massacre
On November 18, 1949, 50 armed riot police officers arrived at Iva Valley led by a Senior Superintendent of Police, F.S Philips.
Superintendent F.S Phillips [BBC/Getty Images]
The miners had tied strips of red cloth to their helmets as a mark of protest and as was their custom. They faced the armed police and began to dance and chant to boost morale.
Philips decided that the miners looked menacing, “indulging in a war dance,” and started shooting.
Twenty-one miners were killed, and many of them were shot in the back.
The Aftermath
The tragedy spread across places like Aba, Port Harcourt, Onitsha and even London, resulting in mass protests.
Nigerians at a rally in Trafalgar Square over the Iva Valley Massacre [Asiri Magazine]
Eighteen prominent Nigerians created the National Emergency Committee (NEC) to coordinate a national response to this atrocity against humanity.
The Iva Valley protest and massacre contributed to nationalist movements in Nigeria. It also helped in restructuring the trade unions, and the creation of a Nigeria Colliery Commission handled by Nigerians.
The method of the go-slow strike was also seen as revolutionary and was exported to the UK as a form of industrial strike.
Think about this the next time you find yourself in a “go slow”.
In November 2022, the Minister of Education in Nigeria, Mallam Adamu Adamu, announced that the Federal Executive Council (FEC) had approved a National Language Policy for primary schools across the country.
While speaking to State House correspondents, Adamu noted, “One of the highlights is that the government has agreed now that, henceforth, instruction in primary schools; the first six years of learning will be in the mother tongue.”, For language-preservation advocates like Jonise Adekunle and Oluwatoyin Bello, who have been campaigning through Change.org to preserve indigenous languages, this represents a victory. While this victory will save our dying mother tongue across all generations, there are questions about the policy’s feasibility and implementation.
For young people, we have adopted a popular framework in journalism, the 5Ws + H framework, that makes issues and stories easy, like counting five fingers: What exactly is the language policy idea? Why is it important? Where is it located? When will it be implemented? Who will be involved? And how will it come to life?
WHAT: What exactly is this policy idea?
It’s easy to have an idea and believe it is the best thing that has happened to the world since the first slice of bread. However, in public policy, such a barebones idea is not enough. That’s where policy briefs/memos come into play—these documents provide a template to organise your ideas and find research data and examples from other states or countries to support your idea and argument. You can find some policy memos on our website and watch the Policy Saturday class on writing a policy brief below.
Since the announcement by the Minister in November 2022, the Federal Ministry of Education has yet to publish a policy memo or brief that fully captures the details of this national language policy. We give them zero points here.
WHY: Why is this policy idea important?
The purpose of a policy idea is crucial in public policy. You have to know your “why,” as it strengthens the argument for your idea. For instance, one of the reasons for implementing a national language policy is to preserve our indigenous languages and cultures for future generations.
WHERE: Where is this policy idea located?
When we ask the question “where,” it speaks to a geographical location and provides context when we relate it to the national language policy for Nigeria’s primary schools; better put in context, there are over 116,000 primary schools in Nigeria, according to Statista. More puff puff for thoughts also includes how feasible it is for this new policy to get implemented across all the schools nationwide. Have you also wondered why the policy is not intended for nursery schools? It’s truly worth noting.
WHEN: When will this policy idea be implemented?
During his announcement last year, the minister of education also admitted that even though the policy “starts today”, “the use of mother tongue is exclusive, and we need time to develop the material, get the teachers, and so on.” We also have to note that timelines are important and help us work towards a goal. No timeline was provided to the public to help you, and I understand how long it will take for proper implementation. It has been six months since the Federal Executive Council approved the language policy, and we have to ask what progress has been made so far. When will the policy take full effect?
WHO: Who will be involved in the implementation?
This question probes further into the human resources required for successful implementation. Just as we said in our #ReformIELTS story, every policy idea needs people to bring it to life. In the case of this language policy, we need teachers, linguists, curriculum designers, investors, and many more stakeholders interested in indigenous language and culture preservation.
HOW: How will this policy idea come to life?
The “how” question is essential to every policy action plan. Nigeria has about 625 languages; how would this idea be rolled out to ensure that minority languages like Idoma, Ibibio, or Khana experience no form of discrimination? How long would it take for teachers to learn the new languages required? In some states with as many as 50 languages, would all schools teach only one language, or would they differ by “main” languages per state? Would this policy change be implemented simultaneously nationwide or rolled out in phases? These are only a few “how” questions; I’m sure you can already see where this is going.
Many policies formulated by the government and private organisations in Nigeria fail because they do not answer the “how” question.
As the Baddie/Idan that you are, next time a government official tries to confuse you with big grammar and elaborate yet barebone ideas, please remember the 5Ws + H framework.
We are rooting for you! Our superstar policy Eleniyan.
________
This piece is produced as part of the partnership between Policy Shapers and Zikoko Citizen to deliver policy analysis to young Nigerians.
In Nigeria, better days seem to be finally ahead of us, and citizens might have to heave a sigh of relief. For a while now, many of us have been looking forward to the completion of Dangote’s Oil Refinery, which launched in 2016. This project is expected to not only reduce the frequency of fuel scarcity plaguing the country but also create more job opportunities and provide a better financial economy.
In the latest dash of good news, on May 7, 2023, President Bubu’s special assistant on digital communications, Bashir Ahmad, announced that the oil refinery is set to begin operations on May 22, 2023.
Here are some key things to know about this anticipated refinery:
The refinery site is in the Lekki Free Zone and sits on approximately 2,653 hectares of land, about six times the size of Victoria Island, Lagos.
It was initially intended to be built in Ondo State, but the plans fell off due to state politics, and the project was moved to Lagos.
It’s set to produce 640,000 barrels per day and will reposition Nigeria as a global energy hub as it’s capable of meeting the energy demands of the whole country.
It has the longest subsea gas pipeline in the world at 1100 km and is expected to handle three billion cubic feet of gas daily.
About 12,000 MW of electricity is expected to be generated.
So what are some of the benefits Nigeria and its citizens stand to gain following its full operation?
Economic benefits
Despite being one of Africa’s largest crude oil producers, Nigeria spends billions of dollars importing petroleum products yearly due to lack of functional refineries. This has also heightened illegal oil bunkering in the Niger Delta and adversely affected the economy.
However, with the emergence of Dangote’s refinery, the need to import refined petroleum products will be eliminated, as it’s expected to produce 65 million litres of premium engine gasoline, 15 million litres of diesel, 4 million tons of jet fuel, and 3 billion standard cubic feet of gas per day. To be optimistic, this is expected to ultimately turn Nigeria into an exporter of refined petroleum products and petrochemicals.
Our Naira will weigh more in value
With Dangote’s refinery set to run in full operation, there’s a possibility of the Nigerian currency finally getting stronger in the foreign exchange market. Nigeria spends about $50 billion on petroleum product imports, but with the completion of this refinery, experts expect that import costs will reduce.
This refinery should reduce pressure on the nation’s currency and increase forex inflow significantly through sales of petroleum products. This will make Nigeria less dependent on imports and more self-sufficient, causing a positive ripple effect on other sectors of the economy.
More employment opportunities
Currently, the refinery employs about 40,000 Nigerians and foreigners, which is expected to increase upon the commencement of operations. Aliko Dangote, as disclosed on the official website, plans to increase the number of employees to 57,000 in the coming months.
Dangote’s refinery is one of Nigeria’s many steps towards self-sufficiency, and hopefully, the plausible expectations around its operations will survive the deeply rooted corruption and nepotism in the country, specifically in the oil and gas sector.
On March 17, 2023, President Muhammadu Buhari signed the Copyright Act of 2022 into law. Reactions to it have been largely positive, with Buhari assenting to a flurry of bills in the twilight of his presidential career. This contrasts sharply with his early days in office, where he seemed to drag his feet, earning the nickname “Baba Go Slow.”
The 68-page Copyright Act was gazetted on March 27. That’s a fancy way of saying the Act was officially made public. We looked into it and highlighted some of the interesting points.
The 2022 Copyright Act is an improvement on an older one
This means the Act wasn’t created from scratch. There already existed a Copyright Act from 2004, which was inadequate to address some of the modern changes that deal with intellectual property rights. So they repealed the old one and enacted a new one after the National Assembly ratified it. Buhari signed it into law.
The Copyright Act covers a wide range of work
The following are eligible for copyright protection:
(a) literary works;
(b) musical works;
(c) artistic works;
(d) audiovisual works;
(e) sound recordings; and
(f ) broadcasts.
But there are some caveats. Literary, musical or artistic work isn’t eligible for copyright unless you put effort into creating it to give it originality. Also, the work being done needs to be fixed in a way that can be seen, copied, or communicated using any technology that currently exists or might be invented in the future.
Not every work is eligible for copyright protection
Not all work is covered by the Copyright Act 2022. These include:
(a) ideas, procedures, processes, formats, systems, methods of operation, concepts, principles, discoveries, or mere data;
(b) official texts of a legislative or administrative nature as well as any official translations, except their compilations; and
(c) official state symbols and insignia, including flags, coat-of-arms, anthems, and banknote designs.
The Copyright Act confers moral rights on authors
Section 14 of the Act covers the moral rights of authors. It explains the rights of someone who creates works like books, songs, or paintings. They have the right to say that they made it and to have their name on it whenever it’s used. An exception is when the work is incidentally or accidentally included in a broadcast when reporting current events.
If someone tries to change their creation to make the creator look bad, they can sue. Also, if someone tries to take credit for something they didn’t make, the actual creator can object and say it’s not true. These rights can’t be given or sold to anyone else while the author is still alive.
However, after the author dies, rights can be given to someone else through a will or laws that decide who gets the rights. The rights last for as long as the copyright lasts. This means no one else can use or copy the work without the copyright holder’s permission.
Copyright duration
For literary, artistic and musical works that aren’t photographs, the copyright lasts for 70 years after the person who created them dies. For work derived from Section 7 of the Act, which deals with online content, the copyright duration is 50 years after the end of the year in which the work was first made available to the public.
If the work has not been made public within that time, it will be 50 years after it was created. The same applies to audiovisual works, photographs and sound recordings.
If someone creates a work under a pseudonym or anonymously, the copyright lasts for 70 years from when the work was first made public or 70 years from when it was created if it wasn’t made public. But if the actual author becomes known, the copyright lasts 70 years after the author’s death, like with other works.
If two or more people worked together to create something, the copyright lasts until the last surviving author dies, and then it’s protected for 50 or 70 years, depending on the type of work.
Copyright exceptions exist for the blind and visually impaired
While copyright laws state that you must seek permission from authors before reproducing work, there are exceptions to this in the case of people who are visually impaired or blind. For this class of people, it’s permissible to reproduce work without permission in a way accessible to them, as long as the distribution is limited to only affected individuals.
The National Copyright Commission (NCC) recently hailed this provision, calling it “blind-friendly and sufficiently balanced in so many other areas to meet the demands of rights owners and the needs of users.”
You can download the full version here if you’d like to learn more about the Copyright Act.
