Notice: Function _load_textdomain_just_in_time was called incorrectly. Translation loading for the wordpress-seo domain was triggered too early. This is usually an indicator for some code in the plugin or theme running too early. Translations should be loaded at the init action or later. Please see Debugging in WordPress for more information. (This message was added in version 6.7.0.) in /home/bcm/src/dev/www/wp-includes/functions.php on line 6121 Citizen | Page 18 of 41 | Zikoko!Citizen | Page 18 of 41 | Zikoko!
This is Zikoko Citizen’s Game of Votes weekly dispatch that helps you dig into all the good, bad, and extremely bizarre stuff happening in Nigeria and why they’re important to you.
Subscribe now to get the newsletter in your email inbox at 8 am every Friday instead of three days later. Don’t be LASTMA.
On October 23, 2022, the United States government issued an emergency alert to American citizens living in Nigeria. The notice warned them of imminent terror attacks on any number of assets — especially in Abuja — and preached caution and vigilance.
Of course, Nigerians received the alert as well as you might expect.
[Image source: Tenor]
In typical Nigerian fashion, our own Department of State Services (DSS) quickly dismissed the U.S. alert as an ordinary security headache, not the pulmonary embolism it sounded like. The agency even said something like, “Hey, we’ve also issued similar warnings in the past” — which is true but isn’t the point. It’s not the Warning Olympics.
Whatever calm the DSS response offered, it went down the toilet when the U.S. government made another move on October 25. The U.S. Department of State authorised the departure of non-emergency staff and their family members back to America over the terror threats.
One of the embassy’s helpful suggestions for Americans who choose to remain in Nigeria is to have plans that don’t require the U.S. government’s assistance, which sounds like, “You’re on your own if kasala bursts.”
[Image source: Zikoko Memes]
Considering Nigeria’s history with terrorism in the past decade, this week’s events should register some concerns that the Nigerian government should be taking more seriously.
Instead, we’ve got the DSS soft-pedalling the threat and Lai Mohammed doing what he does best — calling Indian hemp spinach. Nigerians were sleeping with only one eye closed before, but we may need to sleep with both eyes open until this cup passes over. It’s time to be more vigilant than ever.
[Image source: Zikoko Memes]
What else happened this week?
Nigeria’s flooding crisis is a campaign issue
[Image source: Peter Obi Campaign]
It’s been weeks since Nigeria’s 2022 flooding crisis went from “It’s okay, this is normal every year,” to “Too many people are dying, do we still have a government?” The floods continue to wreak havoc around the country leaving 612 Nigerians dead and over 3.5 million people directly affected.
The situation wasn’t tragic enough to stop Buhari from travelling to South Korea this week. And he didn’t even bother to send the Minister of Condolences, Yemi Osinbajo, to have some humane facetime with the victims. His version of taking the crisis more seriously is announcing that he needs 90 days to put a plan together.
[Image source: Zikoko Memes]
Thankfully, the 2023 presidential candidates are filling the wide gap of humane leadership Buhari has left right in the middle of the flooding crisis. The Labour Party (LP) candidate, Peter Obi, has gone on a donation spree and visited victims, gaining leadership points and photos that’ll look great in his campaign album weeks from now.
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Atiku Abubakar has also met displaced victims, donated millions and made commitments to provide permanent solutions to Nigeria’s frequent flooding problems. And the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Bola Tinubu, has thrown millions of naira at the problem, even if he’s not found time in his busy schedule to meet the victims.
The good thing here is that as much as Nigeria’s 2023 elections campaign season has been troubled by ethno-religious tensions, it’s also catered to real issues affecting Nigerians. The days when campaigns were about eating roasted corn by the roadside are over. Or maybe we’re just being too optimistic here.
Have You Seen This Video?
We read Tinubu's 80-page manifesto so you don't have to. Here are the things we found. 1/2 pic.twitter.com/BKo4r9ZkQg
Fuel queues are back in major Nigerian cities and we spoke to a filling station manager about how good or bad a fuel scarcity crisis is for business. We also want to hear how you’ve been dealing with the ongoing scarcity crisis.
Click here to tweet your answer to @ZikokoCitizen on Twitter.
Ehen, one more thing…
Godwin Emefiele’s Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) is redesigning the ₦200, ₦500 and ₦1000 banknotes and one of his reasons is that it’ll minimise the access Nigerians have to large volumes of cash needed for ransom payments.
If you’re a kidnapper in Nigeria, it’s time to find a new line of work. Meffy is coming for you.
A lot can happen in a month — you could safely lose as much as 9kg, read as many as 20 books or make 10 trips to the moon. And if you’re a Nigerian, one month is enough time for one socio-political group to endorse two different candidates for the 2023 presidential election.
On October 30, 2022, Afenifere, a Yoruba group, endorsed the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu. A respected leader of the group, Pa Reuben Fasoranti, announced the endorsement in Akure, Ondo State when the candidate visited him. But this wasn’t Afenifere’s first endorsement of a 2023 presidential election candidate.
On September 26, 2022, another Afenifere leader, Pa Ayo Adebanjo, threw his support behind the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP), Peter Obi.
What do the separate endorsements mean?
What’s clear from Afenifere’s endorsement competition is that the group is a house divided against itself. Just like political parties in Nigeria, Afenifere has factions that aren’t always in agreement.
Even though Fasoranti stepped down as the group’s leader for Adebanjo in 2021, they’ve ended up on opposite ends of issues. In his response to Fasoranti’s endorsement of Tinubu, Adebanjo said the Obi endorsement is the real deal.
Do these endorsements really matter?
On one hand, politics is largely a game of numbers and interests which explains why politicians seek the support of individuals who hold influence over large groups of people. These individuals could be anyone from towering political figures to traditional rulers and religious leaders.
On the other hand, it’s difficult to measure the impact of these endorsements on elections in Nigeria. For example, former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, publicly endorsed Atiku Abubakar and described him as “President-to-be” for the 2019 presidential election, but we all know how that ended.
Like the Afenifere, there are many more groups waiting to endorse candidates, whether organic or paid for. But the real question is how much do these endorsements affect real voters?
The japa wave for Nigerians seems to be getting some pushback recently in the form of visa bans, visa restrictions and even deportations.
While these actions won’t stop Nigerians from making their japa plans, it’s important to flag some countries you should probably cross off your destination lists. These countries are either historically hostile to Nigerians with inhumane treatments or have shown us shege in recent times.
Consider this a travel advisory.
United Arab Emirates (UAE)
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) used to be the go-to spot for premium enjoyment for Nigerians, but they appear to be sick of hosting Nigerians these days. On October 21, 2022, the UAE banned Nigerians from applying for visas and even canceled already submitted applications without refunding applicants.
When a Nigerian raised alarm about the maltreatment of other Nigerians trying to enter the country in August 2022, the UAE jailed her for violating a cybercrime law.
I'm at Dubai international airport and myself and some tiger Nigerians with valid Visas are being held in a room hours after arriving with no explain and no information on what we can do. Please help me. There's more than 20 of us pic.twitter.com/6LpchsoJU2
In 2018, the United Nations (UN) released a report that detailed the horrors Nigerians face in Libya — ranging from unlawful killings to gang rape, arbitrary detention, torture, unpaid wages, slavery, human trafficking, racism, and xenophobia.
In March 2022, Nigeria’s House of Representatives moved to address the violation of the human rights of Nigerians in Indonesia after Arinze Igweike died in the custody of immigration officials. The officials arrested him with two other Nigerians and brutalized them until he died.
In August 2021, Indonesian officials were filmed assaulting Abdulrahman Ibrahim, a Nigerian consular officer based in Jakarta. In the film, they held him down inside a vehicle while he begged for air as he couldn’t breathe. Indonesia apologised for the maltreatment but the incident put the spotlight on how the treatment of Nigerians in Indonesia could be better.
South Africa
In September 2020, thousands of South Africans marched on the streets with plaques and banners, demanding that Nigerians and other foreigners leave their country.
The protesters claimed foreigners are taking away their jobs and committing crimes — the same narratives used to attack foreigners in the past.
[Image source: Ewn]
In August 2022, the Nigerian High Commission to South Africa warned Nigerians of imminent attacks on foreign nationals due to the recent utterances of a group, ‘’Operation Dudula”. As a Nigerian, to live in South Africa is to always dread the next wave of xenophobia.
India
The reality of what’s happening to Nigerians in India isn’t always the song and dance you see in Bollywood movies. In 2021, a Nigerian activist in New Delhi shared how Nigerians were victims of inhuman treatment — ranging from illegal experimentation for COVID-19 vaccines to the death of a 43-year-old Nigerian, Leohand Lyeanyi after a police officer allegedly assaulted him.
The Nigerian government has flagged Northern Cyprus many times as hostile to Nigerians. At least 100 Nigerian students studying there died under questionable circumstances between 2016 and 2020 but nothing has been done to address their cases.
What’s worse about Northern Cyprus is it’s not a country recognized by anyone in the world other than Turkey. This means the Nigerian government can’t have direct diplomatic engagements with them to help Nigerians when they run into trouble there.
The government’s message is clear: whatever happens in Northern Cyprus, you’re on your own.
Do you know of any more countries we missed that should be red flags for Nigerians? Let us know.
If you’ve paid for your aso-ebi for the launching ceremony of Nigeria’s new naira banknotes in December, you may want to cancel your order. Because only two days after the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Godwin Emefiele, aka Meffy, announced that three naira banknotes will be redesigned, we’ve found out that he didn’t inform everyone in the federal government that should’ve known.
Seriously, we’re not making this up. The Minister of Finance, Zainab Ahmed, said she heard the announcement the same way we all did. We’re still reeling from the shock of this claim. The guy in charge of Nigeria’s monetary policy announced a plan that affects our money, but the federal minister in charge of our money said, “For where?”
Chale, what else came up?
Other than being sidelined, Ahmed wasn’t convinced that Meffy had done his homework before his announcement. The minister noted that the cosmetic plan would have serious consequences on the value of the naira. And when you remember how much the naira’s value has suffered already, this should make everybody’s chest tight.
The naira can get worse?
Is this sort of thing unprecedented?
The thing with Buhari’s Nigeria is that even the most outrageous things aren’t new. If the plan to redesign the naira is canceled, it wouldn’t be the first time the government has walked back on an announcement. On August 8, 2022, Buhari approved the acquisition of Exxon Mobil shares by Seplat. Two days later, he woke up on another side of his bed and reversed the approval.
So what’s next?
When he announced his plan, Meffy said he already got Buhari’s blessing. But how could this process have happened without consulting the Ministry of Finance? So the current disconnect between the head of our monetary policy and the head of our fiscal policy has to be resolved soon. And if it means Buhari stepping in, then that’s what we should expect him to do. But are we even sure that Buhari knows?
A musician and politician are similar in many ways. You need to stay relevant, remain popular, and keep dropping hot content for the public. We imagined the kind of music careers some notable Nigerian politicians would have and it’s hilarious.
Bola Tinubu
He’d be Jay Z, dropping evergreen one-liners that no one understands but he’d still have millions of fans anyway. We think he should just quit music altogether but what do we know?
Nyesom Wike
This man is Kanye West with a Nigerian passport. He wastes no time publicly calling out anybody that vexes him, or anyone he just doesn’t like. If you stress him, he’ll call you out and you’ll hate yourself. He always drops bangers though, and no one can do him anyhow.
Atiku Abubakar
He’s had the longest run as an upcoming artist, no contest. We admire his determination but at this point, he should just rest. Try your hand at something else, bro.
Peter Obi
He’s one of those artists that come out of nowhere and make a few hit songs from a little-known label. Then they clench the title of “Next Rated Artist” and make the already-blown artistes shit their pants. He’s the subject of a lot of diss tracks but that’s none of his business.
Muhammadu Buhari
He might as well be a ghost worker in the music industry because nobody sees him or hears anything from him. But when he decides to go on tour? He ignores his fanbase. But his die-hard stans keep making excuses for him.
Dino Melaye
He likes to think he’s an artist when he’s really just a hypeman. He’s the politics version of Toby Shang, no shade intended. He even has all the supercars to make himself look the part but, if it didn’t dey, then it didn’t dey.
Lai Mohammed
His entire discography is full of cap, and it makes you wonder what else he’s hiding. If fake-it-till-you-make-it were to be a person.
In Buhari’s Nigeria, young people are slowly giving up on the soft life dream. Not only is 33% of the working population unemployed, but even the ones who are employed are fighting sapa.
One of the biggest opps Nigerian youths are battling is inflation which rose to 20.77% in September 2022. It’s the highest inflation rate in 17 years and we fear Buhari just wants to break any record whether good or bad. But the biggest victims of the worrying inflation rate are young Nigerians and their dreams.
We had a conversation with two young Nigerians to understand how they’re surviving the inflation crisis.
“Data and fuel are my weekly money suckers” — Irene
Irene Akinyemi is a 23-year student and community builder. And, of course, data is necessary for her work – one thing that is hardly ever available or cheap in Nigeria.
Transportation, data and electricity costs are through the roof. The fuel of ₦5,000 which used to be enough for a week in the generator now lasts three days. ₦6,000 for 25GB used to last for a month — and sometimes spill over into the next one — but now finishes after three weeks, or even two.
What adjustments are you forced to make?
I’ve had to reduce the money spent on my necessities and cut down on unnecessary items that I used to buy. Also, before I make a purchase, I go over the things I need to buy to see if it’s really necessary or not.
What’s the biggest thing inflation has deprived you?
Inflation has reduced my fun money or the money that I spend on things that aren’t necessities. For instance, I don’t splurge on eating out as I used to.
A Stears Business report in 2017 estimated that Nigerians spent an average of 7% of the minimum wage of ₦30k on data monthly. But the Alliance for Affordable Internet (A4AI) reported that affordable data should cost no more than 2% of their monthly income. Inflation has grown worse in Nigeria since those reports five years ago, and our second subject is feeling the burn.
“I’m this close to shutting down my business” — Samuel
Samuel* is a chef who owns a restaurant on Lagos Island. He also doubles as a caterer for special occasions and events. But since he started his business, 2022 is the first time he’s regretting his career path.
How are you coping with inflation?