For Navigating Nigeria this week, I spoke to Morenike*, a University of Lagos (UNILAG) student. She’s 26 years old and makes footwear. She shared her experience of being exhausted by the struggles of life in Nigeria. Like so many other young Nigerians, she’s heard the phrase “Education is the key” so often that it’s lost all meaning for her.
Editorial Note: Navigating Nigeria is a platform for Nigerians to passionately discuss the Nigerian experience with little interference to individual opinions. While our editorial standards emphasise the truth and we endeavour to fact-check claims and allegations, we do not bear any responsibility for allegations made about other people founded in half-truths.
“I’ve never liked school. I don’t like reading”, Morenike tells me matter-of-factly. “I finished secondary school in 2013, then wrote JAMB, which I took six times.”
I’m listening to her, partly bewildered, as she recounts her struggles getting into school. She appears to have lost count of how many entrance exams she did as she ponders whether she applied six or eight times.
“I eventually got admitted into the Yaba College of Technology (Yabatech). When I finished there, I went to UNILAG in 2017.” She rationalises this decision by explaining the uncertain prospects of a person with a polytechnic degree.
“I didn’t have a business at the time. Imagine not having a business and relying on my National Diploma (ND) certificate to survive. It can’t work in Nigeria.” Her fears are valid. In December 2022, the federal government stopped polytechnics from awarding degrees and restricted them to only focusing on technical courses.
I asked her why she opted for UNILAG. “It’s because I live in Lagos. I can quickly dash home to get stuff and return to campus.” She tells me she wanted to study mass communication but didn’t have a credit in literature as was required. She’d failed to ace the course on multiple WAEC attempts. Morenike chuckles as she relays this to me. She considered political science because of her love for politics. But friends advised that a career path there would, at best, make her a political analyst.
Her options were limited because, as she admits, “I hate calculations.” This effectively ruled her out of taking a management science course. Her options were narrowed down to the faculty of social sciences, and she settled for social work. “I went for fieldwork occasionally and fell in love with the course. I’d found something I felt I could do.”
But things haven’t been rosy as she laments that she has been through various strike actions since her first year.
“Before I officially got admitted, the Non-Academic Staff Union of Educational and Associated Institutions (NASU) went on strike. We couldn’t do our clearance. The lecturers had to step in to do that. By the second year, we had gone on another strike.
“Then, in 2020, COVID-19 happened. I was in 300 level. We stayed at home from March 2020 till January 2021. There was yet another strike in February 2022. We only resumed in October.” As a result, Morenike feels left behind compared to her peers.
“My cousin, whom I wrote JAMB with, is done with NYSC. My peers who went to private schools have all graduated. Even some that went to state schools. I think about how ASUU can wake up on a whim to embark on an indefinite strike.”
Morenike is upset by her situation and explains that lecturers often vent their frustrations on students.
“Last semester, we wrote a test in the evening. The lecturer, a lady, just kept screaming at us and told us she’d pour her annoyance on us for not receiving salaries for seven months. How’s that our fault or business in any way? We’re also affected as well. We can’t get jobs.”
“Being at the same level for almost three years has traumatised me. I got a job offer that paid ₦250k per month, which was later rescinded because I was a student. I cried for days. Employers don’t want to take risks on people who might disrupt their goals due to ASUU’s unpredictability. Some place age restrictions on job openings. At 26 now, my options are getting limited”.
A momentary pause follows before she continues her narration. Morenike isn’t alone. Many young Nigerians are caught in limbo because, on the one hand, they want to start making money quickly in an economy where the unemployment rate is projected to soar to a historic high of 41 per cent. And yet, they can’t commit to work fully and abandon schooling. A university degree still serves as a fallback for all the deserved flack that the Nigerian educational system gets.
“The zeal to read is no more there”, Morenike says with a hint of sadness. “I entered the university at 20, I’m 26 now. I don’t like attending school anymore, but I must try. When we resumed after the last strike, which was depressing, we faced numerous tests and exams. The lecturers didn’t care about our readiness for them. When ASUU and the FG go to war, we’re the ones who suffer while they go scot-free. How’s it my fault I’m not finished with school at 26?”
There’s an air of resignation as Morenike brings her story to a close. She has a few regrets. She tells me about her secondary school group chat on Whatsapp, where she frequently sees news of her friends either going for their master’s degrees or graduating. “I see them and feel envious, asking God why I’m still here struggling to earn a BSc.”
Would she do things differently if she could afford tuition at a private university?
“I wouldn’t go to a private university even if I had the money because I’m not that smart”. Morenike feels she needs to clarify her statement. “Not that I’m not smart I’m sure if I read, I’d pass. But the truth is, I don’t like reading. Reading depresses me, I’m never happy reading a book. I just want to do my business.
“For me, school is plan Z for if all else fails — which I doubt. I won’t say school is a scam because it’s through school I’ve met people I sell my products to. School has helped my business, and I’ve been able to build a network.”
Regarding her education, the journey ahead remains unclear, and Morenike can’t say when she’ll graduate. Still, she remains grateful for her business which helps her get by. For a country designed to stifle the dreams of young people, she’ll take what little wins she can get.
On May 4, 2023, news broke of the Nasarawa State Assembly giving judges of its Area Courts 10 years to obtain a Law degree or risk losing their jobs.
This was mainly due to how sketchy the entire idea seemed. Did that mean that there were judges in Nigeria who didn’t study law? How do they judge the law then?
In this article, we’ll explain exactly how and why this is possible; to do so, we’ll first look at Nigeria’s court system.
The Nigerian constitution establishes the superior courts of record and they include the State High Court, the Federal High Court, the Sharia Court of Appeal and the Customary Court of Appeal, the Court of Appeal and lastly, the highest court in Nigeria, the Supreme Court.
What are the inferior courts of record?
On the other hand, the inferior courts are not because they are of lower standards but because they’re established by laws other than the Nigerian constitution. And they include the Magistrate or District Courts and the Area and Customary Courts.
What are Area and Customary Courts?
Individual states establish these courts and have jurisdiction over locals only. The judges in these courts apply Laws and customs native to the area in criminal and civil cases, and the punishments or judgements are reasonable and just. Also, it’s important to note that the heads of Customary and Area Courts are typically called “President(s)”.
In Northern Nigeria, these are called Area Courts, in the South, they’re known as Customary or District Courts. Almost every Nigerian state has a Customary or Area Court in its legal system, and the Customary Laws vary from place to place. But some common characteristics unique to it are:
It’s a body of unwritten rules applicable to a community.
It’s dynamic changing to suit the community’s needs.
It doesn’t owe its existence to a legislature, but it’s developed from the customs and traditions of the people who accept and recognise the rules as binding.
Many people prefer to have their cases determined by the Area or Customary Courts as the procedure is more straightforward and cheaper when compared to common law courts.
The jurisdiction of Area and Customary over civil and criminal cases includes disagreements over land, matrimonial cases and children custody, debt and damage, cases relating to inheritance, chieftaincy issues, stealing livestock and farm produce and many more.
As earlier mentioned, Customary Laws vary from state to state, and this also determines the qualifications of the members and President or judge of the Area or Customary Court. In Lagos state, to be qualified as a President of a Customary Court, according to Section 5 of its Customary Laws, you must:
Be a person of proven character and good standing in the society.
Be a person of adequate means
Have an educational qualification not below a secondary school Certificate
Be at least 50 years of age
Be properly placed by circumstances to perform the functions of a member of the Customary Court.
In Akwa Ibom state, members and Presidents of the Customary Courts have typically retired civil servants who are traditional office holders and chiefs. Currently, the Presidents of the Courts are legal practitioners who have spent at least five years at the Bar.
And Nasarawa state is seeking to follow in the footsteps of Akwa Ibom with the proposed Bill, “A Law to amend the Nasarawa State Area Courts Law 2022 and For Other Matters Related Therewith”, which insists that the Area Court judges get Law degrees within the next ten years.
Hopefully, this article has given you a better understanding of the situation and has shed light on some of the nuances of the Nigerian legal system.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
For Islamic student Umar, April 15, 2023, was one of the worst days of his life. He was a student in Khartoum, Sudan, when the Sudan conflict started. He tells us of life before Sudan, the day of the conflict, being stuck 300km away in Arbatah with other Nigerians, and how he hates hearing nothing but bomb blasts everywhere.
Editorial Note: The interview was granted on May 1, 2023, and new events have overcome some of the information in the story.
What was life like before schooling in Sudan?
It was a very normal one. I’m from Katsina state, and my family is a close-knit one. I had schooled all my life in Katsina until it was time for my higher degree at the International University of Africa (IUA) in Khartoum, Sudan, to study Islamic Education. IUA was highly recommended as a good school for the course by a family friend, and Sudan was described as a country with a peaceful environment.
But has it been peaceful?
Up until now, yes. At the start of the Ramadan period in March, I won’t have believed anyone that would have said there would be war in Sudan. Classes were still ongoing. I was preparing for semester exams. Festivities were still being held around the streets of Khartoum. Nobody expected this. Schooling in Sudan has been great, and the teachers are excellent.
What was your experience like on the first day of the attack?
So the attacks started during the Ramadan period. I was in my dorm room and had taken my iftar to break my fast around 6:30 p.m. My eyes were drowsy and so, I took a nap. I then woke up at 8:30 p.m. to gunshots and bomb explosions. I then opened my window and noticed that a large crowd of people were gathered outside to see what was going on. Many people were scared and shocked (and still are) because they had never experienced conflict before.
Smoke is seen in Khartoum, April 22. The fighting between the Sudanese Army and Rapid Support Forces in the capital resumed after an internationally brokered cease-fire failed. [Marwan Ali/AP]
How have you been surviving the attacks?
Sadly, nothing has improved, despite the 16th day of conflict and many promises of a “ceasefire”. I have been unable to sleep properly for 16 days because of the constant sounds of gunshots and bombs. There is no peace of mind for me to even think of sleeping.
For daily amenities, I was managing. Back at IUA, food had started to run out, and there was hardly any water. Sometimes I had to go some days without bathing. There is hardly any electricity to charge one’s appliances. The only hope I had was with the Nigerian government to evacuate us.
Did you witness casualties?
No, I didn’t—just a shortage of essential amenities.
What happened on the day of evacuation?
On April 23, the Nigerian government came with only ten buses out of the 50 they promised. It was agreed that 13 buses would be used to transport the first batch of students, but they are still stuck at the Aswani border until now.
No other bus came here until April 30, when the evacuation team came in with 26 buses. They said we were to go to Egypt, but we’ve not been there because the first batch is still stuck. They changed plans and said we should go to Port Sudan. We entered the bus using our states of origin and left Khartoum at midnight. We’ve stopped at Artrabah, 300km from Khartoum and a 7-hour journey. It remains 7 hours until we reach Port Sudan.
However, we’ve been stuck at Arbatah for the past eight hours.
Nigerians in Sudan waiting to be evacuated [El-Tayeb Siddiq/Reuters]
Why?
This is because the driver complained that the Nigerian Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) has refused to pay the driver the fares needed. There has yet to be a response from the Nigerian Embassy or government officials. I hope they will come through soon.
Do your family know where you are?