Things hadn’t been the smoothest since I started the restaurant in 2018, but at least one was trying. I could budget for ₦1.3 million as my rent, and buy foodstuff at Mile 12 around ₦300k and ₦400k every month. But with this inflation, it takes the grace of God to run a business.
In a week, I can spend up to ₦400k or even ₦450k per week on foodstuff, and my landlord increased next year’s rent to ₦2 million. I don’t even want to talk about overhead and payment of salaries. Three of my best employees left in August because of the ₦70k salary, but I can’t steal to pay these guys. My turnover since September has been ₦50k or less.
It’s becoming a huge issue for me to run this business and I’m this close to shutting everything down because of inflation. I might as well focus on getting referrals for special occasions.
What’s the biggest thing inflation has deprived you?
I’ve always wanted to be like Chef Stone and have my very own five-star restaurant, get global recognition, and even start my own catering school. But all of that may be on pause until we get a new era of government. Hopefully, things will pick up soon.
And what makes everything worse is Nigeria has a president who can’t be bothered to deal seriously with the issues. Buhari’s poor attitude has inspired the question of what might have been if we had a different president.
We decided to go down memory lane and reflect on what could have been if the people on this list won the president’s seat. Some of them didn’t perform in the elections as well as expected and some of them were so close, but got no cigar.
Obafemi Awolowo — 1979
Obafemi Awolowo [Image source: Britannica]
Awolowo was a former minister of finance and three-time contender for Nigeria’s highest political office. His closest call was in the 1979 presidential election running on the platform of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). Just like the forthcoming 2023 presidential election, the 1979 contest was also a three-horse race.
Awolowo finished second with 29.18% of the votes, just behind the winner, Shehu Shagari, with 33.77% of the votes. Although he fought hard to overturn the result, the Supreme Court ruled against him. His consolation is becoming the face on Nigeria’s ₦100 note.
Moshood Abiola — 1993
MKO Abiola [Image source: The Nation]
MKO Abiola was a businessman and politician who contested the 1993 presidential election as the candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). He was quite popular and regarded as the winner of the election having polled 58.36% of the popular vote.
However, one thing football has in common with politics is, the match is never over until the referee blows the final whistle. In MKO’s case, the referee — General Ibrahim Babangida — swallowed the whistle. Babangida’s military government annulled the election and Abiola died in prison for fighting for his mandate.
When Nigeria’s Fourth Republic began in 1999, Olu Falae, a former minister of finance, ran against Olusegun Obasanjo, a former military ruler. Falae ran on the joint ticket of the Alliance for Democracy and the All People’s Party against Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party (PDP).
Unfortunately for Falae, two heads were simply not better than one as he only polled 37.22% of total votes compared to Obasanjo’s 62.78%. Falae had seen enough and that would be the last time he ever ran for president.
Odumegwu Ojukwu — 2003
Ojukwu [Image Source: Britannica]
Ojukwu is mostly remembered for his role in the Nigerian Civil War as the president of the breakaway Republic of Biafra. But he also ran for president of Nigeria in 2003 as the candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), finishing third with 3.29% of the votes cast.
While we may never know what might have been, it certainly would have been fascinating to have a president who had fought against Nigeria and for Nigeria. At least, everything would’ve been balanced.
Nuhu Ribadu — 2011
Nuhu Ribadu [Image source: Blerf]
The first chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) makes this list not so much because he was close, but because he had a very audacious run.
As a third force candidate of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) contesting in the 2011 presidential election, he managed to finish third with more than two million votes. Given the brutal history Nigerians have with the police, it’s quite impressive to see a former police officer get that kind of love. At least it’s a massive step up from collecting egunje.
Atiku Abubakar — 2019
Atiku Abubakar [Image source: Punch]
If there’s one lesson Atiku Abubakar has taught us, it’s that if at first you don’t succeed, try again. And again. And again. Ad infinitum.
Atiku has run unsuccessfully for president five times going all the way back to 1993. His closest run was in2019, running as the candidate of the PDP, when he polled 41.2% of votes. While that translated to over 11 million votes, it simply wasn’t enough to defeat Buhari. He’s on his sixth run in 2023 and maybe his village people will finally remove their hand from his matter.
Weird question. God, when will I have more than one passport o? But they didn’t ask all these questions to my travel companion. And by “all these questions”, I mean: What are you doing in our country? Where will you stay? What do you do for a living? Oh, and for where I worked, they asked me to write down the company’s website on a piece of paper.
I froze as the immigration officer looked at the paper I’d written “Zikoko.com” on, and typed something into her computer. What if she found this story? It’s the only thing about their country I’d written for my Abroad Life series, and Rwandans didn’t like the story.
But her next question was, “How many passports do you have?”
“Just this one”, I replied.
“So, why wasn’t it stamped from your country?”
I was confused. My travel companion — with whom I’d gone through the entire airport process in Nigeria — was confused. Let’s not even talk about how stressful that process was. In retrospect, there weren’t a lot of stages. It was just long, strenuous and the airport was hot. And airport officials begged for money at every stop. Maybe frequent travellers are used to this wahala, but it was my first time leaving Nigeria.
“Did they stamp her own passport?” I asked, pointing to my travel companion.
The immigration officer didn’t say anything. She just raised the second passport and showed me a stamp with the day’s date. Wahala. I and my travel companion were shocked. We didn’t know when the passport was stamped.
“So what happened?” the immigration officer asked, as nicely as she’d been all the while.
I didn’t know. In Nigeria, we’d done the entire process and submitted our passports together. If they stamped her passport, they had to have stamped mine too, right? I explained this to the officer while we flipped all the pages of my passport. No stamp.
And that’s when she told me they’d have to ask me to go back to my country to get the stamp. They couldn’t grant me access into their country without my country’s approval.
Hay God. The first time I decided to leave the country, my village people followed me. What had I done to deserve this?
After a few silent seconds, other people from my travel group passed by. They’d been cleared by immigration without questions or wahala. So I stopped them and asked, “Did they stamp you people’s passports in Nigeria?”
All four of them said no.
The immigration officer in front of me was shocked, and I was scared I’d just put four people in trouble. She turned and called them over to inspect their passports. All four passports had the Nigerian stamp. But just like the person I was travelling with, not one of the four of them knew when their passports were stamped, so they were all surprised to see it.
The immigration officer let them go.
But because my travel companions were nice people, they stalled for a few moments to find out what was going on. And then, they asked another immigration officer what would happen to me.
The response? “There’s a 99.9% chance he has to go back.”
I was shaking.
The first immigration officer left to get her superior. I had to stand there for about ten minutes, trying to look calm. When she came back with a man, he asked me what the issue was. I told him everything I’d been saying since: We went through the processes together and submitted our passports together at every point. We didn’t know when they stamped her passport. It must’ve been an omission.
When I was done, he looked at me for a few seconds and said, “I guess that’s fine. Welcome to Rwanda.”
Rwandans are so… nice. I’m not saying this because they let me into their country o. I interacted with many people in the course of my six-day stay there. You know the type of niceness that’d make you, a Nigerian, wonder, “Am I supposed to give this person money?” That type of niceness.
Back to Nigeria
I prepared my rant and came back to fight.
“YOU PEOPLE ALMOST GOT ME DEPORTED!”
“I SLEPT AT THE AIRPORT!”
“I WENT FOR A BUSINESS MEETING AND LOST MONEY BECAUSE OF YOU PEOPLE!”
But the heat and long line to the arrival immigration point at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport mellowed me. When it got to my turn, I calmly explained the situation and what I wanted — a departure stamp. A frequent traveller had told me not having a departure stamp on my passport could be a problem for me in future travels.
The man I spoke to called his superior, who in turn, seized my passport and tried to blame me for sneaking past airport authorities to Rwanda. I just laughed.
“Young man, you think this is a joke? You’ll explain how you did this. This is a very serious offence. We cannot accept you back into the country!”
So I told him to check their system for my thumbprints and picture from the day I travelled. If I’d snuck away, how would they have that information? When he heard this and saw I wasn’t scared, he began to go on a “So, are you trying to say it’s our fault?” rant. I just stood there and started at him. Five minutes passed in silence. And then another five minutes. Then, they stamped my passport to show I’d arrived in the country.
“Sir, what about my departure stamp?” I asked.
“This isn’t where they do departure stamps. Sorry, there’s nothing we can do about it.”
One of them signalled for me to wait in one corner for him. After about ten minutes, he came to meet me and gave me his number. If I gave him a call any day, he’d meet up with me and help me take my passport for a backdated stamp at the departures department.
He didn’t mention a price, but I know his “niceness” will come with a cost.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
Today’s subject on #AbroadLife is the main character in a tale of three countries. After deciding to study abroad nine years ago, he was finally able to in 2021. He talks about being the only black person in an English town, having a fun time living in Greece, and dealing with the language barrier in France.
Where are you right now?
I’m in Nantes, France.
How did you get there?
I got an Erasmus Mundi scholarship to study for my Master’s degree in Europe, and it’s taken me through three countries so far. It’s a joint Master’s degree programme and it’s administered by three universities in three different countries, with full tuition paid.
Wild. When did you decide to leave Nigeria?
In 2013. I got into a federal university in 2012 and was admitted to study Fishery and Aquaculture. I wanted medicine, but that’s what they offered me instead. So, I spent my first year trying to be serious and get good enough grades to help me cross into Pharmacy at the very least.
I didn’t know anything about scholarships at the time. The people who ran printing centres in school would come to class and tell us to apply for scholarships. But I always thought it was a scam just to collect the ₦1,000 registration fee.
The following year, I started seeing my friends get some of the popular scholarships at the time; MTN, NNPC, Agbami, etc. These people didn’t have grades as good as mine, but they still got scholarships worth around ₦100,000 to ₦200,000 every year.
That’s when it really hit me that scholarships were a thing. I made the decision that I would get a scholarship to study abroad for my Master’s degree. The first reason was that I wanted to become an expert in my field, and the second reason was that I knew I could do it. I started researching and documenting things in my final year.
When did you start applying for scholarships?
In 2019, during my NYSC in Akure. I applied for two scholarships in the Netherlands and the UK. I was actually hopeful because my grades were stellar, but I was served breakfast on both sides.
LMAO. What did you do next?
I got a job upon completion of my NYSC, and I started thinking about ditching my scholarship dream because I was making enough money from it. On the other hand, I had nothing to lose if I didn’t get a scholarship, so I decided to try again. The only difference was, my motivation wasn’t as high as it was before. Money can distract you from your dreams, to be honest.
The next year, during COVID, I applied for two more scholarships. One of them was the Commonwealth scholarship administered by the UK government, and it was the one I eventually got. I was selected to get funding to study in the UK, but sadly, it didn’t happen then.
Why?
Because of all the economic damage COVID caused, the UK government decided to cut funding for that year. So, I received an email saying I still had my scholarship, but I’d have to defer my scholarship till the next year. The following year, I reapplied for the other scholarship that rejected me. This time, I was successful. Now, I had two scholarships and could weigh my options.
The commonwealth scholarship offered me full funding to study in the UK for a year, after which I must return to Nigeria to develop it. But the other scholarship didn’t have that clause. Even better, it was for a joint Master’s programme to be administered by three schools in different countries: Scotland, Greece and France. This meant I’d get to see more of Europe. I chose the second scholarship and started the process of migrating.
What was the process like?
Even though it was my first time leaving Nigeria, I found the process pretty easy. I got a letter from the scholarship office stating that the scholarship would cover 100% of the tuition and a monthly stipend. I didn’t have to worry about providing proof of funds and other things like that. I was granted a visa within three weeks of applying, and I moved to the UK in September 2021.
Walk me through your journey across Europe
I arrived in London first. COVID was still on at the time, so I couldn’t move to Scotland immediately, and my classes were online. I had many friends in the UK already, so I stayed with one of them. I was there for about three months before I moved to a town called Oban in Scotland.
I expected the UK to be cold, and it was. I expected it to be beautiful; it also was. But my God, the apartments are tiny! My room was smaller than my room back in Nigeria, and I had to pay £450 every month in rent, my yearly rent back in Nigeria.
To make things worse, I had to share a kitchen with other people in the building. So all I really had to myself was a room and toilet. And the buildings weren’t so modern because they try to preserve their architectural history. To top it all up, I was the only black person in the town.
Wait, what?
It’s a really small town. If there were any other black person there, I’m very sure I’d have met them at some point. But I never saw any other black person throughout my stay.
It wasn’t weird at all though. The people were very welcoming, and I’d sometimes go to bars and get them to play afrobeats. They loved it. I had a good time, but I only spent three months there before I had to move to Greece for the next part of my programme.
What was Greece like?
Honestly, Greece is like Nigeria Pro Max. When I got there, I thought, “Did they bring me to Lagos by mistake?” People were blaring horns so loudly, and no one respected zebra crossings. It was giving Ojuelegba-level chaos.
One time, I tried to use a zebra crossing, thinking the cars would wait for me the way they would in the UK. Come and see swerving. I was the one dodging cars. At that point, I knew I’d found Nigeria’s twin. It’s a very interesting country and naturally beautiful too sha.
I lived in a city called Heraklion, and it has a beautiful landscape, beautiful beaches and many historic sites. Things were also cheaper in Greece than in the UK. Their economy was worse, which meant the stipend I was getting translated into a lot more cash for me. The buildings were not that pretty, and you could tell the country was battling sapa at the time.
Tell me about the people
The people in Greece are friendlier and more laid back than those in the UK. Back in London, everyone was about their hustle and didn’t really give a shit about you. But no one knows how to have fun as much as the Greeks.
About 70% of the people in Greece speak English, so I could get by very well in social circles without knowing any Greek. The families are bigger because they don’t migrate very often.
How long were you there for?
Six months, before having to move to Nantes in September.
Where?
Nantes, in France. It’s a student city, so I met more people from different parts of the world there. For the first time since London, I saw a lot of black people. It’s a lot like the UK actually. But the main difference is language. One annoying thing is how snobbish French people are about their language. It’s almost as if they have a long-standing beef with English speakers.
The first thing I learnt to say in French was, “I don’t know how to speak French”. The whole point was to get the person to speak English with me, but nine out of ten times, their countenance would change the minute I said it. French people aren’t as friendly as the Greeks, but they’re even less friendly if you don’t speak French. They’ll say they can’t speak English and air you, even when they actually can.