I’ve decided not to tell my parents. I told them on April 30 that we were coming to Egypt. Telling them now that I am stuck in Arbatah may probably break their heart. I just want the Federal Government to handle this properly.
Do you feel safe where you are?
Yes, I do. We are several kilometres away from the conflict zone, and the people in Arbatah have been warm and friendly so far. If not for social media, I’m not sure they’d even be aware of the conflict in Sudan.
Are you getting access to basic amenities?
Yes, I am. There is food and water, and we use the USB cords inside the buses to charge devices for electricity. The only downside to me on this is the high prices of things here. You can purchase 1 bottle of water for almost 500 Sudanese pounds (₦400). There is also the toilet, which is always very dirty and makes me afraid of getting severe toilet infections. But what can I do? No one cares about the state of a toilet in the middle of a war.
Asides that, we’re all good.
What has traumatised you the most about this experience?
The jet fighters keep flying about, and the gunshots and bomb blasts. I have started hearing them everywhere now without wanting to. They don’t allow me to sleep.
So sorry to hear this. What would your next plans be when you land in Nigeria?
I will go and see my family first and celebrate with them while thanking Allah for bringing me safely home. I’d then discuss schools I can attend in Nigeria with my parents. Sudan was a lovely place, but with recent happenings, I’ve come to accept that there is no place like home. And then, hopefully, I will hear the bomb blasts no more. I will lay on my bed and finally get some sleep.
Editorial note: The Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM), on May 3, announced the successful evacuation of the first batch of 376 evacuees. More people are expected to be evacuated over the next week.
As is well known, Nigeria’s blessed with numerous natural resources: we’re currently the largest economy in Africa, with a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) predicted to hit $574 billion in 2023 by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, despite this, Nigeria’s unemployment rate is at a frightening 33.3%, and about 133 million Nigerians live in multidimensional poverty.
In this article, we will look at the states with the highest poverty level in the country.
Sokoto state
Sokoto has the largest population of poor people in Nigeria, with a poverty level of 87.73% and at least 4.38 million Nigerians living below the poverty line. Although this state is one of the largest producers of onions and tomatoes, the numerous abandoned road projects frustrate distribution.
Taraba state
Located in the North East of Nigeria, this tropical state has a poverty level of 87.72%. The primary occupation prevalent here is agriculture with a focus on commercial farming. Given its low GDP, the state struggles to fund education or infrastructure, which has affected its economic development.
Jigawa state
According to the National Bureau of Statistics, Jigawa is one of the most populated states in the country, but it’s at a poverty level of 87.2%. Given its semi-arid climate, residents rely heavily on agriculture. To encourage its economic growth, the federal government approved the construction of the Kurnya-Babura road at the border shared with the Republic of Niger. But it’s not giving, yet.
Ebonyi state
With a poverty level of 79.76%, Ebonyi is the only state in the South East in the top five list of Nigeria’s poorest states.
Created 26 years ago in 1996 by General Sanni Abacha, Ebonyi state is one of Nigeria’s leading rice producer.
Adamawa state
Adamawa is one of the most affected by the Boko Haram terrorist group, thus not surprising that it’s at a poverty level of 75.41%. Asides from the disruption of economic activity, farmers also struggle to deal with droughts, pests and floods, which result in poor harvests.
Zamfara state
Zamfara has a poverty rate of 73.98, yet another state in the North that has had to deal with insecurity. Many of its residents have sought shelter in other places, slowing down economic growth.
Yobe state
The poverty level in Yobe State is 72.34%; it is also one of the states with the lowest GDP in the country. Although Yobe is one of the largest livestock producers, the Boko Haram insurgency has caused loss of lives, infrastructure and the displacement of people. There is also a low literacy rate and access to healthcare, all of which have contributed to its poor economic development and growth.
As we can see, common factors responsible for the poverty level in these states are insecurity, lack of education, and poor infrastructure. And sadly, the World Bank is predicting this situation to worsen by 2025.
On May 3, 2023, Twitter user @yeankhar claimed the House [of Representatives] (HOR) was passing a Bill to criminalise protests. The tweet has been viewed over 134k times at the time of writing.
On Wait First, we divide claims into three categories. A valid claim is fresh banana. A false claim is burnt dodo. And a misleading claim is cold zobo.
So, how valid is this claim?
Verification
We looked into news reports to see if any Bills banning protests had recently been passed. There were none. The Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC), an NGO that promotes civic participation by, among other ways, tracking Bills being read at the National Assembly, had no report on this Bill. We also looked at the Twitter handle of the HOR. It has no record of this Bill.
We were, however, able to identify a news report by The Guardian from July 2021. It mentioned a Bill that claimed to propose a five-year jail term for unlawful protesters. This Bill, which generated controversy, was sponsored by Emeka Chinedu, representing Ahiazu Mbaise and Ehinihitte Mbaise Federal Constituency of Imo state. In an interview with Punch, Chinedu clarified that his sponsored Bill only condemned mob action, not protesters.
His words
“The caption of the Bill that went viral was never my intent or opinion. Neither was it an embodiment of the Bill I sponsored that passed the first reading on the floor of the National Assembly on Tuesday, July 6, 2021. Hence, a clear case of misunderstanding, misconception and misrepresentation of the facts.
“As a representative of the people, whose political idealogy is rooted in democratic tenets, I can never be a party to a system that seeks to stifle or cripple dissenting voices whose right to freedom of assembly, expression and protest is guaranteed by the combined effort of section 39 and 40 of 1999 Constitution as amended, as well as Article 11 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Right to assemble freely.
“While I urge Nigerians to imbibe the culture of reading beyond newspaper captions to comprehend the body of a message, it is imperative to put the record straight to douse tension and allay the concerns of my teeming adherents.
“The Criminal Code Amendment Bill, 2021, did not discuss criminalising protests or protesters in Nigeria. Rather, it is a Bill that proactively seeks to preserve life and protect the killing of the innocent through mob action, known as ‘jungle justice’ in our local parlance.”
Verdict
The tweet about a Bill to criminalise protests is based on events that happened in 2021 that have been debunked. The poster presented it as new information that no available evidence can support. The claim is, therefore, misleading and is cold zobo.
Did Peter Obi Pay a Visit to BAT, Gbaja, Sanwo and Dangote?
On April 28, 2023, a Twitter user @donortez shared a photo that appeared to show the Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate, Peter Obi, in company with the president-elect, Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT), businessman Aliko Dangote, Speaker of the HOR, Femi Gbajabiamila and Lagos state governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu.
The poster claimed that the meeting took place after Jumat, which refers to the prayers by Muslims on Friday. This tweet which was still up at the time of writing, has been viewed over 95,000 times.
“The original photograph featured Aliko Dangote and BAT, but not Peter Obi. The photograph was taken during a previous meeting between the two men, which has been misrepresented by the person who manipulated the image.
“No credible evidence supports the claim that Peter Obi visited BAT recently. No major news outlet or credible source has reported such a meeting, and no photographic or video evidence has been produced to support the claim.
“Upon closer examination, it is clear that the photograph has been manipulated. The image of Peter Obi has been superimposed onto the photograph, creating the false impression that he was present at the meeting. This manipulation is common on social media, where users frequently create and share false or misleading images to gain attention or spread false information.”
Verdict
No evidence exists of any such meeting taking place between Obi and BAT. The photo has been dismissed as a doctored one. Therefore this is burnt dodo and should be treated as false.
Did you know that you are entitled to compensation if someone serves you breakfast? Let’s look at these five weird Nigerian Laws that many people are unaware of.
Marriage can help you get away with a crime
This might sound like zobo but walk with me. As we all know, many religions preach the message of the husband being the head of the wife. And this has sadly been used to excuse discrimination and abuse against women, but did you know you can also use this to get away with some crimes?
According to the Section 33 of the Criminal Code Act of the Nigerian constitution, a woman in Christian marriage isn’t criminally responsible for any crime she’s compelled to do by her husband in his presence? The only exception to this is if the offence committed is punishable by death, causes grievous harm or has the intention to cause grievous harm to another person.
You can be punished for serving breakfast
A song goes, “Na everybody go chop breakfast”, but you can suffer from a broken heart and make money from it at the same time.
According to the Matrimonial Causes Act, 1990, if there’s an agreement to marry, and your partner decides to break off the relationship, you can sue for “Breach of promise to marry”. There are, however, two conditions to this; first, you must present proof that there was a promise of marriage, and next, evidence must be provided that your partner failed to fulfil that promise.
Witches belong in prison
Despite what Nollywood would have us believe, witchcraft isn’t welcome with open arms in Nigeria. According to the Section 210 of the Criminal Code Act, anyone found by actions or statements to have the power of witchcraft is guilty of a misdemeanour and liable to two years in prison.
You can be flogged by the court
According to the Section 18 of the Criminal Code Act, if a boy under 17 is found guilty of an offence, the court, at its discretion, can order for him to be flogged in addition or substitution to any other punishment.
You can kind of get away with murder
I’m not quite sure why this Law exists given the loopholes it has. But according to Section 314 of the Criminal Code Act, a person won’t be considered to have killed another if the death of the other person doesn’t happen within one year and a day of the cause of death.
An instance of this would be if you were to hit someone with your car, and the person dies due to complications after 366 days from the accident.
Hopefully, you put this information to good use, and it serves you one way or the other…
What Else Happened This Week
JAMB Reschedules UTME Examinations
For many of us, our earliest memories of shege started with the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), popularly known as JAMB. It looks like things aren’t close to changing anytime soon. Tuesday, April 25, 2023, marked the first day of the UTME; it was riddled with technical issues.
Out of the 708 examination centres, about 100 could not hold exams due to the technical challenges. This, of course, left many parents and candidates frustrated as they cursed the system.
The board in charge of the UTME, i.e. the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), has released a statement saying their technical team is on top of the issue, and all affected candidates will be rescheduled. It’s 2023, and it’s unfortunate JAMB still has the same problems it did a decade ago.
Video of the week
The World Bank expects 13 million more Nigerians to fall into poverty.
This is due to a fall in oil production capacity, multiple exchange rates and costly subsidies.
On April 26, 2023, Multichoice announced its plans to increase DSTV and GOTV package prices by 17%. The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) has given Multichoice seven days to reverse this price hike. Do you think Multichoice will rescind its decision?
Ehen one more thing…
The federal government has implemented a 40% increase in the salaries of some civil servants. Medical practitioners, non-teaching university workers and the police were excluded from this benefit. Find out why here.
To ensure you don’t miss out on the next edition of Game of Votes, subscribe to the newsletter here.
If you love instant noodles, now might be a good time to pause and look at what you’re ingesting. The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), on May 2, 2023, issued a press release concerning the recall of a flavour of the Nigerian staple, Indomie.
PRESS RELEASE
Recall of Indomie Instant Noodles 'Special Chicken Flavour' by Health Officials in Malaysia and Taiwan Over Alleged Detection of Ethylene Oxide, a Carcinogenic Compound.#NafdacReleasepic.twitter.com/KAeFAKMUqx
The Indomie “Special Chicken Flavour” is being recalled due to health concerns. Here’s the gist.
Why is NAFDAC issuing a recall of the “Special Chicken Flavour”?