It’s so bad that even in the hospitals, the doctors only talk to you in French. The country is also very bureaucratic; there’s a lot of unnecessary paperwork you have to deal with, and they’re all in French. Emails from the authorities come in French, and when you call to ask for clarity, they’ll speak French. So, language is a real social barrier for me here. The lucky thing in all of this is that my classes are in English. If not, I’d be in trouble.
How are you dealing with it?
I’m currently learning French sha, so these people can stop airing me anyhow. I have French classes twice a week, and it’s helping. The good part is my coursework across the countries has been in English, so language isn’t affecting my studies in any way.
What do you love about France?
First of all, it’s very multicultural. In the other countries, the diversity came from the people in my own class. But we’ve been the same people moving together from place to place for the past year. In Nantes, there are people from all over the world. One time, I went to a church and saw so many black people, I thought I was back in Benin, Nigeria.
Another thing I love is the fact that it’s a welfarist state. The government cares about the people who don’t earn very much. My stipend is around €1,000 per month. But because I’m a student, I get up to 60% off my €450 rent, financed by the French government. The same goes for food and a bunch of other things I need to stay alive.
And what’s school been like so far?
Moving from school to school across different countries is very tough. Not only is the system of education different from Nigeria, but each country has a different system of their own. In the UK, we didn’t have proper exams; we wrote essays that would count towards the assessment grade. Most of my classes were online, and there’s only so much one can learn without being in a classroom. In Greece, I had proper exams and the classes were in-person. It was a better learning environment for me as I could interact directly with my classmates and ask questions in class. I’d say my semester in Greece has been the easiest so far.
France basically combines everything. Essays, exams, assignments, field trips, you name it. We do everything.
So, where will you go from here?
Back to Greece to finish my programme. It’s a two-year master’s programme. I did the first semester of my first year in the UK and the second one in Greece. The third one is what I’m currently doing, and the last will be in Greece. I can’t wait to leave the stress of this place and get back to my second Nigeria.
LMAO. Your love for that place is really something
Yes. It’s like Nigeria but with constant light.
Hey there! My name is Sheriff and I’m the writer of Abroad Life. If you’re a Nigerian and you live or have lived abroad, I would love to talk to you about what that experience feels like and feature you on Abroad Life. All you need to do is fill out this short form, and I’ll be in contact.
But now, things are taking a turn for the worse as their medical well-being is also at stake. On October 21, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) issued a warning that 2.5 million people in Nigeria are at high risk of waterborne illnesses, drowning, and hunger.
[Image Source: Todayfmlive]
To have a deeper understanding of how serious the situation is, we spoke with a 66-year-old farmer, Ngozi Igwe, who was displaced by the floods in Omoku, Rivers State. She’s suffering from three illnesses — scabies, malaria, and typhoid — but is receiving little to no medical treatment. She told Citizen her story.
What was life like for you before the flood?
I was very happy about the rainy season because my crops — yam and cassava — weren’t doing so well for some time, and I thought the rain would help them grow faster. I didn’t know that floods would be the result of that kind of rain. Even though I didn’t have a lot of money, at least, life was better.
What’s it like living in an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp?
It’s not been a joke at all. I’m not living well here. There’s no mosquito net and no mattress for me to sleep on. There’s no night that mosquitoes don’t bite me — they’ve finished my skin completely. I can’t sleep and my body is always hot. The sickness is too much.
And it’s not only me. I made a friend here, Peace, who’s suffering from severe typhoid, with constant body pains for five days. Even the little treatment she’s receiving here is not working.
How long have you been feeling ill?
I’ve been here since the beginning of September, so maybe six weeks.
Have you received any type of medical treatment?
We have o, but it’s not enough. It’s not even doctors treating us here, it’s pharmacists. Imagine o, one person has scabies, malaria, and typhoid, but no doctors are here to treat me.
The queues to receive the drugs are always long and you can stand for hours. They’re trying o but I wish I could see a proper doctor that can treat me better and give me drugs that can work fast. I have grandchildren that I would like to see grow up a bit before I die.
Who’s helping victims of the flood?
A resident of Rivers State and entrepreneur, Gloria Adie, popularly known as @MrsZanga on Twitter, has been spreading awareness about the flood crisis in parts of Rivers State. She told Citizen there were hardly any doctors in the Omoku region before the floods. Most of the available doctors work in government-run IDP camps and are hardly found in privately-run camps like the one Igwe stays in.
Adie also claimed that most of the hospitals in the area aren’t useful as the floods have submerged them and damaged medical equipment.
Zikoko Citizen tried to reach out to the pharmacist in charge of the camp, Peter Ologu, but he wasn’t available for comments.
Where’s the government?
The Federal Government has distributed relief materials to 21 states across Nigeria, but Rivers State is one of the 15 states still waiting for delivery. The state government has supported victims with a₦1 billion donation to provide relief materials but enough hasn’t gone around for them.
There has been no official mention of hospitals affected by the state government, but the Nigerian Navy has provided medical personnel to victims in Ahoada, Omoku, and Port Harcourt.
Like Igwe, Nigerians displaced by the flood are battling diseases, hunger, and severe displacement. The government needs to be more efficient in providing relief for them.
On October 26, 2022, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), through its governor, Godwin “Meffy” Emefiele — the crusader who just loves conducting experiments with our money — announced that it would redesign our big boy banknotes: ₦200, ₦500 and ₦1000.
We know you don’t take money matters lightly so we’d love to help you understand why this is happening.
Who sent Meffy work to redesign?
When Meffy calls for a special press briefing, you should know something’s cooking. No one saw it coming when he announced at the October 26 briefing that Buhari had given his blessing for the CBN to put some make-up on our most elite banknotes. He said he’s observed all the terrible things done to the naira notes and it was time to restore order. The CBN just wants to put the…
As the senior man of the Nigerian economy, Meffy gave us a breakdown of the reasons for redesigning the naira. Here they are:
It’s long overdue
According to Meffy, the global best practice is for the CBN to redesign banknotes every five to eight years. But Nigeria hasn’t redesigned banknotes in 20 years and Meffy needs to show Buhari he’s working.
Nigerians are hoarding too much cash
Meffy said Nigerians are hoarding over 85% of naira banknotes in circulation outside the banking system. Nigerians are hoarding his notes and he wants them back.
To be honest, we can’t say we blame people who aren’t leaving their money in banks knowing the numerous bank charges they pay and the regular disappearing acts of the money in their accounts.
Banknotes need a bath
Lowkey, it’s been a while since we saw fresh naira notes and Meffy doesn’t like that. Omo, we can’t complain and maybe clean banknotes will allow the naira to gbera against the dollar.
Producing fake banknotes is too easy
Meffy also doesn’t like how technology and advancement in printing has made it easy for fraudsters to produce fake naira banknotes. So… he wants to throw them a fresh challenge?
Meffy thinks the redesign will give the eNaira a helping hand and boost Nigeria’s drive for a cashless economy.
Meffy wants to choke kidnappers
Times are about to get very hard for kidnappers if Meffy’s plan works. Apparently, the news of Nigerians paying millions in ransom has reached his ears and he wants to put an end to it. Meffy’s plan is to mop up the cash outside the banking system and dry up ransom payments for kidnappers.
What else should you know?
The new banknotes will launch on December 15, 2022 and coexist with the old ones until January 31, 2023. If you’re still holding the old banknotes by February 1, 2023, Meffy says you’re on your own.
The good news is the CBN has ordered banks to open their currency processing centers to accommodate cash deposits. You now have enough time to dig up those naira notes buried in your backyard. And the sweet part is Meffy has ordered banks not to charge you for cash deposits to ensure a smooth transition.
It’s time to say goodbye to your beloved old banknotes and prepare to say hello to new ones. Meffy just needs to tell us where to show up for the welcome party.
Atiku Abubakar, the presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), officially flagged off his campaign early in October 2022. He has since hopped across the country for his unifier mission.
But what exactly has he been up to?
How has his campaign fared so far?
Well, the answer depends on who you ask. His fans have called his style of campaign unique and focused. His haters think he’s in last position in a three-horse race for the crown. But this is a former vice president of Nigeria we’re talking about and a massive crowd of supporters turned up for the flag-off of his campaign.
The biggest problem for Atiku’s campaign is he has enemies from within trying to pour sand in his garri.
On October 25, 2022, the governor of Benue State, Samuel Ortom, his fellow party member, publicly withdrew his support for Atiku for “dishonoring him” and working against the interests of his state. This withdrawal is connected to Atiku’s messy feud with Nyesom Wike, the governor of Rivers State.
Wike is yet to forgive Atiku’s transgressions since he lost the party’s ticket to him. So, it’s no surprise that every day is WW III with those two.
On his most recent campaign stop in Edo State, Atiku said his number one priority, if elected president, would be Nigeria’s unity. But it’s difficult to overlook the irony that he can’t unite his own party.
Where was Atiku last seen?
On October 25, 2022, Atiku visited residents of Bayelsa State affected by the floods that have devastated many parts of Nigeria. The candidate didn’t just show up with love and light, but also some cash — he donated ₦55 million towards the welfare of the victims.
Call him Mr Owonikoko
Atiku blamed climate change for the floods which have killed over 600 Nigerians in 2022. He called on the government to set up a relief fund to assist the victims who have lost their homes and sources of livelihood.
So where next for the unifier?
According to his campaign timetable, Atiku is expected to address the Commonwealth of Nations in the United Kingdom on October 27, 2022. He would then move his presidential campaign to Ekiti State on November 1, and neighbouring Ondo State on November 2.
The candidate’s expected to tour the remaining states in Nigeria before the presidential election holds on February 25, 2023. For his sake, we hope he manages to put his home in order or there may be some serious consequences.
Today’s subject of Navigating Nigeria is Titilope who manages a filling station in Bariga, Lagos . She talks about what fuel scarcity means for a filling station manager and how much of it is really good or bad for business.
What does a filling station manager feel about a fuel scarcity crisis?
Whenever a fuel scarcity crisis happens, it’s mixed feelings for me. On one hand, we’re excited about the price surge because it’s an opportunity for us to make more in sales. Selling a full truck or two in a day gives you access to higher profit margins. But on the other hand, it can be very stressful because we enter a race with the big guns in Nigeria’s oil industry to get fuel products at very exorbitant prices.
What caused this latest fuel scarcity?
The current fuel scarcity actually started on Thursday, October 20, 2022 — Nigerians just didn’t notice it. On that day, nobody could place an order because naval officers didn’t allow vessels to land at the ports. Unofficially, we were told there was a fight but it’s privileged information so I won’t mention the people involved. The landing cost of fuel increased as a result and the few operators who had stock increased their prices.
Mad
Last week for example, we were getting stock as high as ₦168 per litre because there was limited stock. Don’t also forget that there are floods affecting various parts of the country. In fact, at the depot two weeks ago, the government didn’t allow filling stations based in southern Nigeria to load up fuel. Priority was given to filling stations in states affected by the floods. So, if there are 10 trucks loaded up, states in the northern region like Kogi got top priority, meaning that the southern states have to fight for the few available trucks left.
Wow
As at Thursday, no new vessels had come in for landing. From Thursday till Monday, the effect of no landing is what Nigerians are now experiencing in the form of fuel scarcity. This also affects us as dealers. For instance, I wanted to place an order on Friday but I couldn’t because the available product had already been hijacked by the big wigs. So, small companies like us can’t compete.
Another thing is that in situations like this when there’s scarcity, companies like Forte Oil, Conoil, NNPC that operate downstream have the advantage. Naturally, they’ll give priorities to their own filling stations.
There was product in the free market but it was as high as ₦178 per litre even though the retail price is ₦170. Many people didn’t buy and that’s why you see a lot of filling stations locked up because the owners are thinking about it.
Don’t also forget that there was a blackout in many parts of Nigeria during the weekend. The blackout caused a surge in demand for fuel and we exhausted our stock by Sunday with nothing to fall back on.
Mad. So how are fuel marketers getting along?
Since it’s looking like a full-blown scarcity in the next few days, we may be willing to take the risk to buy as high as ₦178 per litre, even though government agencies like the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) will still come to bully us. Despite knowing we buy at these high prices, they expect us to sell to Nigerians at ₦170 per litre.
These are the things that many people aren’t willing to get involved in. The DPR doesn’t even deal in petty bribes of ₦50,000, they deal in bribes of hundreds of thousands. When you buy at ₦178 and sell at ₦170, how can you gain?
Don’t also forget that we pay taxes. To load a truck within Lagos you pay as high as ₦250,000, and ₦400,000 outside Lagos. When you consider these things, it’s not favorable for us in the long run.
How badly does this affect your pocket?
The impact for us is that we all have to sit at home. We can’t afford to get into trouble with government officials and Nigerians won’t know that the scarcity isn’t our fault. We can’t afford to buy what we can’t sell, and those that can sell simply increase the prices — probably because they have the money to bribe the DPR.
Since Sunday night I’ve been observing the trend through inside sources and driving around to see if our competitors are selling or not. Generally, I’m just testing if the water is shallow enough to put my leg in.
That process must be stressful
It’s not easy. It’s a family business and when my father started it, it wasn’t this hard. Right now, we’re just doing it for the sake of doing it because profit margins are as low as ₦2 or ₦1. You buy stock at ₦164 but it’s ₦165 tomorrow and ₦166 the day after. That’s what happens when there’s no proper regulation.
If you don’t want Nigerians blaming station managers like you, who should we be talking to?
NNPC and the Nigerian government. The Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) are trying their best, but what do you expect us to do? Think about it, if we’re buying today at ₦183, we have no choice but to sell to Nigerians at ₦200 per litre, at least.
What’s the way out of this current scarcity?
There’s hope it’ll end soon because we’re in the election season and the government in power wouldn’t want it to last for too long. The fuel scarcity may end towards the end of this week, or next week.
What needs to happen to avoid the next fuel scarcity?
Proper management. The NNPC in all honesty has shown that they don’t have the capacity to manage this thing — there’s too much corruption. So what they do is allocate to the big guys who have the capacity to hoard products — the whole thing revolves around a circle of people. Despite laws in place against this, the government isn’t implementing anything. The NNPC isn’t supposed to have exclusive authority over everything.
The Commissioner for the Environment and Water Resources, Tunji Bello, said the areas may be affected because of the Lagos lagoon. Water in the lagoon has reached its highest level and is now threatening to spill over into these areas. The government expects the floods to cause a mess in the streets and major roads of the affected areas.
What’s the government doing?
According to Bello, the government is currently draining water channels across the state and constructing new ones. There’s also a quick response Emergency Flood Abatement Gang set up to free up manholes that may cause blockage.
What should affected Lagosians do?
[Image source: Punch Newspapers]
The commissioner advised Lagosians in the affected areas to do these three things:
Since he won the presidential ticket of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in June 2022, all we heard from Bola Tinubu was that it was his turn to be president. But on October 21, 2022, he finally released a manifesto titled Renewed Hope 2023 to back up his entitled “emi lokan” campaign.
Tinubu promised that his manifesto would provide the “true and innovative solutions” that Nigeria needs to address its challenges, so we had to read this 80-page document so you don’t have to.
Here are some of the interesting things we found that Tinubu has promised to do for Nigerians if he becomes president in 2023.
No more police guards for VIPs
It’s not a secret that the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) is understaffed. Yet, many of the ones we currently have are acting as bodyguards for the highest bidder. They even help their VIP clients carry handbags sometimes.
But Tinubu’s manifesto promises to free police officers from being guards for VIPs if he becomes president. The VIP guard and bag-carrying job will now go to officers of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) while the NPF undergoes critical reform.
What it means for Nigerians
Nigeria is suffering from insecurity on a scale that’s never been seen before. We need police officers to be fighting crime, not acting as glorified guards. But Nigerians shouldn’t hold their breaths for this promise because every Inspector-General of Police (IGP) since 1914 and even Buhari have tried and failed to make this change happen.
The import substitution plan
Remember how Buhari has been hostile towards importation and even has a ban list for the importation of certain items like rice? Well, Tinubu’s manifesto promises to follow in his footsteps and discourage reliance on imports through policy measures like luxury taxes and higher tariffs. Buhari tried border closure at some point, so we wouldn’t be surprised if that’s on the table for Tinubu too.
What it means for Nigerians
Tinubu’s anti-import plan promises to incentivise international brands to set up manufacturing plants in Nigeria. The manifesto also notes that there’ll be support for local manufacturing and production. But if we’ve learnt anything from Buhari’s anti-import policies over the past seven years, there’s a lot to fear about this part of Tinubu’s manifesto.
The agbado master cemented his love for ‘cassava, garri, ewa” and other crops with the promise to establish a commodity board. The major objective of the board is to control the prices of staple crops.
Tinubu believes price control will help Nigerian farmers gain their daily ₦2k for their business.
What it means for Nigerians
Nigeria doesn’t have a good history with price-fixing and there’s little to suggest Tinubu’s plan won’t fail the economy like the others in the past. Let’s see how things turn out.
The content creators’ plan
If you thought Buhari’s attempts to regulate social media were bad, wait until you hear about Tinubu’s plan for content creators if he becomes president. The candidate plans to create a Presidential Creative Industry Advisory Team which would review the legislative framework of the creative industry.
What it means for Nigerians
Tinubu says the goal of this plan is to create a better business environment for Nigerian creatives, but we’ve seen all the memes about him and won’t put social media regulation attempts past him.
The inflation plan that’s not really a plan
In his manifesto, Tinubu has found a revolutionary action plan for inflation that’s certain to change Nigeria’s economy. That solution, ladies and gentlemen, is to study inflation.
One fact is clear — the number of women in Nigeria’s political space is very low.
Tinubu wants to address this and has promised to allocate 35% of all government positions to women. He even plans to strongly encourage private institutions to reserve a minimum number of senior positions for women. Who knew Tinubu is such a feminist?
What it means for Nigerians
If this plan works, we may be seeing more women becoming senators, and governors, and maybe even sitting in Aso Rock Villa.
The only issue with the plan is it’s only offering women 35% when they’re half of the population. Why can’t important government positions be split 50-50 between both genders?
Before October 25, 2022, many Nigerians had never heard of NAPIMS. I discovered the department by accident earlier this month when I visited a friend who lived near the agency’s head office in Lagos. At first, I thought NAPIMS was just a block of residential apartments for VVIPs.
NAPIMS’ head office in Ikoyi, Lagos
But after doing small amebo on my phone, I found out that NAPIMS is short for the National Petroleum Investment Management Services. The department is a subsidiary of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) — where all of Nigeria’s money is made and stolen. That was where my research stopped, so imagine my surprise when I saw NAPIMS in the news just weeks later.
What did NAPIMS do?
An audit of NAPIMS showed that the department spent ₦89.9 billion on public relations in 2021. This was more than triple the ₦20.7 billion NAPIMS spent on public relations in 2020.
How thoughtful of NAPIMS to stop just short of hitting the ₦90 billion mark. You’ve earned our undying gratitude, NAPIMS.
But if just one department is spending ₦89.9 billion on public relations, shouldn’t Nigerians have actually heard of them?
The really interesting part is the department’s claim of maximising the Nigerian government’s oil profits. Because the obvious question is how well have they managed to do that? Let’s show you.
The Nigerian department of flex
As you probably guessed already, public relations wasn’t the only thing NAPIMS spent too much on. I took a closer look at the audit report and found out that this department has been flexing with Nigeria’s oil money. Audited financial statements are usually boring but I promise you this one isn’t.
In 2020, NAPIMS spent ₦680 million on maintenance but spent ₦63 billion the following year. Most of that fund probably went to maintaining stomachs rather than assets.
In the same 2021 NAPIMS spent ₦2.2 billion on travelling and ₦1.1 billion on entertainment — because man must chop.
Expenses on internet also went up from ₦84.6 million in 2020 to ₦6.8 billion in 2021. After all, NAPIMS is in the upstream industry, and streaming consumes a lot of data.
Let’s also not forget that NAPIMS wrote off over ₦85 billion in bad debt in 2021.
How are Nigerians taking this?
An independent research analyst, Dayo Adenubi, told Citizen that NAPIMS’ administrative expenses are alarming, especially the bad debt write-off.
He said, “Debt write-off schemes are a common accounting fraud used by criminals to disguise unauthorised payments or reduce taxable income. I want to believe NAPIMS falls under the former.”
A Nigerian on Twitter who claimed to have worked for NAPIMS said that despite the heavy bills, it’s still possible that the financial statement is understated.
“I was the Acting Head of Procurements and Acquisitions Department. My boss Mr Micah lost his family in an accident and took a year off work. If the NAPIMS books tell you they spent billions on something, just know say na trillions.”
Another former NAPIMS staff said, “75% of NAPIMS staff are multi-millionaires. The Ogas are multi-billionaires. All IOC contracts are advertised by NIPEX but regulations, approval and contract awards are from NAPIMS (fill in the gap). In NAPIMS we only talk in dollars.”
So what really goes on?
Many Nigerians are now curious about what goes on at NAPIMS as the department spends so much on public relations while remaining relatively unknown. The person best-placed to address the issue is the Minister of Petroleum Resources, President Muhammadu Buhari. But we wouldn’t hold our breath for a response.
Sometimes, it’s easy to forget Nigeria still has a president running things in Abuja. You’d be forgiven for thinking the country is on autopilot because the number one citizen is often missing in the face of major issues that affect Nigerians.
But you’d never catch the president taking as much interest in critical issues like fuel scarcity or the flooding crisis that has claimed over 600 lives in Nigeria in 2022.
On October 24, 2022, the president finally decided to take a more active interest in the flooding crisis when he ordered a committee to develop a comprehensive plan of action for preventing flood disasters in Nigeria. We’re assuming he tried to ban the floods first but moved on to the next ridiculous solution when that didn’t work.
Predictably, Buhari’s 90-day timeline for a plan has caused a stir online because it’s not addressing the present crisis. Do you know what can happen in 90 days? The United Kingdom can have three prime ministers, Asake can release seven studio albums, and you can find your soulmate in America if you’re a contestant on 90 Day Fiancé.
A match co-produced by sapa and japa
Since we can’t do anything to make Buhari’s timeline shorter, we have some suggestions for what the committee should include in the 90-day plan.
How to be an empathetic leader
You’re more likely to find Buhari at a political event than at the scene of a disaster where the president can show empathy for the affected citizens.
“Can’t I just send a tweet instead?”
Like many other disasters that have happened under his administration, Buhari has kept from visiting displaced flood victims because it’d ruin his manicure or put the hem of his garment in danger of touching the water.
When the committee presents the 90-day plan to him in 2023, there must be an entire section dedicated to “How to be a leader that cares” just for Buhari. They can make it a cartoon if that helps him understand better.
The federal government has caught the most flak for the ongoing flood crisis, but there should be some whipping reserved for state governors too.
Nigeria actually has what’s called a “triple response structure” for disasters like flooding. The response starts from the local government to the state before it lands on the federal government when it becomes a national-level emergency. All three levels of government are allocated funds every month for ecology and disaster management.
This means local and state governments should’ve responded better to the disaster before it became as bad as it has in the past couple of months. Instead, governors are carrying their begging bowls to the federal government and private citizens to do their jobs for them. State governors need to be more useful and that should be put on record in Buhari’s plan.
We don’t want them reacting like this:
Thousands of Kogi State residents have been displaced by floods, but you wouldn't know that from looking at Governor Yahaya Bello's social media activity. pic.twitter.com/9D7AVIKx5K
How to manage a disaster without saying nonsense in public
While millions of Nigerians were reeling from the devastation the floods have caused in their lives, the Minister of Water Resources, Suleiman Adamu, was on television trying to explain what caused the crisis. In his losing battle to absolve the government of blame for not preparing well enough, he said the floods were caused by “water that we’re blessed with from the sky”.
Here's what our Minister of Water Resources Engr Suleiman Adamu said when asked what caused the flooding in Nigeria. pic.twitter.com/rXq2ya2lTG
It’s hard to imagine millions of Nigerians currently consider it a blessing, so maybe he should’ve just called it “rain” like every other person not turned on by public embarrassment.
The plan should include a section on government officials learning to speak like human beings in times like this. But we’re not holding our breath here because the same minister is coordinating this plan Buhari wants to use to fix flooding in Nigeria forever.
How to take medicine before death
The mathematics is simple — over 600 Nigerians wouldn’t be dead, and over 2.5 million wouldn’t be displaced if all levels of the Nigerian government did their jobs. Their failure to be more proactive in disaster management is the reason millions of Nigerians are suffering.
It’d be nice if the committee can find a section in their plan to note that the government sucks and should be doing better.
But while they put this plan together, the more pressing issue the government should address is how to help the victims right now and not in 90 days.
Earlier this year, a report by the Gender Strategy Advancement International (GSAI) noted that the participation of Nigerian women in politics falls below global standards. The national average is 6.7% which is low compared to the 23.4% African average and 22.5% global average.
With just about four months left till the general elections in 2023, we look at some of the numbers that define the role that women can play in the elections and what they mean for their representation in Nigerian politics.
1 — the number of women running for president in 2023
She may not be as popular as her male counterparts, but Princess Chichi Ojei of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) also wants to take over from Buhari next year. She’s the only woman out of the 18 candidates on the ballot for the 2023 presidential election. Twale for you jare.
25 — women running for governorship positions
The 25 female candidates contesting in governorship elections across Nigeria fall just short of 6% of the total number of 419 candidates on the ballots. It’s even worse when you consider that a court recently disqualified the only female candidate running with a major party. We see you looking at that 419 with suspicion and we are too.
That’s 92 women out of 1,101 candidates in total — representing a paltry 8%. We still have a long way to go to have gender inclusive politics at the national level.
286 — women running for seats in the House of Representatives
Only 286 out of a total of 3,107 candidates running for seats in the House of Representatives are women. This is the kind of gender imbalance that allows the male-dominated House reject bills to give Nigerian women more rights.
1,046 — the total number of women contesting for political offices in 2023
Out of the total number of 10,225 candidates running for political offices in 2023, only 1,046 are female — just over 10%. Real ojoro, for a country where more than 100 million people are female. So uncool.
6,224,866 — the number of newly registered female voters
Of the 12.2 million newly-registered voters ahead of the 2023 elections, 6,224,866 are women. They won this category hands down and are ready to demand more at the polls.
The Nigerian Voter is a series that seeks to understand the motivations that drive the voting decisions of Nigerians — why they vote, how they pick their candidates, why some have never voted and their wildest stories around elections.
For our pilot edition of The Nigerian Voter, Citizen discussed with Mama Ibeji*, a Nigerian woman, in her late 40s, who sells fabrics at Tejuosho Market, Lagos State. She told us about her voting experiences, preferred candidate, and the impact elections have had on her livelihood.
For how long have you worked in the market now? What do you sell?
I have worked there for over five years now. I sell crepe, chiffon, organza — clothing materials in general.
Have you voted before?
This country ehn, there’s nothing that used to make me vote before. The only time I voted was in the “Sai Baba” (Muhammadu Buhari) period in 2015. I remember them sharing all these small bags of rice then and I thought Buhari would end all the nonsense that happened regarding Boko Haram and the Chibok girls at that time. I didn’t know his tenure would be worse than Jonathan’s own.
Do you remember what the voting process was like in 2015?
Hmmm, not so much o. I know that I went to Oke-Odo Primary School to vote because the place is located near my house. I stood under the sun for many hours, but I was able to vote before evening time.
Why didn’t you vote again after 2015?
I didn’t because I was no longer interested. When I heard that Buhari was running for president again in 2019, I became disinterested in the whole affair of voting because I knew that Tinubu would help him win. It was best that I focused on my business.
Hmm. How do you then feel about Tinubu running for president in 2023?
He shouldn’t run at all. That one that his hands shake. He has not done anything for Lagos o, that one is not my president.
How’s the election season affecting your business?
With the state of the country right now, money is not in circulation. But I know that when elections come, candidates release money for campaigns. The market may change by then.
Also, a lot of agberos (street touts) are on the streets in Tejuosho. They don’t want us to rest, with their consistent demands of owo da (where is their money?) They’re so eager to collect money that they didn’t work for.
What’s the money used for?
The agberos say the money is for the government, for the local government. But some people also say that Tinubu also owns the money as well.
How much do you pay?
It depends. Sometimes we pay ₦1,000 every market day, and our market days fall on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.
Hmm, that’s ₦3,000 every week?