[Banned Indomie / Premium Times]
In the statement signed by the director general of NAFDAC, Prof Mojisola Adeyeye, she said NAFDAC has begun sampling and analysing other Indomie noodles flavours. This also includes their seasonings, as they’re testing for the presence of ethylene oxide.
Why’s ethylene oxide bad? Ethylene oxide is a colourless and odourless gas. According to the National Cancer Institute, “In smaller amounts, ethylene oxide is used as a pesticide and a sterilising agent. The ability of ethylene oxide to damage DNA makes it an effective sterilising agent but also accounts for its cancer-causing activity.”
The statement from NAFDAC read, “The Management of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control, NAFDAC is aware of the recall of Indomie Instant Noodles ‘Special Chicken Flavour’ by the Ministries of Health in Malaysia and Taiwan on account of the alleged presence of ethylene oxide, a compound associated with an increased risk of cancer.
“NAFDAC, as a responsible and responsive regulator, is taking swift actions to carry out random sampling and analysis of Indomie noodles (including the seasoning) for the presence of ethylene oxide, as well as extending the investigation to other brands of instant noodles offered for sale to Nigerians.
“We use this medium to assure the public that a thorough investigation of the products will be conducted both at the factory and market levels, and our findings will be communicated.“
Adeyeye also noted via Twitter that noodles are on the import prohibition list. They’re not allowed to be imported into the country.
The ban only affects noodles imported into the country, not those produced in Nigeria.
What can I do?
You can help spread the word so people don’t consume harmful food. Also, look out for where the noodles are made. If it shows that it’s an exported product, there’s a good chance it’s illegal. Worse, it might be carcinogenic — which could spell double trouble.
You may notice something odd when visiting the Twon Brass Community in Bayelsa State, around the present-day Niger Delta region in Nigeria.
An aerial view of the Twon Brass Community in Bayelsa, Nigeria [Guardian Nigeria]
There is a piece of land called “Whiteman’s Graveyard” in Ada Ama area of the region. It is a cemetery dedicated to the graves of British Soldiers who died in the Akassa Assault of 1885.
“The White Man’s Graveyard” [Nairaland Forum]
Today’s story will explain the history behind the ‘white graves’.
It is a story of the trickery of a British mercantile company and the revenge of a local king.
This is the story of Frederick William Koko Mingi VIII (aka “Koko”) and his fight against the defunct Royal Niger Company (RNC). This was the Akassa Assault of 1895 or the Brass Oil War.
We must know the Royal Niger Company and its origins to understand this story.
The Royal Niger Company (RNC)
The flag of the Royal Niger Company [Wikipedia]
Known as the “African Steamship Company” in 1832 and later the West African Company, it was founded by British explorer Richard Lander and 49 others as a trading post. The company’s trading post was located at the confluence of the rivers Benue and Niger in present-day North Central Nigeria.
A flyer for the African Steamship Company [Wikimedia Commons]
Richard Lander, the British Explorer [Cornwall Guide]
A trading post is typically a store or small settlement in a remote place where trading takes place.
Their first expedition was unsuccessful, as 40 out of 49 members died of fever or wounds. However, one of the survivors, Macgregor Laird, remained in Britain. He directed and funded the company’s expeditions until he died in 1861.
In 1863, the company’s name changed to the West African Company (WAC). Around that time, other competitors sprang around their trading area, making it difficult for them to profit.
Here, we bring in an ambitious colonial administrator, George Goldie.
George Taubman Goldie and the National African Company
Sir George Dashwood Taubman Goldie by Sir Hubert Von Herkomer c. 1931 [National Portrait Gallery, London]
By 1879, he had combined James Crowther’s WAC, David Macintosh’s Central African Company, and the Williams Brothers and James Pinnock’s firms into a single United African Company. He then acted as the firm’s agent in the territory.
Kingsway Stores and the United African Company (UAC) in 1960 [Kirby Histories/Twitter]
This amalgamation brought international competition from foreign trading companies from France and Senegal, which was not good for business profits.
To solve this, he needed to obtain a royal charter. This is when a member of the ruling monarchy issues gives the company access to certain rights or powers to trade in an area without competition.
However, the government was not giving it to him for two reasons. This avoided unnecessary conflict between the companies and the NAC’s poor financial status. However, he soon secured £1,000,000 in investments under a new name — National African Company.
By 1885, after the Berlin Conference, his company acquired 30 trading posts along Niger, giving the company a huge advantage over foreign trading companies.
This also helped him gain the British Monarchy’s royal charter in 1886, changing the company’s name to the Royal Niger Company Limited (RNC). With this, he could now authorise aides to supervise the Niger Delta and lands around the rivers Niger and Benue without any competition.
The crafty negotiations between RNC and local chiefs
With the royal charter, Goldie started meeting local rulers for trade negotiations on their most valuable product, palm oil. Goldie spent two years signing treaties with the rulers to give them free trade in their regions — but these treaties had clauses that the rulers didn’t know.
The Royal Niger Company making a treaty with local chiefs c. 1899 [Financial Times/Getty Images]
Due to the language barrier, the local leaders agreed they couldn’t export goods without RNC permission and taxes. As time passed, the leaders began to grumble about the unfair nature of the deal and started to take matters into their own hands.
King Koko takes revenge against the RNC
Frederick William Mingi Koko, the Brass King [Alamy]
By 1894, the Royal Niger Company dictated whom the locals could trade with and denied them direct access to formal markets.
This limited their profits and kept them under the caprices of the RNC. In neighbouring communities such as Opobo, where the leader refused to bend, the Brits found a way to exile them to continue trading.
As a result, local chiefs and kings were angry at the Brits and their ways. One such person was Koko, who converted to Christianity and was a school teacher at some point.
Koko rose to prominence as King of Nembe. This was alongside other chiefs and kings in the Niger Delta region who had burnt their gods to show allegiance to the white man’s God.
Tired of the unfair trading conditions, Koko soon reverted to his traditional religion, refusing to worship a God used to oppress his people and allied with the neighbouring region, Okpoma, against RNC to take back their trade.
King Koko goes to war
On January 29, 1895, King Koko led an attack on the RNC headquarters in Akassa in present-day Bayelsa. He was accompanied by 22 war canoes and 1,500 soldiers.
King Koko in His War Canoe on His Way down the River, from The Daily Graphic of March 30, 1895 [Wikimedia Commons]
They destroyed the warehouses and offices, vandalised official and industrial machines, and burnt down the entire depot.
70 men were captured, 25 were killed, and 32 Brits were taken as hostages. This was part of the spoils of war to Nembe, and 13 were not accounted for. Many Brits were allegedly executed at the “Sacrifice Island” the next day, January 30, 1895.
He then attempted to negotiate the release of the hostages to the RNC and choose his trading partners in exchange. Britain refused to negotiate, and, in retaliation, he had 40 hostages killed.
The RNC reacts
On February 20, 1985, British Royal Navy, led by Rear Admiral Sir Frederick Redford, attacked Nembe and killed most of its people. They also burnt the town to ashes.
Admiral Redford [Wikimedia Commons]
In April 1896, Koko refused the British settlement terms and was declared an outlaw. Britain then offered a £200 bounty for King Koko. He was forced to flee from the British, hiding in remote villages.
Koko fled to Etiema, a remote village in the hinterland, where he died in 1898 in a suspected suicide.
The RNC’s many atrocities led to its charter being revoked in 1899. It had to sell all holdings and territories for £865,000.
This is equivalent to £110 million today, which in today’s exchange in naira is ₦53 billion. This was the money used to buy the territories now known as the country Nigeria.
The RNC is still present today in Nigeria, only that it is known by a different name— Unilever.
For many of us, the plan is to work hard so that we can live a soft life after retirement. It seems the same goes for Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue State.
On April 11, 2023, he proposed a pension Bill to the state House of Assembly, a retirement package for Benue state’s ex-governors. However, Ortom’s “retirement plan” might eventually send Benue state into taking loans from Lapo.
Let’s break down the Bill
The Bill titled, “A Bill for a Law to make Provisions for the Maintenance of Former Governors of Benue State and their Deputies and for Other Matters Connected Thereto” involves the following benefits:
Section 2(a)(i) makes provisions for the payment to all former governors a monthly “stipend”, which is equivalent to the “salary” of an incumbent governor.
Section 2(a)(ii) makes provisions for the payment to all former deputy governors, a “stipend” equivalent to the “salary” of an incumbent deputy governor.
Section 2(b) ensures that a building of permanent residential accommodation in any town and state of their choice.
Section 2(c) and (h) provide the provisions of 4 new cars every four years for former governors and 2 new cars every four years for former deputy governors, which shall all be serviced and maintained at the expense of the state.
Section 2(d) and (e) provide 6 personal staff for former governors and 3 for former deputy governors, all to be paid by the state.
Section 2(f) provides 24-hour security surveillance and guarding for all former governors and deputy governors.
Section 2(g) provides free medical treatment for them, their wives and children below 18.
Section 3 provides that all benefits can be monetised.
And lastly, in Section 4, former governors provide the entitlement of 2 vacations abroad annually and 1 for deputy governors.
Why is this Bill Outrageous?
If successfully passed into Law, former governors and deputy governors would be entitled to these benefits for life. Also, it’ll be backdated to cover these former lawmakers from as far back as 1999.
But to give you a clearer idea of how much this will cost, the monthly salary of a sitting governor is ₦11,540,896. If Sen. George Akume, former Benue State Governor (1999-2007), was to get his pension according to the proposed Bill, it would mean that he’d be entitled to 138,490,752 annually and about 2.2 billion Naira from the time since he left office.
Another reason why this Bill is proof that the air many Nigerian politicians breathe is most likely cocaine is the fact that since Ortom became Governor of Benue state eight years ago, pensioners haven’t received their gratuity. And Ortom’s retirement plan proposes that the benefits be charged to the state’s Consolidated Revenue Fund, meaning it would take priority over payment of gratuities, pensions and salaries.
Earlier this year, many teachers in Benue state reported that they resorted to petty trading and farming as many were owed a backlog of 10-15 months’ salaries. During the recent Workers’ Day Celebration on May 1, 2023, Benue state workers complained once again about the salaries owed to them. Teachers are being owed 11 months’ salaries, local government workers 10 months and at the state level, about 8 months’ salaries.
However, despite the obvious reasons why this Bill should be thrown out by the State House of Assembly, it has passed its first reading.
Reactions to the Bill
The Incorporated Trustees of Bridges and Hands Foundation have filed a suit in Benue State High Court, challenging the pension Bill on how it’s unjustifiable given the state of civil servants and pensioners. The court will begin hearing on May 5, 2023.
The Benue State Chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has also kicked against the pension Bill saying it was not only unfair given the situation of pensioners, but it would also increase the despair in the state.
The Governor-elect, Hyacinth Alia, has also raised alarms saying it’d serve only the outgoing governor and increase the state’s dependence on the Federation Account.
Hopefully, Benue’s State House of Assembly sees the absurdity of this Bill and does the responsible thing by rejecting it.
These are not the best times for the president-elect, Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT). In an exclusive report by Bloomberg, it has been revealed that BAT’s son, 37-year-old Oluwaseyi Tinubu, has gotten himself in the mud by acquiring property linked with fraud.
[Seyi Tinubu (L) with dad, Bola Tinubu (R) / Twitter]
What’s the gist?
According to corporate documents seen by Bloomberg, Oluwaseyi, a principal shareholder for Aranda Overseas Corp. —an offshore company— paid $10.8m to Deutsche Bank for a property in St. John’s Woods, north London, in late 2017. Buying property overseas is not in itself the issue. The trouble here is that the Nigerian government wanted to confiscate this particular one Seyi bought. Its former owner, Kolawole Aluko —an associate of former petroleum minister Dieziani Madueke— was suspected of having acquired it with proceeds from crime.
In June 2016, a federal judge in Abuja granted a request by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to seize more than a dozen properties that Aluko owned in Nigeria and overseas, including the one in St. John’s Wood. That forfeiture order was still in effect when Seyi bought the house 16 months later.
To provide a basic analogy, it’s like going to Computer Village in Ikeja to buy a phone. You have the option of buying from any of the registered phone dealers. Instead, you buy from a suspected thief the police are after, maybe because you think you’d get it cheap. But what complicates matters is you’re not just anybody — you’re the president-elect’s son.
Essentially, while Buhari’s government was, in the public eye, going after allegedly corrupt persons in the previous administration, behind the scenes, their properties were being reacquired in offshore deals.
Neither BAT’s, nor Seyi’s spokespersons responded to Bloomberg for comments. Aluko’s lawyer also declined, saying the matter was “sub judice”, i.e. a matter still in court and could not be discussed. Deutsche Bank also refused to comment. However, Bloomberg did note that this apartment was what BAT used to receive Buhari in August 2021 when the president came to visit.
Whether the president-elect or his son will respond to these allegations in the coming days remains to be seen. But we cannot overlook that BAT’s list of scandals is piling up by the day. Carrying that kind of baggage not only bodes poorly for him but for the reputation of Nigeria — if he gets sworn in. With 27 days left till May 29, we wonder what other controversies BAT has for us.
For Navigating Nigeria this week, Citizen spoke to Nanretdeng, a Nigerian student who had to leave schooling in Nigeria for the Benin Republic after a lengthy ASUU strike. Her story shows that leaving Nigeria doesn’t always insulate you from trouble, as it can find its way back to you. Here’s the sad experience she and her colleagues are currently facing at the hands of a dubious man named Shehu. If this were a movie, it would be titled “The Good, The Bad, and the Shehu.”
Editorial Note: Navigating Nigeria is a platform for Nigerians to passionately discuss the Nigerian experience with little interference to individual opinions. While our editorial standards emphasise the truth and we endeavour to fact-check claims and allegations, we do not bear any responsibility for allegations made about other people founded in half-truths.
My name is Nanretdeng. Let me tell you my story.
I used to study at the University of Jos (UNIJOS), but a strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) in 2020 disrupted my studies for almost a year. I started thinking about going to school outside Nigeria. Before the strike, I had a friend who left UNIJOS to study at École Supérieure de Management (ESM) in Cotonou, Benin Republic. So I asked her how she did it, and she referred me to this guy named Shehu, who was part of the AP Usman Foundation and had links with ESM.
When she referred me to Shehu, I had no idea that the foundation offered scholarships. All I knew was that he had helped my friend process her admission to the university. I contacted him, and he asked me to visit Jos’s AP Usman office.
I met him there, which was when he showed me my options. Before issuing a form, he asked me about the course I wanted to study and other relevant information. I still wasn’t aware at this point that this was a scholarship. I wasn’t honestly looking for that. All I wanted was enlightenment on attending school in Cotonou, but then Shehu later told me that the foundation had provided half scholarships for students applying.
That must have felt like good news at the time
The tuition was ₦430k thereabouts. The foundation promised to take on some of that fee while other colleagues and I were to pay ₦150k each with an additional ₦20k bringing the total payment to ₦170k. So that’s what I paid to the foundation. I still have the receipts. This was in October 2020. We were 14 and were told to prepare to leave either in December 2020 or, at the latest, by January 2021.
Instead, we went in February of 2021 since they kept postponing our resumption date. On the day we were to leave, a few of us were at the AP Usman office in Jos. We all took off from there and arrived in Cotonou.
When we got to Cotonou, we started school activities. Things were going okay until it was time for exams, and we needed clearance. We realised that we hadn’t received receipts from the school confirming that our tuition was paid. Shehu had only remitted about 60 per cent of the payments to the school, even though we thought it was all taken care of. I ended up tweeting about it to draw attention to our situation, and we found out that it was the school that offered the scholarship. Crazy, right?
[ESM Benin / Facebook]
Crazy
It came as a surprise to us all. We tried reaching out to him, but a back-and-forth amounted to nothing. The school was generous and let us write the exams and participate in other activities. They were aware that we had made payments to the foundation. We finished our first year with nothing productive coming out of the talks with Shehu.
Before the commencement of our second year, Shehu still reached out to people asking them to make payments. This was after he hadn’t remitted first-year tuition fees.
At the time, I’d resolved to make all payments directly to the school going forward. When the second year began, Shehu referred other students using the foundation as cover to pay tuition fees to ESM through him without remitting our outstanding payments.
That’s audacious
That went on for a while. At one point, the school admin that had been in touch with Shehu told us that Shehu had stopped responding to his messages and calls. Shehu had gone MIA. The second year rolled by with these issues unresolved.
In our third year, we agreed that no one would make any payments to Shehu or the AP Usman Foundation but to the school directly. At this time, I was the university’s president of the Plateau Students Union. I was picked for this because I was bilingual, and the Benin Republic is a francophone country. It helped, too, that I studied foreign languages at UNIJOS.
After our joint resolution, students from the union began making tuition payments to another bank account I own — different from my primary one. I was then remitting payments to the school from my end. The amount I paid to the school was around thrice what Shehu sent. Despite this, we still have some ground to cover, which explains why I put up that Twitter thread. There are some people among us who Shehu believed were only making a one-time payment. These people are stranded with no hope of getting financial support from home.
We need all the help we can get because we’re in the last lap. It’s a three-year degree. The school has been gracious enough up until now, but that can no longer last. I’m grateful that my story is getting enough traction. Hopefully, it translates to financial help to offset our outstanding bills.
Sounds like this Shehu guy is fraudulent. What has the school done about it?
The school has done their best. It has tried to maintain contact with Shehu. But the school is in Benin Republic while Shehu is in Jos. By the time Shehu decided to stop taking calls, there was nothing anyone from ESM could have done about it. When I returned to Jos, I tried to swing by the office only to find out it was no longer there. It’s not a lack of effort on the part of the school per se. I know the school’s various efforts to get Shehu to remit our fees. They’ve not been successful.
How do you hope this ends? Do you want to see Shehu apprehended, or are you content with settling the outstanding fees?
My priority as the student representative isn’t Shehu getting apprehended. I mean, that would be nice, but what I’m hoping for is that we offset all our debts. The means to that end don’t matter to me. Whether through crowdfunding, a donation, or a charity that notices us and decides to help, it doesn’t matter to me now. If Shehu gets caught and is made to pay, that would be the icing on the cake. But to be honest with you, I’ve taken my mind off of Shehu.
If you’re reading this and would like to join the Nigerian Army, here are some of the essential requirements that you need to know:
You must be a Nigerian.
According to Section 29 of the Nigerian Constitution, a Nigerian is born in Nigeria, whose parents were also held in Nigeria, and belongs to an indigenous group. If you don’t meet this, there is no army for you.
No children or teenagers allowed
Only adults from ages 22-28 are eligible to join the army.
Must be a certain height
Specifically, this is 1.68m (Male) and 1.65m (female).
Criminals are not eligible.
Anyone convicted in a court of law shouldn’t be part of an organisation that fights terrorism and saves lives.
Must be educated and completed NYSC
One must possess a minimum of first or not less than second class lower division from a recognised university. A HND from a recognised polytechnic and lower credit is also acknowledged.
The individual must also finish the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) program. This is a scheme set up by the Nigerian government since the end of the Civil War. Its purpose is to involve Nigerian graduates in nation-building.
Must show proof of identity
This includes a valid birth certificate, certificate of state of origin, and recommendations from two recognised referees who must attest to your character and Integrity.
How does one apply?
Now that you know what it takes to be a soldier in the Nigerian Army, what are the next steps?
You can visit www.recruitment.army.mil.ng and click on DSSC and SSC whenever applications are open. These will be announced on radio, newspapers and television.
You probably know what “419” means unless you’re not from Nigeria. It’s the section of the Criminal Code that deals with fraud and obtaining property under false pretences, also known as the “advance fee scam.” In today’s news, the Nigerian government may have pulled off a massive scam for the ages, which even Yahoo boys would applaud. The FG has proposed suspending the removal of the fuel subsidy.
What’s the gist?
In November 2022, the Minister of Finance, Budget, and National Planning, Zainab Ahmed, announced that Nigerians should prepare for the removal of fuel subsidies by June 2023.
[Zainab Ahmed / Businessday]
Fuel subsidies are a type of price control that makes fuel cheaper for consumers. The government pays the difference between the actual fuel supply cost and the consumer price, thus subsidising fuel.
This policy has generated a lot of controversy over the years. Businessday says fuel subsidies have consumed at least ₦7.3 trillion under President Buhari’s administration. What makes this funnier is that Buhari once claimed fuel subsidies were fraudulent, leading to the Occupy Nigeria protest in 2012. Ten more years of this expensive experiment led Buhari to see the light finally—or so we thought.
What happened next?
On April 6, 2023, Mrs Ahmed announced to Nigerians that we had secured an $800m grant from the World Bank. As we would later discover, this wasn’t a grant but another gbese.
But even more important was the reason for this loan. It was meant to be a palliative, distributed to 10 million households considered to be most vulnerable, to cushion the effect of the subsidy removal. So imagine the shock of Nigerians to learn that the National Economic Council (NEC) on April 27 proposed suspending the planned removal of subsidy by June because “it is not a favourable time for the action.” A rather convenient revelation to have after collecting $800 million.
They knew they were going to sustain the subsidy regime for a little while, yet they went ahead to obtain another loan of $800m from the world bank in the guise of wanting to cushion the effect of the removal, less than 10 days ago from making this decision.
It’s giving 419. We wonder how the World Bank is feeling after hearing this news.
What else should I know?
As Buhari’s government is winding down, we’re seeing cashouts at an unprecedented scale. We could point to the coming population census, which was initially budgeted for ₦198 billion but has now ballooned to ₦869 billion. There’s also the incredible tweet by the Minister of Aviation, Hadi Sirika, where he announced that he “commissioned” ten firefighting trucks at the cost of ₦12 billion.
We’re using this medium to beg Buhari to have some pity on Nigerians. Because at the rate his administration is going, 419 would become yesterday’s news, and we’d be forced to add a new number to the Criminal Code — the emergency number 911.
For this week’s Abroad Life, we tell the story of the Sudan conflict through a timeline of events — its origins, how it affects Nigerians in the diaspora, and what actions have been taken by the government to help.