Yes o. Some people pay ₦3,000 per market day, it depends on the portion of space that each trader owns.
Who do you plan to vote for 2023, and why?
If I’ll vote, it’s Peter Obi I’ll vote for. This present government has shown us shege — the dollar rises all the time and the market doesn’t have a steady price. Even buying goods for sale seems pointless because it’s highly unlikely that we would buy those goods for the same price tomorrow. And everything happened under APC. I’m tired.
Nigerians will have to say goodbye to vacation jpegs and premium enjoyment in Dubai after three recent events strained relationships between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Nigeria.
On October 21, 2022, the oil-rich country imposed a visa ban on Nigerians and rejected all pending applications without refunds.
No reason has been given for the ban. It’s the latest in a series of issues they have with Nigerians and the Nigerian government.
The rift further escalated when the Nigerian government evacuated 542 stranded Nigerians in the UAE back home on October 23, 2022. The government also gave the returnees $100 (₦43,660) for transportation expenses back to their homes. For once, they tried.
Another issue that strained Nigeria’s relationship with the UAE in the past week is the imprisonment of Dunchi Lar, a Nigerian who exposed the maltreatment of Nigerians in the UAE. This is the tweet that put her in trouble:
I'm at Dubai international airport and myself and some tiger Nigerians with valid Visas are being held in a room hours after arriving with no explain and no information on what we can do. Please help me. There's more than 20 of us pic.twitter.com/6LpchsoJU2
The Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) justified the actions of the UAE government, stating that Lar disobeyed the UAE cybercrime law which prohibits taking a video or picture of someone without their consent and posting such on social media. The offense is punishable by a one-year jail term or a fine of between $69,000 and $137,000. That’s the kind of money that can release Nigeria from some of its debts.
Has there always been bad blood?
The Nigerian government and the UAE have had it out for each other over the past couple of years. In July 2021, the UAE banned Nigerian flights over a disagreement on COVID-19 procedures made by Emirates airlines. In January 2022, the UAE changed its mind and lifted travel suspensions on Nigeria and eleven other countries.
Nigerians in the UAE have also been indicted for cultism, fraud, and smuggling illegal drugs. This has strained the relationship between both countries.
What can Nigerians in the UAE do?
For starters, Nigerians in the UAE need to know the laws and nuances of the land. UAE is a country known for its controversial forms of judicial punishment like stoning and flogging. The government also restricts the local media, which are censored, to avoid the criticism of government officials or royal families. It’s best to stay safe, and obey all laws.
A couple of years ago, federal lawmakers in the National Assembly wanted to do something challenging and decided to amend the constitution. This is usually a good thing — the 1999 constitution was largely copied from the 1979 constitution which was written in an age when the internet was a pipe dream and people thought women only belonged in the kitchen.
[Image source: Zikoko Memes]
In March 2022, the two chambers of the National Assembly voted on 68 bills covering national security, electoral matters, and debates on whether Nigerian women really need rights. The lawmakers passed 44 of those 66 bills and said no to every single bill that had “women” on it. Maybe it’s still 1979 after all.
But that’s not even the most shocking part of this story.
To amend the constitution, it is not just enough that the elite in Abuja vote on it — no, it is one of the rare times that Nigeria actually functions as a unit. 24 out of 36 state Houses of Assembly also have to accept or reject the 44 passed bills before the president can sign them into law or reject them.
Seven months after the National Assembly transmitted the 44 bills to their state colleagues to consider, only 11 of them have voted. The deputy senate president, Ovie Omo-Agege, complained this week that the remaining 25 states have demanded a little something something from the National Assembly before they can do anything on the bills. So they initiated a ransom negotiation.
[Image source: Zikoko Memes]
The conference of speakers of state assemblies sent a ransom note to the National Assembly highlighting four bills that should be passed alongside the 44. The proposed bills will establish state police, establish state judicial councils, streamline the procedure for removing presiding officers of state Houses of Assembly, and institutionalise legislative bureaucracy.
The National Assembly has spent more than ₦1 billion on the constitutional amendment process but it’s in danger of derailment by state legislators who just want their backs scratched.
If the stalling state lawmakers don’t vote on the bills before the National Assembly’s current term ends in June 2023, then there’ll be no constitutional amendment.
Who blinks first?
What else happened this week?
INEC isn’t down with the violence, guys
[Image source: Premium Times]
Nigerian elections aren’t complete without all the fake promises, malfunctioning voting equipment, vote-buying, ballot snatching and senseless violence that puts voters in harm’s way.
This week, the gloves started to come off just a little bit on some of the ugly sides of contesting for seats in Nigeria. On the soft spectrum, the governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, called the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP), Peter Obi, “a clown” on Twitter. It was an unprovoked tweet from a governor bragging about not exercising his power to set security forces loose on a presidential candidate. It’d be nice if he can set them loose on the terrorists in Kaduna State instead.
As distasteful as El-Rufai’s tweet was, we witnessed a more horrifying display of real-world violence at the campaign rally of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its candidate, Atiku Abubakar, in Kaduna State. Thugs targeted PDP supporters at the rally and unleashed chaos just over a week after political thugs attacked an LP meeting in Enugu State.
Being the referee for the 2023 general elections, INEC already doesn’t like the handwriting on the wall. A violent electioneering campaign will likely lead to a violent election. So in a very brief message to parties, candidates and their supporters this week, INEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, said:
Have you seen this video?
Nigeria’s worst flooding crisis in over a decade has left over a million homeless and hundreds dead. How’s the government responding to the disaster?#NigeriaFloodspic.twitter.com/kieAKDv79p
This week marked the second anniversary of the historic #EndSARS protests of 2020. We’ve spoken to activists to hear what has changed about police brutality since then, but we’d also like to hear from you.
Click here to tweet your answer to @ZikokoCitizen on Twitter.
Ehen, one more thing…
Nigeria is still suffering from the devastation of floods that have affected millions of people and are expected to cause problems till the end of November. Please follow us to keep up to date on government warnings in case you’re in an area at risk of flooding.
Don’t forget to lend a helping hand to victims in whichever way you can.
On October 22, 2022, the spokesman of the Northern Elders Forum (NEF), Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, commented on how students are the biggest losers of the strike. He noted that they’ll be “railroaded” into completing their academic year but lecturers will get their outstanding salaries and the government will face no penalties.
A political economist who replied him also noted that some students are struggling with Nigeria’s flooding crisis but their problems are not taken into account.
Citizen spoke to two students about their experiences on readjusting to school life after the ASUU strike.
Ebuka — University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN)
“I’ve already gone back to UNN. I’m a medical student so I don’t really have classes per se. We’ll be having online classes on Monday due to the sit-at-home order in Enugu. We’ll start going for postings at the hospital from Tuesday to Friday — that’s what we’ll be doing for eight weeks.
The cost of living has gone up a lot. A keke ride that used to be ₦50 is now ₦100, a bag of water has gone up to ₦200 and a bottle of Fanta is ₦220. I don’t even know what a ride to the hospital will cost now. Before the strike it was ₦150 and slowly increased to ₦200. It could be higher now with the flooding crisis and fuel scarcity.”
Shola — Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta (FUNAAB)
“Yes, I’m in school now, but FUNAAB hasn’t released its academic calendar yet. I’m in school because of my project and it’s been a devastating thing for me as I should have graduated a long time ago. I’m still in school for a four-year course and I’ve spent six years already.
As a matter of fact, we’ve not yet resumed. Our Vice Chancellor will be rounding up his service on October 31, but there’s currently an internal issue — we don’t know when the calendar of the school will be out. Students are just roaming about the school environment.
It’s not been an easy journey for us as students of FUNAAB with national issues like the ASUU strike, the internal strike and also the NASU strike affecting us. We’re bitter and it’s not been funny — we’re down financially, morally and mentally.”
On October 23, 2022, the United States Embassy in Abuja warned American citizens of an “elevated risk” of terror attacks in Nigeria, especially in Abuja.
Just when we were catching some rest for the weekend and looking forward to salary week, the terror alert popped up to remind us that there’s no rest in this country.
What are the possible targets?
Possible targets for terrorists include:
Government buildings
Places of worship
Schools
Markets
Shopping malls
Hotels
Bars
Restaurants
Sports gatherings
Transport terminals
Law enforcement facilities
International organisations
How serious is this alert?
This isn’t the first time a foreign government has issued terror threat alert in Nigeria in 2022. In July, the US and United Kingdom alerted their citizens with separate warnings of an imminent rise in crime in Abuja. The advisories followed the prison escape of over 400 inmates, many of whom were convicted terrorists, from Kuje Prison.
How are security agencies reacting to this?
The Department of State Services (DSS) has called for calm over the U.S. advisory but asked Nigerians to remain vigilant. The agency said it was working with other security agencies to maintain peace and order across Nigeria. Given that the president himself is out of the country, it might be hard to find that reassuring.
What can you do?
The U.S. government wants its citizens to take some precautions in light of the feared attacks and that’s what we should all do:
Avoid crowds as much as possible. Terror attacks are often designed for maximum impact and crowds are easy targets.
Avoid all non-essential travel or movement.
Be aware of your surroundings and report any unusual faces or movements to the nearest authorities. Communal vigilance is essential in periods of high security threats.
Carry a form of identification at all times.
Review your personal security plans and keep your cell phone charged in case of emergency.
Ultimately, it’s important not to panic. This sounds like something the government would say but it makes sense — unwarranted panic can create even more trouble than any credible threat of danger.
Just a month after he banned the wearing of miniskirts in schools, the governor of Anambra State, Charles Soludo, has found something else he doesn’t like. On October 21, 2022, the state government ordered businesses to suspend all gaming and casino activities.
What caused the ban?
The government said it took the action after receiving petitions about the manipulation of casino machines. The petitions also called the transparency of game winnings into question. Soludo’s government said these allegations constitute an abuse of global best practices in the gaming industry. So this ban is the fault of 419 operators and Soludo won’t let it stand under his watch.
The ban will stay in place until the government concludes its investigations.
Another category of critics consider it a misplacement of priorities for a government that should focus on the flooding disaster that has affected many Anambra communities.
Is this move unprecedented?
This isn’t the first time a state governor is taking the hammer to gambling in Nigeria. In 2019, Bauchi State passed a bill banning all forms of gambling and gaming operations in the state. In 2018, then Borno State governor, Kashim Shettima, ordered online betting agents out of the state to eradicate gambling.
Despite these bans, gambling is on the rise in Nigeria, driven by a high youth unemployment rate and the allure for quick cash. There have been recent debates in the National Assembly regarding passing a bill to regulate the industry.
Overall, regulation on gambling in Nigeria is relatively lax, which makes gamblers susceptible to fraud especially from unlicensed gaming operators. If properly regulated, it presents an avenue for governments to earn money by imposing a sin tax — a tax on activities deemed to be socially harmful to deter people from engaging in them.
The japa wave out of Nigeria is making doctors become as scarce as uninterrupted power supply. Many doctors have seen the benefits of working overseas and refuse to stay and fight sapa in Nigeria.
Even though we can’t blame anyone for wanting to earn their daily $2k, the japa wave of doctors is really causing a serious problem for Nigerians.
How bad is Nigeria’s doctor problem?
Let’s break it down in numbers.
An estimated 217 million people live in Nigeria and they’re all likely to need medical attention at some point. According to the President of the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Uche Rowland, Nigeria currently has 24,000 doctors available. This means there’s one doctor available to treat 9,083 patients.
But according to the World Health Organization, a country should have a ratio of one doctor to 600 people for their medical needs. Going by this recommendation, Nigeria needs at least 363,000 additional doctors in the country.
Excluding witch doctors
According to Rowland, there are some states in the southern region where there’s only one doctor available to treat 30,000 patients. The situation is even worse in some northern states where there’s only one doctor available to 45,000 patients.
He said, “In some rural areas, patients have to travel more than 30 kilometres from their abodes to get medical attention where available thus making access to healthcare a rarity.”
Nigerian doctors are rushing for the door
Even though Nigeria needs more doctors practicing in the country, the ones we already have are looking for work everywhere else. A 2017 survey by NOI Polls revealed that about 88% of medical doctors in Nigeria were seeking work opportunities abroad at the time.
In January 2022, the Medical and Dental Consultants Association of Nigeria (MDCAN) said more than 100 of its members left Nigeria within 24 months. A 2022 UK immigration report also showed that 13,609 Nigerian healthcare workers got working visas in the past year, making the country second only to India with 42,966 healthcare workers.
Who will make it stop?
Nigeria faces an existential crisis with the japa wave of doctors. As the country grows in population, more healthcare professionals are needed. The government needs to act fast with favourable policies that’ll make practicing in the country attractive to doctors.
We know our leaders can jump on a plane and run abroad for their medical needs but regular Nigerians deserve access to care too.
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is donating $1 million to Nigeria due to a flooding crisis that has affected over 2.5 million people.
[Image Source: The Guardian]
The U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, Mary Beth Leonard, announced on October 20, 2022 the donation would help local partners to provide emergency shelter assistance, relief commodities, and hygiene kits. The goal of the relief effort is to promote safe and healthy practices and cash assistance for people impacted by the devastating floods.
The U.S. is afraid that the crisis is making Nigeria’s already critical humanitarian situation worse. The ambassador expressed worry that stagnant floodwaters will increase the risk of cholera outbreaks in affected areas.
[Image source: Relief Web]
Ambassador Leonard promised Nigerians, “USAID disaster experts will continue monitoring the situation in close coordination with humanitarian partners and the Government of Nigeria to assess needs and determine if additional assistance is required.”
The U.S. has maintained a history of providing humanitarian assistance to Nigeria. The USAID has provided more than $356 million in humanitarian assistance to Nigeria in 2022 alone. This life-saving assistance is in addition to USAID’s annual $539 million development budget for Nigeria.
What does this mean for Nigerians?
The money coming in would be of great help to Nigerian victims of floods who have complained of government neglect. The monetary compensation will help to sustain them while they count their losses. The aid would also help with the clearing of major drainage systems within the affected states as well as the provision of better camps, relief items, and facilities for Internally Displaced People (IDP).
On October 20, 2020, we wrote about how Nigeria may be moonwalking into a debt trap as a result of reckless policies. On October 21, The Punch reported that the Federal Government may now be thinking about new ways to fund the national budget.