Over the last few weeks, Sudan has been nothing but chaos. And Nigerians are caught in the thick of the heat.
Clashes between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have brewed for months, resulting in the current conflict.
Sudanese army soldiers, loyal to army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, sit atop a tank in the Red Sea city of Port Sudan on April 20, 2023. [AFP]
But how did it begin? How does this affect Nigerians? What is the Nigerian government doing about its citizens?
December 2018: Citizens protest in Atbara city against rising food prices, widespread corruption and unemployment as Sudan faces a worsening economic crisis.
Sudan Protest of 2018 [TRT World]
Protests quickly spread to other parts of the country, finally reaching the capital Khartoum. Security responded with tear gas and gunfire, and protesters demanded that the country’s 26-year ruler, Omar al-Bashir step down.
April 2019: The people of Khartoum do not quit. They stage a sit-in at the army headquarters in Khartoum. This led to the army ousting and detaining Bashir, ending his 30-year grip on power.
However, the army quickly gains control, suspending the constitution and imposing a three-month state of emergency.
Sudan protests at the Army headquarters in Khartoum [BBC]
A transitional military government is formed, but protests continue with calls for civilian power. But attempts to break the impasse between the country’s military and protesters collapse.
A period of peace?
August 2019: Following mediation between the African Union and Ethiopia, civilian leaders and the navy agree to share political power for a three-year transition period. Elections will hold in 2023. Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok leads a new council of ministers.
Ahmed al-Rabie, from the Alliance for Freedom and Change (R) and Mohammed Hamdan Daglo, from the military council, after the signing of the power-sharing, August 17, 2019. [EBRAHIM HAMID / AFP]
On August 17, a “constitutional declaration” was signed, which brings months of upheaval to an end. But this came with a clause. It said that the first 21 months of the transitional length would be led by means of the navy and then observed with the aid of civilian rule. The deal faces criticism from protesters who worry the navy will not keep its word.
December 2019: On December 14, Bashir, the country’s overthrown ruler, is convicted of corruption and sentenced to two years in a correctional centre.
Chaos in the COVID-19 Pandemic
March-July 2020: Hamdok, Sudan’s transitional high minister, survives an assassination strike on March 9.
Inflation in Sudan is greater than one hundred per cent. The Covid-19 pandemic results in monetary wahala for the country. The authorities see the need to announce a foreign exchange devaluation.
Protests persisted in June, with calls for justice for the individuals killed under Bashir’s rule.
On July 21, Bashir faces trial on the charges of the 1989 coup that introduced him to power.
Sudan’s deposed ruler Omar al-Bashir faces trial over corruption. [AMT]
Treaties and negotiations
October 2020: Sudan’s authorities and some rebellion organisations from the restive Darfur, Blue Nile and South Kordofan provinces sign an important peace deal that could cease many years of combat. However, two of the biggest riot organisations do not sign the treaty.
Sudan’s Sovereign Council Chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (L), South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir (C), and Sudan’s Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok lift copies of a signed peace agreement with Sudan’s five key rebel groups in Juba, South Sudan, August 31, 2020. [Reuters]
December 2020-January 2021: Sudan seeks to normalise ties with Israel. In return, they’d be eliminated from the US terrorism list, get $1 billion from the World Bank to write off the country’s debts, and motivate overseas investment.
This works for Sudan, as the US ended Sudan’s designation as a country sponsor of terrorism on December 14. On January 6, the transitional authorities signed the Abraham Accords, which makes them a member of the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco due to them officially recognising Israel.
US Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin (L) and Sudanese Justice Minister Nasredeen Abdulbari signed the Abraham Accords in Sudan’s capital Khartoum on January 6, 2021.[Facebook]
The cracks begin to unfold
February 2021: Seven ministers from former rebellion groups form a coalition, but developing fractures with the fragile civilian alliance shortly emerge.
September-October 2021: A coup on September 21 is unsuccessful through navy figures under Bashir’s influence.
In October, a faction of the civilian protesters call for the army to take power and rule the country. Other civilian factions go on the streets to demonstrate their need for a civilian government.
On October 25, Sudanese armed forces arrested five ministers from the transitional cabinet, which includes Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok.
The coup was led with the aid of General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. He was assisted by the deputy head of Sudan’s ruling council and chief of the RSF, General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo. He is also known as Hemeti.
Protesters march in Khartoum after Sudan’s military launches coup [The Guardian]
November 2021: Mass protests towards the coup result in Hamdok being reinstated as prime minister.
Fighting erupts
January 2022: Hamdok, unable to cope with the pressures of the coup, resigns from office.
Hamdok speaks at a press conference for Sudan’s Council of Ministers [AFP]
June 2022: The UN World Food Programme says more than a third of Sudan’s population faces food insecurity and blames this on the country’s ongoing political, economic and climate shocks
Anti-coup protesters take cover as riot police try to disperse them with water cannons during a demonstration against military rule in the centre of Sudan’s capital Khartoum on June 30, 2022 (AFP)
October 2022: Huge crowds take to the streets of Sudan in anti-military demonstrations marking the first anniversary of the coup.
December 2022: An agreement is signed by civilian groups sidelined by the military in the 2021 coup. A new two-year political transitional period starts.
April 2023: A power struggle between interim head of state, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo (also known as Hemedti) breaks into the open.
Hemedti and Burhan [Vanguard Newspapers]
In a statement, Sudan’s military warns of the mobilisation of troops by the RSF in the capital Khartoum and other cities without its approval. They also warned of possible armed confrontations.
April 15: Khartoum becomes a war zone, with clashes from the SAF and RSF near the airport and army headquarters. The death count of Sudanese is over 400, with hundreds of people injured.
Heavy smoke bellows above buildings in the vicinity of Khartoum’s airport on April 15, 2023, amid clashes in the Sudanese capital [CNN/AFP/Getty Images]
The Nigerian student situation
April 24, 2023: Nearly 3,000 Nigerian nationals, mostly students, are evacuated from Sudan. According to Onimode Bandele, special duties director for Nigeria’s National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), this was. This includes families of embassy staff.
Onimode Bandele [The Witness Newspaper]
The government response
April 24, 2023: Chairman of Air Peace, Allen Onyema, announces that Air Peace is willing to evacuate Nigerian students free of charge
One of the Nigerian students reaches out to the BBC to say that some drivers were not paid. They refused to drive any further, thus trapping passengers in the desert.
The Buses evacuating Nigerian students and non-student were stopped in the middle of the Sahara, and the drivers refused to continue the journey because they were not PAID. @abikedabiri@nemanigeria @FMHDSD @nidcom_gov@NigeriaMFA
Abike later reassures Nigerians in a follow-up tweet that she has spoken to NEMA director-general, and the matter has been resolved.
I have just spoken to @nemanigeria dg. He confirmed the buses have continued their Journey and said whatever issues have been resolved https://t.co/mgSRHCUGy1
However, one of the students blasts Dabiri on Twitter to dispute her claim. According to @imranjameel2002, students had to give their passports to the drivers until payment.
April 28, 2023: The first set of students is expected to arrive in Nigeria, according to Abike Dabiri.
On April 26, 2023, the Federal government began evacuating these students to Egypt with 40 luxury buses worth ₦140 million. But as expected, this hasn’t gone smoothly, which has raised many questions on what precisely the responsibilities of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, George Onyeama, are.
We’re going to answer this question in this article.
Nigeria’s foreign affairs minister’s saddled with promoting Nigeria’s domestic ideas and vision, protecting its citizens and maintaining diplomatic relations. Some of his core duties are:
Implementation and development of foreign policies
The minister is responsible for developing foreign Laws, policies, and principles that safeguard the country’s national interest, sovereignty and security.
Review of diplomatic issues and affairs
The Minister of Foreign Affairs analyses strategic issues that involve international relations as well as the adoption of diplomatic policies and principles. He represents Nigeria at international meetings such as the African Union and the United Nations General Assembly. Also, he’s responsible for establishing and maintaining diplomatic relations with other countries.
Negotiates bilateral and multilateral treaties
Negotiating and handling international treaties while ensuring Nigeria’s interests are protected is a core function of the minister of foreign affairs. He’s also in charge of managing international judicial cooperation alongside foreign-related legal issues that involve the government.
Promotes Nigeria’s Economic Interests
The Minister of Foreign Affairs encourages foreign investments, partnerships and trade with other countries to boost the economy.
Oversees the formulation of policies related to land and sea boundaries
Another function of this minister is to formulate policies that concern land and maritime boundaries. He also handles boundary delimitation and demarcation issues and oversees diplomatic negotiations on maritime delimitation.
Consular protection
This means protecting Nigerians’ welfare, rights and interests in travelling or living overseas. The Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM), currently headed by Abike Dabiri, is a parastatal under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs primarily used to ensure consular protection. Other functions of NIDCOM include:
Coordinating all continental Nigeria Diaspora Organizations.
Mobilising and harnessing the skills and resources of Nigerians in the diaspora for national development.
Developing and executing programmes that will aid accelerated development.
Building partnerships and networks that will safeguard the interests of Nigerians in the diaspora and drive development in Nigeria
However, on April 27, 2023, news of the evacuated Nigerian students being stranded in the desert hit the country. And this was due to the government’s failure to pay the drivers despite allegedly releasing $1.2 million for the evacuation. Clearly, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and NIDCOM still have a lot to improve on when it comes to protecting the interests of Nigerians in the diaspora.
Nigeria has 774 local government areas across 36 states.
In this article, we will be looking at the largest local government areas in Nigeria with respect to the landmass.
Borgu, Niger state
This Local Government Area (LGA) with a landmass of 11,782 square kilometres was formerly part of Kwara state until August 27, 1991, when it was transferred to Niger state. According to the 2006 census, the LGA has a total population of 171,182 people of mixed ethnicities such as Yoruba, Fulani, Hausa, Kambari, Laru, Nupe, Hausa, Lopa, Igbo and Bokobaru, among others.
This local government also houses a section of the Kainji National Park called the Borgu Game Reserve.
Toro, Bauchi state
This local government has a land mass of 6,932 square kilometres and a population of 350,404. The primary occupation here is farming, with onions and potatoes produced in large quantities. There is also a rich mix of ethnic groups, such as Fulani, Hausa, Duguza and Kaiwari, among others, but the major language spoken by the people is Fulfulde.
Kachia, Kaduna
Kachia has a landmass of 4,632 square kilometres and a population of 252,586. Although it is a predominantly Christian community, Islam and traditional religions are also practised. The major export of this LGA is ginger, but it also produces corn, millet and sorghum. The ethnicities in the LGA are Adara, Gbagyi, Ham, Hausa, Tinor-Myamya, Bajju, and Bakulu.
Kurmi, Taraba
Kurmi was created in October 1996 and has a landmass of 4,353 square kilometres. This LGA has a population of 143,600, and the major ethnic groups are Ndola, Tigun and Itchen. Kurmi is also a significant timber producer and other cash and food crops such as banana, cocoa, palm trees, cocoyam, groundnuts and maize.