Nothing is official yet, but sources at the Ministry of Finance, Budget and National Planning reported that the government plans to sell or concession more than 25 key assets. A concession is when the government lets private individuals take control of a national asset for a specified purpose and period.
The move to sell or concession is one of the government’s efforts to fund the ₦10.7 trillion deficit of the 2023 budget. It doesn’t take Sherlock Holmes to figure out that our government is broke.
So, what are the assets that the government plans to sell, or concession?
Tafawa Balewa Square (TBS)
TBS [Image Source: The Guardian]
Originally known as The Lagos Race Course, Oba Dosunmu of Lagos handed the 14.5-hectare property to the British colonial authorities in 1859. The military government of Yakubu Gowon reconstructed it in 1972 and renamed it the Tafawa Balewa Square. It’s famous for hosting Independence Day parades and concerts in Lagos.
National Integrated Power Projects (NIPP)
[Image source: The Guardian]
Former president Olusegun Obasanjo created the National Integrated Power Projects (NIPP) in 2004 to address the problem of insufficient power generation. We can tell you the projects haven’t been completely successful because we still shout “Up NEPA” 18 years later.
To fund the 2023 budget, the FG now plans to sell or concession the power projects namely: Olorunsogo, Calabar II, Benin, Omotosho II and Geregu II plants.
Hydro power plants
Hydro power plants in Nigeria are also on the chopping block of the government’s fire sale.The plants in Oyan, Lower Usuma, Katsina-Ala and Giri plants could fall into private hands soon. The sapa season is truly upon us.
What other assets are on the chopping block?
The government is exploring ways to increase revenue from assets like the Abuja Water Board, the National Theatre and the Lagos International Trade Fair.
The Federal Government’s plan is to offer these assets to investors for equity while others will be totally sold to reduce waste.
Will the sale happen?
What we do know is the government has been trying to offload these assets for years, so it’s possible the sale or concessioning won’t happen as usual.
Still, it reflects the harshness of our current economic realities. We wonder what they’ll sell next: the National Assembly? Aso Rock? Who knows?
Have you ever wondered what prizes Nigerian politicians would win at an awards show? Well, welcome to the Zikoko Awards. We’re recognizing some of the OGs who either made us laugh this year, stressed our lives, or outright annoyed us.
Noisemaker of the year: Dino Melaye
You can probably hear his laughter throughout the picture as he shouts “ajeku iya ni o je”. No one comes close to this man in noisemaking.
Best in Godfatherism: Bola Ahmed Tinubu
With sentences that toe the line of befuddlement, nobody comes close to this man in “building” people who support him to the point of suspension of belief. All he needs is a cigar and a bow-tied suit.
Best in Content Creation: Yahaya Bello
At this point, Nigerian artists need to start meeting this man for music promotion. He’ll shamelessly promote their songs in his TikTok. Criticise him for not caring about his state, that’s your personal business.
Best Dancer: Sen. Ademola Adeleke
This man will steal your babe with vibes and fire dance moves that’ll burst your brain. You’ll be so distracted, you’ll forget to pay attention to his politics.
Next Rated Personality: Peter Obi
He might look like the underdog right now but his fanbase is rapidly growing. We’ll come back next year to review his career.
In her resignation speech, Truss said she failed to deliver on her Conservative Party’s mandate to cut taxes and boost economic growth. Despite being in office for less than two months, her own party members publicly spoke of plans to replace her.
The underlying reason for Truss stepping down comes from implementing policies that backfired badly — her budget to cut taxes failed and upset financial markets. Even the UK’s almighty pound sterling dropped in value.
So what lessons can Nigerian politicians learn from this saga?
Politics isn’t do-or-die
In the West, elected officials and political appointees know that the positions they hold are temporary and performance-based. People win or lose elections — life continues. But in Nigeria, politicians invest heavily and employ whatever means necessary to win. And when they don’t win, they faint, literally.
Resignations should be more commonplace in Nigeria
Resignation isn’t in the dictionary of Nigerian politicians. Even the rare ones that resign do it usually when the law is holding a gun to their heads. One notable resignation happened in 2018 when the Oluwole-made NYSC certificate of then-finance minister, Kemi Adeosun, was exposed. She claimed that until the scandal broke, she “didn’t know” that her certificate wasn’t genuine.
National interest over party interest
Truss’ resignation followed protests from all quarters — including her own party — that she wasn’t fit to lead. In Nigeria, party loyalty reigns supreme and members of the party in power rarely call out their underperforming leaders. This kind of blind allegiance undermines democracy in the long run.
For example, when Nigerians called for the resignation of Isa Pantami from his ministerial position following his support of terrorist groups, members of his party in his home state of Gombe issued a solidarity statement. He’s still a minister years after that controversy that would have been the end of a politician in saner climes.
Resignation isn’t the end of the world
As a former PM who has only spent 45 days in office, Liz Truss is entitled to a £115,000 annual salary for life. As you can imagine, this lifts her from being a mechanic to being a baller for life.
The lesson here is that resigning from office doesn’t signal the end. One could use the opportunity to pursue one’s passions, earn money from public speaking, write a book, or even run again for the same office, like Truss’s predecessor, Boris Johnson, plans to do.
In Nigeria, politicians tend to make politics their bread and butter, which makes them desperate to die there. Maybe they could be more open to the idea of losing and resigning if they have thriving enterprises outside of office that aren’t dependent on political patronage.
Ultimately, resignations are a feature of a thriving democracy and a reminder that for all the power politicians hold, they still remain public servants.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
Today’s subject on Abroad Life moved to Togo for school in 2017 and met a country very different from what he’d imagined it was like, growing up in Nigeria. He shares what it’s like living in a French-speaking African country, his newness to the relaxed culture, and why more Nigerians should visit other African countries.
What’s your travelling history like?
I didn’t travel much when I was a kid, but we lived in a different country for a while. My mum got a job with a relief organisation that did some humanitarian work in DR Congo. So that’s where I spent four years of my life.
What was that like?
It’s mostly a blurry memory, but I remember there being a lot of people from different cultures. Congo is like Nigeria in many ways, but it’s also different. They have many tribes and sub-tribes that have beef and still marry each other all the time, just like Nigerians. But they’re also poor, which is wild because the country has more resources than Nigeria. I came back when I was ten.
What was settling back in Nigeria like?
I basically lost contact with the friends I played with back in Congo. But our financial condition became better at home because my dad started lecturing at different universities. He couldn’t do this when we were in Congo.
Interesting. So when did you decide to leave Nigeria for Togo?
I won’t say I decided on it to be honest. The opportunity presented itself. I graduated from secondary school in 2015 and didn’t immediately get admitted into a university. I wrote JAMB but my score was so bad that I didn’t even get admitted for any course. So for the next one year, I needed something to do. My mum had said something about learning French because she’s a polyglot.
I didn’t really buy the idea, but since I didn’t have anything to do, I agreed to it. I enrolled at Alliance Francaise and learnt French for a year.
The plan was to use my proficiency in French as a means of gaining admission to study in France, but that didn’t play out as hoped.
What happened?
Nigeria fell on harder times in 2016, and the exchange rate went up. My parents couldn’t afford the tuition fees anymore, so I had to start thinking about alternatives. Fortunately, I’d already applied to OAU. I got accepted, although it wasn’t for a course of my choice. My choice was mechanical engineering, but I’d been admitted for mathematics instead. I decided to take it and resumed school in early 2017. I stayed for a year. Right after the second semester, I knew I couldn’t withstand the madness of the school. The lecturers didn’t care much, we had insane timelines, and the curriculum was very weird. I was used to learning from scratch, but here I was feeling like there was a gap in my education that was left to me fill. I told my parents I didn’t think I could continue.
How did they take it?
They actually took it very well. My dad is a lecturer so he understood what I was talking about. Again, we started looking for alternatives, and my mum suggested Togo. I could already speak French, and it’s a West African country, so there weren’t any visa requirements. She also had people Togolese friends from her work who spoke highly of the standard of education there, so that crystallised the decision. To answer your initial question, I’d say the decision to study in Togo was made in 2017.
What was the process like?
My mum found out about this catholic university in Togo that had a good admission rate. I just needed to show my WAEC results and a few other documents, and I was good. I applied sometime in late 2017 and got admitted to study computer science and mathematics. I’d seen what studying mechanical engineering was like through my friends in OAU, and I no longer wanted it. I chose computer science and mathematics, and that’s what I got.
Sweet. What was immigration like?
I had my passport and admission letter, so it was easy to prove to the people at the borders that I was entering Togo for school. It was more of a long road trip than I assume a typical japa journey would be like. The only issue I had was when the immigration officers at the Togo border claimed my passport was a “virgin passport”, so I had to pay some money.
When I got to Lome, my mum had already arranged for one of her friends to come to pick me up at the park and take me to school. I stayed with her for a week while I sorted out registration at school.
What was Togo like? Expectations vs reality
The first thing I noticed was how relaxed it was compared to Lagos, where there’s this air of struggle. Here, life isn’t so hard for them. The streets aren’t buzzing till long after it’s dark and there’s generally a sense of calm here. I don’t have to wake up before dawn just so I can get to somewhere I have to be. It made me realise that what we call “hustling spirit” in Nigeria is just suffering.
Another thing I noticed was there were motorcycles everywhere, and unlike in Nigeria, they all had helmets on. It’s as if everyone owned a motorcycle and you couldn’t really tell if a motorcycle was commercial or personal.
Coming here corrected a bias I’d previously held in my mind, that other African countries are poor and somewhat rural. Even though I’d lived in Congo once before, I just had the thought somewhere in my head. Living in Lome has made me realise how much I didn’t know about other places in Africa. Lome was cleaner than Lagos, with nicer buildings, and apparently, better city planning.
They had cleaner beaches too, but I that’s because the country is not very populated. So, while my first impression wasn’t shocking or anything, it was very eye-opening.
Tell me about the people
The Togolese are a little brash, and it’s not uncommon to see a seemingly small argument escalate because people just won’t calm down. But they’re also some of the most accommodating people I’ve known. I spent four years in school, and for the first two, I didn’t go home during the holidays. I’d just stay at a classmate’s home, and it was always a lot of fun. We’d explore places in Togo that I didn’t have the chance to explore during school session.
One contrasting thing is how they tend to see Nigerians as noisemakers who like to shout to get their way. I’ve heard people make that comment so many times because they’re surprised that I’m actually an introvert.
Also, Togo is a french-speaking country, but most people can speak English, especially pidgin English, so it’s a bit easy to get by without understanding French. But not in school sha.
What’s school like?
The classes are obviously in French, but the curriculum is also a lot more detailed than I experienced back in Nigeria. Even though it was a three-year programme, it went very deep because we weren’t just learning in class. We were assigned to study groups to help us get through the material faster.
This really helped when COVID hit in 2020. I had to come back to Nigeria, but classes simply went on as if nothing happened. We moved our main classes to Discord, where we managed our study groups before. It wasn’t as easy as being in a classroom — they even rushed us harder — but it was better than having nothing at all.
I met people from other African countries and made really good friends. The experience helped me realise I didn’t know anything about other African countries in general. When I blow, I’ll make sure to visit as many of them as possible. There’s just too much to see.
So, how did your Togo story end?
I graduated from school in 2021 and came back home to look for work as a mobile developer. My brain has somehow reset into the hustle mode every Nigerian falls into.
LMAO. Do you think you’ll leave again?
It’s definitely in the cards for me, but I want to make some money first. I can’t japa without funds, please.
Hey there! My name is Sheriff and I’m the writer of Abroad Life. If you’re a Nigerian and you live or have lived abroad, I would love to talk to you about what that experience feels like and feature you on Abroad Life. All you need to do is fill out this short form, and I’ll be in contact.
That night continues to be the defining moment of a movement young Nigerians remain proud of. But there are still questions about if it was worth the sacrifice and if it changed anything.
We spoke to Nigerians who’ve been vocal about the movement for their thoughts.
Obianuju Iloanya — social justice campaigner
“Being a survivor of police brutality, I can assure you nothing has changed for most families — and I’m in contact with most of them. It’s still business as usual. We went to the judicial panels, but some states didn’t even release their reports.
They say they disbanded SARS, but what happened to the people working under SARS? Were there psychological evaluations for them or were they just added back to the Force? I don’t think there’ve been any marked changes within the Police Force or the government.
Is it that the Nigerian Police is unchangeable and cannot be reformed? Is it the leadership or the junior officers not getting the memo from the top? We need the police to be overhauled, and maybe we do need community policing. We need the police to be responsive.”
Olubiyi “Oli Ekun” Tobiloba — actor, influencer
“The EndSARS protest was successful, but not all the way. When everybody came out, it was more like, “We really have to come out for this, and they have to hear our voice”. Unfortunately, the protest was disrupted by the massacre in Lekki.
The protest wasn’t fruitless because they know what we can do now. As a result of our actions, police officials are more responsive to complaints from the public. I’ve seen them bring rogue officers to book and show them to the public. That wasn’t happening before.
But more can be done. I’d love to be able to dial an emergency number to report crimes in progress. And officers should be paid well.”
Eromosele “Eromz” Adene — activist
“One can’t ignore that the police force have put a lot of PROs online just to show people, “We’re here, and you can talk to us.” To an extent, police issues are easier to deal with because a lot of people who would naturally message me, or other civilian activists, now message these PROs. From the feedback we get, most of them have their issues resolved. The PROs’ numbers are also out there online, and you can call them at any time of the day.
Has the harassment reduced or stopped? I’d say, for me, it’s reduced because of fear on the side of the police that the youths may organise a bigger EndSARS, not because they really want to. The police still physically abuse many people. I still get complaints about harassment and extortion by the police. It may not be of the same magnitude as before the protest, but it’s still there.
EndSARS didn’t need to happen for the police to stop killing people — it’s basic empathy and respect for human lives. There are so many things the government can do to reform the police. Once you pay well, half of the issues will go. You don’t pay them well, their houses are nothing to write home about, their kids go to subpar schools and they’re not even on scholarships. These guys have to feed. It’s not hard to pay them well and stop stealing their money.
Generally, EndSARS was more than successful, and we’ll continue to benefit from it. If you check the attitude of the youths, it was the first time we came together, putting everything aside, to make demands for better leadership. EndSARS was a catalyst for a lot of things.”