Karo, Nasarrawa
Karo has a landmass of 2,640 square kilometres and a population of 205,477. It was initially built to house civil servants and lower-class families. The towns and communities in this LGA are New Karo, Masaka, New Nyanya, Ado, Kuruduma, and Maraba towns.
Kebbe, Sokoto
Kebbe has a landmass of 2818 square kilometres and a population of 124,658. The major communities that make up this local government are Ungushi, Kebbe-East, Kebbe-West, Girkau, Fakku, Nasagudu, Zugu, Jabga, Budun, Dukura, Kuchi, Sangi, and Margai I and II.
Dekina, Kogi
Dekina LGA was created from the former Igala local authority, and it has a landmass of 2461 square kilometres and a population of 260,968.
Guri, Jigawa
This local government has a landmass of 1,060 square kilometres and a population of 115,018. The major language spoken here is Bade.
Maiyama, Kebbi
Maiyama has a landmass of 1028 square kilometres and a population of 175,686. The primary economic activities of people in this LGA are farming, hunting and blacksmithing. Also, Hausa and Fulfulde are the major languages in this area.
Nguru, Yobe
This local government, with a landmass of 916 square kilometres, is one of Nigeria’s significant producers of gum Arabic. Its population is 150,632, primarily members of the Kanuri, Bedde and Manga ethnicities. The major languages spoken in the LGA are Kanuri and Hausa.
If you want to know more about the functions of a local government, you can do so here.
On April 19, 2023, a Twitter user with the handle @cbngov_akin1 claimed that the poverty rate increased while Peter Obi was governor of Anambra state. The tweet has garnered over 91,000 views as of the time of filing this report.
On Wait First, we divide claims into three categories. A valid claim is fresh banana. A misleading claim is cold zobo, while an outrightly false claim is burnt dodo.
So, how valid is this claim?
Some background
[Peter Obi / Africa Report]
Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s (LP) presidential candidate, had a staggered time in office as governor of Anambra state. In 2003, he contested for governor under the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Chris Ngige was declared the winner, but in a lengthy court battle, the victory was overturned at the Supreme Court. Obi was reinstated as the election winner and assumed office in March 2006.
Obi was impeached in November 2006 and reclaimed his mandate following another court ruling. He returned to office in February 2007. He was removed again after the 2007 election but was reinstated by the Supreme Court. Obi won reelection and served as a two-term governor from March 2006 to March 2014.
Obi’s performance as governor has come under intense scrutiny since he declared his intention to run for president, particularly as his campaign promises hinged on combatting poverty. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) announced him third in the presidential election with 6,101,533 votes.
Poverty is more than just a number. It’s a complex issue that affects many aspects of a person’s life. OECD data shows that poverty rates are measured by income levels falling below the poverty line. But poverty is not a one-dimensional problem that can be summed up with a single indicator. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) is the go-to agency in Nigeria for collecting, analysing, and disseminating crucial statistical information that helps understand the socioeconomic realities of the country’s citizens.
“Findings by FactCheckElections revealed the (NBS) National Poverty Rates For Nigeria: 2003-04 (Revised) and 2009-10 (Abridged Report). The report showed that Anambra had 41.4% state-level headcount per capita poverty measure in 2003-04 and 53.7% in 2009-10.
“The National Poverty Rates For Nigeria: 2003-04 (Revised) And 2009-10 (Abridged Report) capture poverty rates across Nigeria with the Absolute Poverty Approach (using a per capita approach of assigning 3000 calories requirement for an adult).
[Source: NBS]
“FactcheckElection can find no official data report on the poverty rate between 2011 – 2018. Aside from forecasts and predictions, there’s no absolute poverty study in those years. According to a reply tweet by Dr Yemi Kale (former statistician general of Nigeria), ‘NBS has not conducted any absolute poverty study since 2009’.
So what’s the status of the claim? Based on data from the (NBS), Anambra’s state-level headcount per capita poverty increased from 41.4% in 2003-04 to 53.7% in 2009-10. Peter Obi was governor between 2006 and 2014. So the claim is partly true, and we give it a banana rating. However, no official data shows the poverty rate when he left office in 2014.
If you asked a Nigerian in the 15th to 19th centuries to describe their version of “oil money”, two words come to mind — slave trade.
British traders were at the heart of the slave trade before the UK government abolished the trade [BBC/Getty Images].
Popularly known as the Transatlantic Slave Trade or Euro-American slave trade, this involved selling enslaved Africans to the Americas and Europe, usually by other Africans.
Captive Africans being transferred to ships along the Slave Coast for the transatlantic slave trade, c. 1880. [Photos.com/Getty Images]
Despite these deaths, these amounted to exponential economic growth for the nations involved.
The USA grew to provide 60% of the world’s cotton and some 70% of the cotton consumed by the British textile industry.
Profits made in the slave trade provided money for investment in British industry, with banks and insurance companies offering services to slave merchants.
Local chiefs enriched themselves with guns, mirrors, and other profitable income due to the trade-offs with these Western powers.
All this happened until the abolition of the slave trade in 1807 with the Slave Trade Actby William Wilberforce.
The official medallion of the British Anti-slavery Society [Wikimedia Commons]
Once slavery was abolished, Britain needed a legitimate means of exploiting resources conducting business. One of the largest slave ports came to mind — Lagos.
This is where the story of Oba Akintoye and Prince Kosoko comes to light.
The Akintoye-Kosoko power tussle
Obas Akintoye and Kosoko.
After abolishment, slavery didn’t just disappear from Africa until 1852, especially in coastal places like Lagos.
Trading at that point was so bad that the British Royal Navy had to establish a Task Force called the West Africa Squadron to pursue Portuguese, American and French slave ships and prevent local chiefs from selling more people.
This affected local politics as some chiefs and kings wanted to keep trading, while some thought quitting was reasonable.
A West Africa Squadron ship, HMS Black Joke fires on the Spanish Slaver, El Almirante [HistoryUK].
Prince Kosoko was pro-slave-trade, making him popular with the chiefs and slave traders. However, Akintoye was a populist, a friend to the British and anti-slave trade, which made him unpopular with the local leaders.
Kosoko grew in wealth, with the ability to purchase guns, velvet robes, umbrellas, gunpowder and other valuable items from the proceeds of the slave trade.
With all this going on, Lagos looked more like a lost cause for the British anti-slave trade movement despite negotiations with Kosoko, and they didn’t like this.
They sought counsel on their next steps from a formerly enslaved person and first Black Bishop, Samuel Ajayi Crowther.
The Revenge of Bishop Samuel Ajayi [Adjai] Crowther
Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther [Guardian Nigeria]
Samuel Ajayi [Adjai] Crowther is a familiar name in Nigerian history.
Many of us know him as a child from Osogun sold into slavery at 13 and traded several times before being rescued by the Royal Navy West African Squadron in Sierra Leone.
We also know him as the first Black Anglican Bishop and the first person to translate the Bible from English to Yoruba.
How was he then involved in the Lagos tussle?
Samuel Ajayi Crowther, 1890 [Slavery Images]
Eight years after being admitted to the ministry as a priest by the Bishop of London, Crowther was received by Queen Victoria and Prince Albert in November 1851.
Both the Queen and the Prince studied a map showing Lagos and Abeokuta and displayed great interest in the country’s trade. Ajayi described his enslavement and the state of slavery in Lagos at the time.
When Queen Victoria asked what the solution could be for slavery on the West African coast, Ajayi replied, “Seize Lagos by fire and by force”. He also argued that if Lagos were under Akitoye instead of Kosoko, the British commercial interest would be guaranteed and the slave trade suppressed.
On November 20, 1851, a team consisting of the British consul in Lagos, Lord Beecroft, and other officers negotiated with Prince Kosoko one last time to end the slave trade, but he refused.
And with that, Beecroft sent the word to the senior officer of the Bights Division, Commander Forbes, to expel Kosoko and wage war on Lagos.
Preparation for war
“British Men o’ War Attacked by the King of Lagos” [James George Philip, 1851]
One month later, in December 1851, the British Naval Forces travelled to Lagos for warfare.
On the part of the Lagosians, they had two concerns — the safety of their gunpowder, which was essential for fighting, and the effectiveness of the artillery forces, which were cannons, rockets and muskets.
For the British, their problems lay with the lagoon’s shallow waters. This made movement more difficult for their larger warships (HMS Penelope and Samson). Therefore, they had to make do with the smaller warships, HMS Bloodhound and Taser.
This was good news for the Lagos Army Commander, Oshodi Tapa. The Lagosians would not have been able to withstand 32-calibre cannons firing at them per minute. But that didn’t mean they were going to take chances.
Obituary poster for war chief, Oshodi Tapa [Sahara Weekly]
Two rows of spiked coconut tree stems were placed underwater as an engineering technique to prevent the big warships from moving towards the shore. Then they placed long cannons on piles above sea level.
Now, the Lagosians were ready for the British.
A bloody Christmas
1851 Bombardment of Lagos by the British Naval Forces [Guardian Nigeria]
On December 25, 1851, Oshodi Tapa attacked British ships that had gathered at the ports for weeks in disguise of a truce. Tapa planned to lure them into the traps they had set as soon as possible.
The British fleet, which had 306 soldiers under Commander Forbes, sailed inward the following morning, and the Lagosians fled.
However, this was a decoy, as the British were ambushed by Lagosians who murdered one officer and 13 soldiers and wounded four officers and 60 soldiers, including Lieutenant Corbett. They also captured one of their warships.
But the British retaliated
The Royal Navy were furious with the battle’s outcome and retaliated on December 27, 1851. They decided to go the route of an artillery storm because they knew they’d lose with infantry combat.
Captain Jones led the attack party consisting of HMS Bloodhound, HMS Teaser, and a flotilla of boats, including The Victoria and The Harlequin, equipped with overwhelming firepower.
They engaged Kosoko’s army in a battle lasting three days. Kosoko put up a stiff resistance, but the Royal Navy’s superior firepower won the day. Kosoko and his leading chiefs fled Lagos for Epe on December 28, 1851.
The aftermath
A group of Lagosians managed to escape the blaze of the war and ran to the city’s northern outskirts.
They created a community called Agindigbi, which signifies the deafening sound of the cannons. This still exists as an area in the now Ikeja part of Lagos.
Modern day Agindigbi in Ikeja [PropertyPro]
The British chased away the remaining indigenes to spread the word upon arrival.
They found 48 letters in Kosoko’s palace corresponding with Kosoko and European slave traders. These can now be found in the British National Archives.
On December 29, the British installed Oba Akintoye as the Oba of Lagos. After Akintoye’s death on September 2, 1853, his son, Dosunmu, succeeded him as king.
King Dosunmu, King of Lagos [Alubarika]
Under Dosunmu, the slave trade was revived briefly until the British convinced him to exchange the ports of Lagos for a yearly pension of 1,200 cowries (equivalent to £1,000). This was known as the Treaty of Cession in 1861.
From then on, Lagos was annexed to become a colony under the British.
The impact
An aerial view of CMS in modern-day Lagos [Council on Foreign Relations]
Britain’s conquest of Lagos and its commercial activities made Lagos an economic hub. By 1872, Lagos was a cosmopolitan trading centre with a population over 60,000.