Rinu Oduala — activist and social justice advocate
“After the Nigerian government dissolved SARS in October 2020, the Police Force continued to extort and brutalise innocent citizens. The reports of the judicial panels have not met expectations.
Police reform should be about building trust between the police and citizens. We’re supposed to have the NPF working with technology and social media. I’ve seen a lot of PROs of state commands on social media, but it looks as if their only function is to launder the image of the police force without actually treating the main causes of why they’re there — to make sure citizens regain trust in the Police Force.
The biggest stumbling block to police reform is political will. The Nigerian state isn’t interested in police reform. The police as an institution in Nigeria currently serves the interest of politicians. Why end police brutality if the police are being used to oppress the citizenry? Like Mr Femi Falana (SAN) says, Nigeria has some of the best laws in the whole world, but there’s no implementation. There have been recommendations, reports, committees and panels, but the Nigerian government isn’t interested in them.
What citizens can do is keep using their voices to ask for accountability. As long as the criminals in uniform don’t stop killing us, we need to keep voicing out. There has to be more citizen action.
The EndSARS movement is a success because it’s still alive in our hearts. One of its successes is it unified Nigerians across platforms — we all called for an end to police brutality together. It showed that we could put aside our differences to come together for a common goal.”
Ajibola Grey — influencer
“We had many unspoken goals for EndSARS. We didn’t get to achieve all of them, but the world heard us. We fought, shook the government and passed our message. To an extent, police brutality has reduced. Even in cases where there’s police harassment, the institution swings into action very fast to attend to the situation. We’re now aware of our rights and what’s going on in the country.
But police reform will never be enough until every single policeman in this country respects the rights of citizens. People are more scared of policemen than of thieves.
We need an entire re-orientation of the Police Force. We can’t deny these people need to be taken care of — they’re badly paid and don’t live in good conditions. A hungry man can do almost anything — the government needs to stop making these people suffer because their job is risky.”
It's been 2 years since the #LekkiMassacre & Nigerians are still subjected to various degrees of police brutality.
In September 2022, the Debt Management Office (DMO) released its report on Nigeria’s total public debt stock. It had risen to ₦42.84 trillion ($103.31 billion) at the end of June 2022.
If you do the math, you’d notice that the exchange rate used is the ojoro one — the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) exchange rate. This stood around ₦414 to the dollar at the time. By October 19, 2022, the rate had depreciated to ₦436 to the dollar. Don’t even get us started on the black market rate. That’s when the true extent of Nigeria’s debt will leave you in tears.
On October 19, Oluseun Onigbinde, the director of BudgIT, a civic organisation that tracks public expenditure, raised the alarm in a tweet. He said that ₦20 trillion of Nigeria’s domestic debt would be spread over 40 years at an “unrealistic” 9% coupon rate, meaning that our debt servicing would amount to ₦1.8 trillion annually.
If all this sounds like I’m speaking Greek, let me break it down for you.
The debt profile problem
Nigeria’s debt profile can broadly be grouped into two: external and internal (domestic) debts. The external debt can further be broken down into various categories. Multilateral debt, which is the type we owe to the IMF, World Bank and AfDB, bilateral debt, which is the type we owe to foreign countries, especially China, and others like commercial debts and promissory notes.
The ₦20 trillion that Mr Onigbinde was lamenting about is our domestic debt, which is composed of different kinds of bonds and treasury bills, financed mostly by the CBN. Most of it came through Ways and Means advance, which ordinarily is something that’s used when the federal government has a budget deficit, that is, when money the government spends in a given year is more than than the revenue it receives.
In Nigeria, CBN’s statutes allow it to finance the government’s deficit at a limit of no more than 5% of the previous year’s revenue. But trust the CBN to flout its own laws by financing the deficit by as high as 80% of revenue. In the CBN’s defense, it claims it’s the Federal Government that “frustrates” it by disregarding the limits it sets.
So while Sinzu and Spending are doing their thing, our debt profile keeps mounting.
Emefiele and Buhari [Image source: Punch]
Is Nigeria’s debt sustainable?
Debt, in itself, is not a bad thing. Global debt for instance surpassed $300 trillion in 2021. Who the world is owing is a question for another day. The real question with debt is whether it’s sustainable. According to the IMF, a country’s debt is considered sustainable if the government is able to meet all its current and future payment obligations without exceptional financial assistance or going into default.
This begs the question, is Nigeria’s debt sustainable? Well, the World Bank and IMF recently said they would reassess Nigeria’s debt sustainability. In the meantime, these are the hard facts.
Nigeria is struggling with a very high unemployment rate. It’s also experiencing dwindling returns from oil, thanks to mismanagement and organised oil theft. The NLNG, another moneymaker for the economy, recently declared force majeure due to increased flooding. Even our sugar daddy, China, has stopped giving us loans.
When you add inflation, the depreciating naira, debt servicing, and an all-round struggling economy, it’s tough to imagine that we can still keep on accumulating more debt.
What’s a debt trap?
A debt trap describes a situation where a borrower is forced to take on new loans simply to repay existing ones. It occurs when debt obligations surpass one’s loan repayment capacity. Sound familiar?
Mr Onigbinde’s projection for Nigeria is that Nigeria will borrow an additional ₦10 trillion. Foreign exchange and domestic loans will stand at ₦4 trillion while the CBN prints ₦6 trillion.
By 2027, we would have acquired another ₦24 trillion in CBN debt and we would sell to the markets again, expanding debt servicing. Onigbinde calls it a “disastrous loop”, economists call it a debt trap. We should ask our elected officials many questions before we enter one.
It seems as though peaceful protesters can never catch a break in Nigeria, as police brutality reared its ugly head again during the EndSARS memorial procession at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos State on October 20, 2022.
[Image source: PUNCH Newspapers]
Nigerian celebrities, Folarin Falana, aka Falz, and Adebowale Adedayo, aka, Mr Marcaroni, led the protest in honour of young Nigerians killed by security forces at the toll gate on October 20, 2020.
Police officers interrupted the procession to request that protesters remove a coffin, which was a symbolic reference to the 2020 victims. The protesters refused and the police started to shoot tear gas canisters.
[Image source: PUNCH Newspapers]
[Image source: Punch Newspapers]
A journalist who works for Arise TV, Oba Adeoye, was also allegedly harassed.
As a flooding disaster sweeps through many states in Nigeria, millions of Nigerians are experiencing hardship. Since the start of 2022, over 600 lives have been lost and over a million people have become homeless.
[Image source: Leadership Newspapers]
The recent wave of disasters has hit communities in Kogi, Adamawa, Anambra, Benue, Yobe, and many others. But similar ugly scenes may be about to play out in Lagos State.
A warning for Lagosians
The Lagos State Commissioner for the Environment and Water Resources, Tunji Bello, announced early in October that communities near the banks of the Ogun River are at risk of flooding. Other communities are also at risk due to the release of water from the overflowing Oyan Dam in Ogun State.
Which Lagos communities are at risk?
The Lagos State government said the following areas could be flooded at any moment:
Ketu
Alapere
Agric
Owode Onirin
Ajegunle
Alagbole
Kara
Isheri Olowora
Araromi Otun Orisha community
Agiliti
Maidan
Mile 12
Odo Ogun
Owode Elede
Agboyi 1
Agboyi II
Agboyi III
What does this mean for affected Lagosians?
The most important move for residents of the affected areas is to relocate to safer, higher ground. But it’s unclear whether the government is providing temporary shelters for them.
For those that are unable to move ahead of time, it’s important to stay vigilant for any drastic change in the environment to ensure they’re not stranded. They should also always stay informed to get ahead of any potential disaster.
On October 20, 2020, Nigerian security forces shot unarmed protesters at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos to crush the EndSARS protests demanding an end to police brutality. Two years after the unfortunate incident, Nigerians are still wondering if the sacrifices made by hundreds of youths paid off.
Citizen spoke to Hassan*, a copywriter, who shared his experience navigating a post-EndSARS Nigeria and what has changed about policing since that ugly October night.
Tell us about your experience
Where do I start? On Independence Day last year — that’s the irony of it all — I was coming back from working at a Jameson Connects show. While on the Carter Bridge, I noticed some cars stopped in front of my Bolt ride and I didn’t know why.
We soon found out it was the police. The next thing, they asked to search me.
What happened next?
They put me inside their busto take me to the station and also had time to stop other cars. I saw them rough-handle two girls. One of the police guys cocked his gun at them and said “I’ll shoot you and nothing will happen.”
What? Even after #EndSARS happened?
Yeah. We were on the road for about 45 minutes and this was around 11 p.m. I think we were like 20 people or so in detention, many of us were coming from the same event. They drove us to Alagbon Police Station in Ikoyi and then they took us to one corner in the back and made us take off our shoes, our belts — the usual things. They didn’t tell us what they were going to do with us. We were trying to plead our case but they weren’t responding.
They just kept intimidating us, saying, “All of you EndSARS people abi?” They left us after about an hour, maybe to get more people to detain. I had no plans to spend the night in that station so after some time I tried talking to one officer who seemed the least violent among them. They were always trying to do this “good cop, bad cop” thing.
Recounting the experience makes me laugh.
Na wa. What happened next?
He collected my phone and asked me to open it. He asked me to open my bank app. I was like, “Las las, it’s extortion. Oya now.”
I showed him that I had like ₦30k. He laughed and said that’s nothing, that I had to pay ₦300k. I was like, “For what?” I tried to reason with him but he just told me to call my family. My mum had travelled and my dad was sleeping, there’s no way I would wake him up.
He later said ₦200k, but we negotiated down to ₦150k and then ₦100k. That’s how much they agreed to rob me for that day. I had to move money from my Cowrywise account. The annoying thing was that I was about to start my leave from work and planned to go to Abuja. It was the ₦100k for the flight that I used to bail myself out that day.
Sorry. Was that where it ended?
No. They didn’t give me my shoes; just slippers and my bank card. I wanted to do a transfer because (with that) I could easily trace the transaction. But they said no, they don’t do transfers.
About four or five heavily armed men carried only me in their van and drove to an ATM and parked not too far from it. They told me to get down, withdraw the money and come back to them.
I was like, “These guys can do anything to me o.” A bunch of things were going through my head. It was around 2 a.m. now and nobody knew where I was. I was just supposed to go to a work event and return home.
I withdrew the money from the ATM and gave it to them. Then, they drove me back. I thought that would be it o, let me be going to my house, I’ve paid my bribe. But nah. Apparently, one of them had my phone and had gone out on another trip, so I had to wait for him to get back. He didn’t come back for another hour or so.
Mad!
I remember that while I was waiting in that station, the police were performing the “good cop, bad cop” routine on the girls they were harassing earlier. One of them just broke down crying. I felt so bad for her but I couldn’t say anything because I was in the same situation. I wanted to empathise with her but I was just lost for words.
While I was still waiting for my phone, I heard the officers gisting. They had this phrase they were chanting heavily that I won’t forget, “We go collect”. That is, every one of us would be extorted one way or another. And then I knew that the intimidation and extortion was actually a thing for them.
Another thing I noticed was that one of the officers was talking about his dreams and plans to leave the country. He kept saying that if he got a ticket to Canada, he’d drop the police uniform immediately and go.
Around 4 a.m., the officer with my phone got back and they told me that I could go. Go where? I had to remind them that this was the pandemic period and ride-hailing apps stopped working from 12 a.m. I was stuck. But as God would have it, there was another guy who was arrested for no reason. He was an Uber driver so they told him to drop me at my house and return to the station.
The guy was lamenting to me while his wife kept calling him in the car — it was a weird situation. I still had to pay his transport fare after being robbed by the police. He didn’t even drop me at my house but 20 minutes away. I had to walk the remaining distance alone, in the middle of the night. That’s how I got home that night.
That’s scary
Apparently, I was the only one of my co-workers that was released that night.The rest of them spent the night in a cell and had to pay ₦150k each. I was lucky to have “gotten away”, because I’m fragile and have health conditions.
Do you remember where you were on October 20, 2020?
I was home on October 20, 2020. I had been in the protests the previous days but I decided to stay home that day due to the unrest that had been happening. That day was a lot. I felt everything — a whole lot of emotions. I eventually had to get off social media because I was starting to spiral. Shout out to my friends that saw the signs. They decided to call me and keep me occupied for hours just to calm me down.
Two years on, would you say anything has changed? What impact would you say EndSARS has had on Nigeria?
Absolutely nothing has changed. I still get Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) whenever I pass by a police checkpoint because eight out of 10 times they will stop my car and ask me to come down for no reason other than I have dreads. Two years later, we still don’t have police reform and there’s still no hope.
36 years ago, on October 19, 1986, a messenger delivered a mail package to a residence in Ikeja, Lagos State. The guard at the gate passed the parcel to Billy Giwa who then passed it on to the recipient named on the package, Dele Giwa, a journalist and co-founder of Newswatch.
When Dele Giwa opened the package, it exploded and he died shortly after.
[Image source: Guardian]
Giwa’s unfortunate assassination — still unresolved — has become a rallying point for press freedom in Nigeria, but we first have to understand his impact.
Who was Dele Giwa?
Dele Giwa was born in Ile-Ife, Osun State, on March 16, 1947. He earned an English degree at Brooklyn College in 1977 and a Master’s in Public Communication from Fordham University. In 1980, Giwa joined ‘The Sunday Concord’.
[Image source: Biographical Legacy and Research Foundation]
Giwa was imprisoned for two weeks in 1983 for his work as the editor of ‘The Sunday Concord’ newspaper. In 1984, with other journalists interested in pursuing a high standard of journalism in Nigeria, he founded ‘Newswatch’ and became the magazine’s first editor-in-chief. The magazine redefined investigative journalism in Nigeria and grew to have a circulation of around 50,000 readers.
By 1986, ‘Newswatch’ had begun criticising the military administration of General Ibrahim Babangida. When Dele Giwa was assassinated on October 19, 1986, he had just recently written an article on the second-tier foreign exchange market (SFEM), a Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) policy introduced at the time. In the piece, Giwa said if SFEM failed, the people would stone “their leaders in the streets.” Two days before his assassination, he was questioned by officials of the State Security Services (SSS) on the article, and he replied by saying that nothing about his article was offensive. The rest, they say, is history.
What’s the state of press freedom in Nigeria after 36 years?
It’s sad to note that not much has changed about press freedom in Nigeria since Giwa’s death. In 2021, the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) reported that at least 120 journalists had been detained in the country and that many others had fled abroad to avoid harassment, threats, and death.
The events that played out during the EndSARS protests of 2020 showed how much behind Nigeria is still suffering from a lack of press freedom.
[Image source: Stephen Tayo]
On October 24, 2020, police officers shot Pelumi Onifade, a 20-year-old journalist, while he was covering a protest. Despite wearing a professional jacket, the officials arrested the injured journalist and he died in custody.
Ope Adetayo, a journalist who covered the 2021 EndSARS memorial for Al Jazeera, told The Republic of the threats he continued to face days after the event. Adetayo’s report claimed that many young Nigerians were still subjected to police brutality despite the 2020 #EndSARS protests and that the protesters’ demands for reforms had not been met.
After publishing the story, the journalist received his first hate mail from an unknown sender who copied several editors of Al Jazeera and warned him against painting Nigeria in a bad light. Although he ignored the email, Adetayo said he was scared and spent time after “constantly looking over his shoulders.”
Nigeria ranked 129 out of 180 countries in the 2022 World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), a decline from 120 and 115 in 2021 and 2020 respectively. RSF also named Nigeria one of “West Africa’s most dangerous and difficult” countries for journalists to work in.
Predictably, the Nigerian government publicly criticised this index, claiming that the Nigerian press is both empowered and free. This is a claim that many journalists in Nigeria have disputed, pointing to several recent examples of the government attempting to clamp down on the media and press.
[Image source: Daily Post Nigeria]
Is there light at the end of the tunnel?
The key to enjoying full press freedom in Nigeria is a government that’s not tyrannical and a press that’ll fight for its rights. Nigeria needs more policies that would protect journalists from harassment in their line of duty.
As the Vice President of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Ronke Samo, rightly said “While we urge our colleagues to be discreet and professional in performing their duties so as to avoid possible pitfalls and banana peels, we equally urge the state to urgently formulate policies and put in place frameworks that would protect the press from this emerging threat from advancement in digital technology. This should be done in a most patriotic manner because of the fact that a truly free press will bring progress, fairness, justice, and true freedom to our society.”
Every day is gbas gbos day on Naija Twitter and it was the turn of the chairperson of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM), Abike Dabiri-Erewa, to get in the battle ring on October 18, 2022.
The government official’s comments set off a chain of reactions still raging over 24 hours later; so let’s get into what caused the wahala.
What really happened?
Here’s the gist, amebo. A trending video showed Nigerian students being attacked at a campus near New Delhi in India. Madam Abike quoted the tweet to explain what happened and that the issue had been resolved between both governments.
Ehn ehn, no lele. Is that all?
All ke? Wait, let me finish. One tweep responded under Abike’s tweet to say that she’s not doing enough to protect Nigerians and that NIDCOM was being “too soft” on the Indians. Another tweep then replied to call Madam Abike a “Mumu woman supporting a failed government.”
My dear, that was how Madam Abike caught fire o. She first cancelled the insult by calling the guy an “Ode,” before adding, “You go to Indonesia, carry drugs, do cultism and come begging to be rescued from death sentence . Thank God for @ndlea_nigeria now saving people like you from death row”.
See ehn, her response set off a wild storm on Twitter. The response was criticised in several quarters for amplifying a negative stereotype of Nigerians as drug traffickers. Even Madam Oby Ezekwesili had to step in to ask Madam Abike to “clean it up.” Madam Abike refused to back down and responded, “I’m done on this . But out of respect for you, will ask, Clean what up? It’s okay for some untrained, uncouth guy to refer to me as “ mumu”, and I can’t call him “ ode”. I’m not a public official that cows to bullying pls.”
How’s it going for her?
Madam Abike has received support and condemnation for her response. She’s also retweeted and amplified commentary from her supporters that are derogatory and laced with tribal undertones.
It’s understandable that government officials are humans too and as such can react when insulted. Yet, the greater burden of responsibility lies with them as their words and actions carry more weight.
One would expect an official of Madam Abike’s standing to be more restrained especially since her role is to market Nigerians in the diaspora and not demarket them on a global platform like Twitter. As Spiderman reminds us, with great power comes great responsibility. But Madam Abike obviously doesn’t carry that burden.
More than 2.5 million Nigerians have been directly affected by the flooding crisis ravaging hundreds of communities in 2022. But the worst of it isn’t even over as authorities expect more heavy rainfalls to cause problems till the end of November.
Days and weeks after the devasting flood in Nigeria. People are trapped on the road & goods are perishing because of the flooding. Over 600 people as been killed,1.4 million people displaced & 340,000 farmlands destroyed while 33 of Nigeria's 36 states is affected.#NigeriaFloodspic.twitter.com/VuLQ7H0io3
For those already affected and those at risk of flooding in the future, here’s a list of things the World Health Organisation (WHO) recommends to keep yourself healthy in a flooding crisis.
Know your community’s strategy
Many of Nigeria’s flooded communities are in riverine areas prone to flooding when local rivers overflow. As a member of such a community, it’s critical to be knowledgeable about warning signals and evacuation protocols outlined by the government before your neighbourhood is overtaken by flooding. The knowledge helps to prevent surprises. Part of the Nigerian government’s strategies is warning these kinds of communities ahead of time to move to safer, higher grounds.
Chlorinate or boil water
Floods naturally cause environmental damage, including the contamination of clean water bodies. This is why it’s important to chlorinate or boil water for drinking and cooking. It’s important that the government provides safe drinking water for those affected to reduce the risk of outbreaks of water-borne diseases.
Promote good hygienic practices
[Image source: Pumps Africa]
Floods don’t foster the most hygienic situations so it’s important as a survivor to be extra-vigilant with hygiene. WHO recommends washing your hands with soap and water after contact with floodwater. And it goes without saying that you shouldn’t use floodwater to wash dishes, brush your teeth or cook.
Don’t walk or drive through flooded areas
Quite terrible. This is getting scary everyday. I have some part of my extended family stuck in Bayelsa for days now, they can't leave the state and water has gotten to their doorsteps already. 😭😭😭#FloodsInNigeria#FloodInBayelsa#Floodpic.twitter.com/FNVjbz1AWg
Flooded areas present life-threatening challenges like an electrical shock from fallen electrical lines or even the abnormal migration of dangerous aquatic animals like sea snakes or crocodiles. Floods can also easily sweep people and vehicles away. WHO recommends that people stay away from flooded areas as much as they can.
Throw away food contaminated by floodwater
The five-second rule doesn’t apply to food in floodwater. WHO recommends that you throw away food if it accidentally touches floodwater. Just have it at the back of your mind that floodwater is trying to kill you; don’t give it a helping hand.
Don’t do things like this unless it’s absolutely necessary:
Nigeria is looking for Olympians in swimming. Lagos floods are training them for free 👇 pic.twitter.com/mYnycBn56b
When the water recedes after the floodwater has visited your home, it’s important to throw out items that you can’t wash or clean up. WHO recommends that you clean the walls of your house, floors and other surfaces with soap and water and bleach.
Protect yourself against mosquitoes
Floods create stagnant water — a breeding environment for mosquitoes. It’s important to protect yourself with clothes that cover your body during the day and use mosquito repellants during the night. Get them before they get you.
It’s critical that the government keeps infectious disease control programmes active and efficient to help citizens in need.
October 10, 2022, was a day of pride for the Nigerian government, as security agents set fire to a vessel used for crude oil theft in the Niger Delta.
[Image source: Sahara Reporters]
However, many Nigerians didn’t believe that this was a victory worth celebrating. The presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), Yele Sowore, believes the vessel was destroyed in order to cover up the Nigerian government’s involvement in crude oil theft.
Crude oil theft is as old as the day it was it was discovered in the small town of Oloibiri, Bayelsa State, in 1956.
Given that Nigeria makes most of its total national revenue from exporting oil, the country loses billions of naira to the private pockets of thieves. These billions of naira could be better spent on national development — if politicians don’t steal it first.
The trend of petroleum pipeline vandalism in Nigeria has escalated over the years. For example, vandalism incidents surged from 57 incidents in 1998 to over 2,500 incidents in 2008.
Notably, in the 2000s, the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) and other militant groups organised attacks on oil industry infrastructure. Many militant leaders gained regional power and influence and made the rebellion a key problem of the Nigerian government and oil companies in the Niger Delta.
The situation eventually evolved into an all-comers affair that we now have today with everyone trying to illegally fill their pockets with the golden goose that’s crude oil.
A connection is made to an existing oil pipeline without interrupting oil flow.
Cold tapping
This involves the use of a drilling machine to branch a pipe offline from the existing network.
Oil bunkering
This involves stealing crude oil directly from oil companies and channeling the product into tanks
Regular stealing
The oil product is transported to oil shipping terminals for export.
Who’s stealing Nigeria’s oil?
Between January 2022 and June 2022, the Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) reported that Nigeria’s oil output dropped by 12.5%. In that period, Nigeria lost between 200,000 to 400,000 barrels of oil per day. See how bad it is?
In 2019, the governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, said oil theft is impossible to stop in Nigeria because it’s sponsored by influential people. Critics like Sowore have accused the top military and government officials, highly-placed and retired oil industry personnel, and politicians of benefitting from the theft.
How can Nigeria stop oil thieves?
How can the Nigerian government reduce oil theft? Well, we have a few ideas:
Improve ship registration: Crews on ships can easily change the names of flags, logos, etc. Listings of these crude oil ships must include the ship’s beneficial ownership and be aligned with international maritime safety protocols.
Ship-to-ship transfer must be monitored by the Ministry of Petroleum. But how can one get to do that effectively when the petroleum minister is the president? Hmm.
Vessel clearance practices around oil installations must be strengthened.
The government should refine due diligence practices.
On October 20, 2022, Nigerians will commemorate the two-year anniversary of the EndSARS protests which ended in Nigerian security forces shooting and brutalising unarmed Nigerians.
As we remember them, we take a look at the timeline of events leading up to the tragic events of October 20, 2020.
A brief history of SARS
The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was created in 1992 as a unit of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) to combat a worrying trend of armed robbery and kidnapping. However, SARS eventually became the monster it set out to destroy as officers tortured, blackmailed, kidnapped and extrajudicially murdered Nigerians.
For 10 years, SARS operated in Lagos, but by 2002 it had spread to all the states in Nigeria. The rest of the country was about to see the shege Lagos people were seeing.
SARS gone rogue
SARS gained international notoriety in 2010 when Amnesty International rebuked Nigeria over its poor human rights record. The organisation singled out SARS for its unlawful killings and enforced disappearances of citizens, but that didn’t dissuade them.
In 2016, Amnesty International again released a strongly-worded report, condemning SARS for its “widespread torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment” of detainees. The organisation noted that officers subjected Nigerians to various methods of torture and ill- treatment in order to extract information and bogus confessions.
Still, SARS continued with impunity, and young Nigerians, fed up with the government’s inaction over the rogue agency, took their grievances online.
The seeds of EndSARS
It’s not clear exactly when the #EndSARS hashtag was first used, and by whom. Despite disputed claims over its origin, by 2017 the hashtag became frequent on Twitter.
By December 2017, there was an #EndSARS rally staged in Freedom Park, Lagos. Although it recorded a low turnout, the seeds that would inspire a global protest had already been sown.
Weak government and police response
In December 2017, then Inspector General of Police (IGP), Ibrahim Idris, ordered the “reorganisation of SARS” — a cosmetic response that was, in essence, the same thing as asking a rabid dog to stay quiet. By 2018, following public outcry, the acting president, Yemi Osinbajo, ordered the IGP to “review the operations of SARS”. In January 2019, a new IGP, Mohammed Adamu, ordered the “disbandment of SARS”.
Police reform in Nigeria typically followed this template for years — a press release here, photo op there, and empty promises all over the place.
The trigger
In June 2020, Amnesty International released yet another report faulting Nigerian authorities for failing to prosecute a single police officer in three years over the use of torture, despite laws being passed against it. The warning signs were there but the government ignored them as usual.
On October 3, 2020, a trending video that accused SARS officers of shooting a man and throwing him off a speeding vehicle in Ughelli, Delta State set off the chain of events that became the EndSARS protests.
It was at this point Nigerian youths had enough and took their complaints to the streets.
Timeline of the EndSARS protests
October 3, 2020
Protests began over footage of SARS officers shooting a young man in Delta state.
October 8, 2020
Youths converged at the Lagos State House of Assembly complex to protest against police brutality. They stayed over till the next day.
October 9, 2020
The Lagos State House of Assembly held an emergency session to address the grievances of the protesters. Young people also protested at the police headquarters in Abuja and protests started popping up in other states across Nigeria.
October 10, 2020
Protests continued with police using water cannons and teargas to disperse protesters in Abuja. In Ogbomosho, Oyo State, police officers fired gunshots to disperse a protest and killed Jimoh Isiaka.
October 11, 2020
The IGP, Mohammed Adamu, announced the dissolution of SARS but protesters welcomed it with doubts and continued the demonstrations. Three more protesters were shot dead in Ogbomosho.
October 12, 2020
The governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, outlawed protests in his state. In Surulere, Lagos, stray bullets from the police killed a bystander but they blamed the protesters.
October 13, 2020
Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, announced the formation of a complaints committee to deal with the grievances of protesters. The IGP announced the setting up of a Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) unit to replace SARS but protesters didn’t welcome the idea.
The Lagos State government announced a ₦200 million fund for victims of police brutality, and the presidency said it would accept the five demands of EndSARS protesters.
October 14, 2020
In Lagos and Abuja, hoodlums and pro-SARS individuals attacked protesters and burnt vehicles.
October 15, 2020
The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Muhammad Bello, banned protests in the capital city.
October 16, 2020
An activist group, Anonymous, hacked the Twitter account of the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) to post a solidarity message for protesters. Candlelight vigils held across the country.
October 20, 2020
Governor Sanwo-Olu announced a state-wide curfew in Lagos but some protesters remained at the Lekki Toll Gate. As night approached, officers of the Nigerian Army arrived at the toll gate and opened fire on unarmed protesters who were singing the national anthem.
The defining image of that night is the Nigerian flag soiled with the blood of its slain youth.