Since then, it has become one of the largest cities in West Africa, with an estimated metropolitan population of over 15.9 million people in 2023. Lagos is also the most profitable state in Nigeria, with a $136.6 billion GDP.
The federal government has come bearing gifts and good tidings, except in their case, only a select few are entitled to it.
On March 29, 2023, Nigeria’s Minister of Labour and Employment, Chris Ngige, revealed that the federal government was planning a pay rise for civil servants to cushion inflation and increased cost of living. He also informed us that it’d take effect from January 1, 2023, meaning arrears will be paid as far back as January; and the budget was awaiting approval from President Bubu.
On April 23, 2023, the budget was approved. It was revealed that only 144,766 federal civil servants under the Consolidated Public Service Salary Structure civil servants would be getting a 40% pay rise. Lecturers under the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) are also entitled to this new salary structure, but for them, implementation will begin once a conclusion on the Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA) is reached with the Ministry of Education.
However, this goodwill wasn’t extended to other categories of federal workers such as medical practitioners, non-academic university staff, members of the armed forces and the police force. Why? They all operate under different salary structures.
What are the salary structures in Nigeria?
The National Salaries Income and Wages Commission (NSIWC), established in 1993, governs all salary structures in the civil service. These salary structures are:
Consolidated Top Federal Public Office Holders Salary Structure (CONTOPSAL)
This structure, adopted in 2007 and still in use, determines what top government civil servants at the federal and state levels are paid.
Consolidated Public Salary Structure (CONPSS)
This determines the minimum wage, the monthly salaries of civil servants, and workers’ salaries in the Federal Civil Service Commission according to their grade levels.
Consolidated Police Salary Structure (CONPOSS)
As the name suggests, this structure determines the salaries of police officers. Also, it covers other allowances such as transport, meal subsidy, uniform maintenance, torchlight maintenance, and personal servant allowance for senior officers, among others.
Consolidated Medical Salary Structure (CONMESS)
This structure is the salary scale for every medical practitioner in the civil service.
Consolidated Health Salary Structure (CONHESS)
This structure determines the salary scale for health workers that aren’t medical doctors.
Other salary structures are the Consolidation Armed Forces Salary Structure (CONFASS), the Consolidated Paramilitary Salary Structure (CONPASS), the Consolidated Tertiary Institutions Salary Structure II (CONTISS II), the Consolidated Research and Allied Institutions Salary Structure (CONRAISS), the Consolidated University Academic Structure (CONUASS) and the Consolidated Judicial Salary Structure (CONJUSS).
Reactions to the pay rise so far
As expected, this news didn’t sit well with many medical practitioners, especially with the proposed Bill by the House of Representatives, which would ruin the japa plans of doctors and dentists.
The National Association of Hospital and Administrative Pharmacists of Nigeria (AHAPN) have described this move by the government as discriminatory and unacceptable, especially as pharmacists have not received a salary increase since 2010.
The President of the Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU), Mohammed Ibrahim, also said his piece and described the exclusion by the federal government as an invitation to a crisis in public universities.
While the salary increase by the federal government is unusually thoughtful of them, the exclusion of some groups of civil servants may cause incessant strikes that may put Nigeria at a standstill.
It’s no secret that federal universities cannot afford another strike, and the healthcare sector is already struggling with brain drain. Rather than give people another reason to japa, the federal government should go back to its drawing board and think of a way to ensure no one gets left out. After all, there’s no discrimination when it comes to sapa.
In January 2020, a Nigerian policy advocate, Ebenezar Wikina, confronted Nexford University in an email after he was asked to prove his English language proficiency before enrolling in a business program.
Wikina’s refusal to take a language proficiency test forced Nexford to review its admission policy. This was the foundation for the #ReformIELTS campaign— a policy advocacy movement that has mobilised over 80,000 people across Africa to challenge language discrimination in the global education system.
What ChatGPT says about the #ReformIELTS campaign
The campaign, which has featured on more than 500 media platforms globally, led to 20 universities across Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom, removing the IELTS/TOEFL barrier for applicants from English-speaking countries in Africa.
While Wikina has been at the forefront of this reform, Policy Shapers, a policy reform and advocacy organisation he founded in August 2020, has been the organised fighting front.
Policy Shapers have engaged the UK government’s Home Office in a policy debate. For every intellectual gbas from the Home Office, Policy Shapers responded with a greater gbos.
Is it even possible for a young person to be a policy advocate?
But how did these young Nigerians achieve this level of bravery, and how can you do something like that?
Let’s talk:
Policy Advocacy 101
Policies are the decisions and principles of organisations and establishments that determine how they act or treat people who deal with them. Those Lagos restaurants that refuse people entry because of how they are dressed are acting based on their internal policies.
Policies can be discriminatory—like how Lagos restaurant policies are anti-baddies—bad or need to be amended to meet new needs.
Every time you see a policy you don’t like and you speak against it; you are doing the work of a policy advocate— like how Wikina refused to write IELTS at Nexford.
If you take it forward by telling your friends about the policy and they take action with you, leading to the policy being reformed or eliminated, you are doing policy advocacy.
With 62% of Nigeria’s population under 25 years of age, organisations like Policy Shapers believe in youths as the major stakeholder in Nigeria and should be part of the policy dialogue and decisions that decide their future.
So, in case you’re still wondering, yes, you have a role to play in the policy decisions made in Nigeria because you will be affected whether or not you do something. The price of bread or shawarma, the cost of internet data, the price of Netflix and Prime subscriptions, or whether or not delivery companies are successful all depend on policy decisions.
How Policy Shapers influenced policy decisions in 20 universities globally
Simple answer: Obasanjo’s internet.
In my speech 🗨 to Nigeria's Vice President last week, I asked for FG to support the #ReformIELTSPolicy campaign and he responded in agreement saying that "as an English-speaking country we should definitely be beneficiaries of some concession from @ukhomeoffice"#PolicyShaperspic.twitter.com/rQgtnqHvfu
Policy Shapers encouraged many young people like you, to use email and social media, and a Change.org petition to ask abroad universities to stop asking us to prove we can speak English.
After #EndSARS protests against Police Brutality in 2020, the group felt it was safer to protest and advocate online. They used the People, Data, and Time (PDT) principle. Here’s what that means according to them:
People: Every policy advocacy campaign should be about people. The model we piloted through this campaign was not to directly lead every aspect of this advocacy. On the contrary, we empowered and inspired young people in Nigeria and the diaspora to take the lead in engaging institutions. One person who has been very influential in this entire process of engaging schools, and has now inspired many others to follow him, is Dr Olumuyiwa Igbalajobi, a Nigerian post-doctoral research fellow based in Canada. Dr Olumuyiwa single-handedly wrote to almost 100 schools seeking policy changes and we are so glad to have someone so passionate working with us.
Data: For government officials, the numbers must make sense. This is why we produced over 20 pages of evidence in collaboration with over 80 young people in our Advocacy Taskforce to back our argument for the inclusion of Nigeria and Anglo-African countries in the UK’s Majority English Speaking Country (MESC) list. These data points have helped us drive the message of our campaign and we produced it
Time: Change takes time. In our fast-paced AI world, it’s easy to want change to take place immediately but it doesn’t always work like that in the policy world. We must remain patient and resolute till the end. Since the incident with Nexford University in January 2020, it has taken more than 50 months of persistence before we arrived here. When you want something, don’t stop until you get it, right?
Policy Shapers is building a community of young policy enthusiasts to co-create policy ideas and advocate for a better Nigeria. Learn more about how to join here
This piece is produced as part of the partnership between Policy Shapers and Zikoko Citizen to deliver policy analysis to young Nigerians.
What comes to mind when you hear “Ponzi”? You’re probably thinking about the Mavrodi Mundial Moneybox, known as MMM. This infamous fraudulent scheme, which Sergei Mavrodi ran until he died in 2018, had a presence in over 100 countries, including Nigeria, before its inevitable crash in December 2016.
Many Nigerians lost their life savings in a scheme that promised quick and eye-popping returns on investment. Nigerians learned the hard way that there’s no free lunch. However, it seems the Nigerian government learned a different lesson from the whole affair and entered into a sovereign Ponzi finance scheme. What is this, and why does this spell serious trouble for Nigerians?
Ponzi schemes: An explainer
The name Ponzi comes from Charles Ponzi, an Italian con artist born in the 19th century. His scams were simple enough and were aptly described as “Robbing Peter to pay Paul”. He ran a scheme where he promised investors great returns on investment in a short time.
The scheme depends on getting as many people as possible to buy into it so that as new entrants come in, their contributions fund the payouts of older members. This is why Ponzi schemes are also described as pyramid schemes.
Pyramid schemes are mathematically doomed to failure because they eventually become unsustainable. There’d be way too many people waiting for new entrants to fund them, and when that doesn’t materialise, it becomes clear their investments are gone with the wind. This is when the scheme crashes.
The FG’s Ponzi financing scheme
So here’s what the Nigerian government did. Imagine a giant financial scam where the government tricks investors into buying bonds with promises of juicy returns on their investment. Sounds good, right? But here’s the catch: the government doesn’t use that money to invest in anything that could make a profit. Instead, they use it to cover everyday expenses like salaries and pensions.
When it’s time to pay back those investors, the government doesn’t have the money, so they issue new bonds to pay off the old ones. It’s like a never-ending cycle of debt that keeps getting bigger and bigger. Eventually, the government’s debt grows so large that it becomes impossible to pay back, leading to a catastrophic financial meltdown. That’s what’s called a sovereign Ponzi scheme, and it’s not pretty.
According to Proshare, Nigeria’s debt profile rose again after the Paris Club debt was cleared in 2005. However, debt up until 2014 was at least sustainable. In 2015, the national debt rose 22% to ₦19.4 trillion from ₦15.8 trillion in 2014. By 2020, the debt had spiked by 175% to ₦53.3 trillion.
Nigeria kept up the borrowing, and by the end of 2022, our debt had risen to ₦76 trillion. What makes matters worse is the borrowing didn’t translate to economic growth for us. The World Bank predicts slow growth for Nigeria and projects that 13 million more Nigerians will fall into poverty by 2025. As we said earlier, there’s no free lunch.
What’s the way out?
A few other countries have adopted the Ponzi financing model, leading to disastrous outcomes.
A cautionary example is Lebanon which, for many years, accumulated debt recklessly. Today, the country is fighting crippling inflation and has fallen into depression.
One way out, according to Proshare, involves approaching the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a policy support instrument (PSI). In simpler terms, it refers to policy advice on issues like market reform, subsidy and the exchange rate. Regardless, it will involve some pain in the short term, but this is preferable to the looming crash ahead if we continue down this path.
Another option is debt restructuring. This is a process in which a borrower and a lender agree to modify the terms of a debt agreement. This is usually done when the borrower has trouble repaying the debt and needs to change the payment plan.
Improving efficiency in government spending is also necessary. No more white elephant projects and inflated budgets. The new administration must demonstrate to Nigerians its seriousness in reviving the economy and saving us from falling into a debt trap. Nigeria has a fighting chance of escaping the looming crash if it can implement these reforms.