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People say your twenties are the best years of your life. But currently, it’s starting to look like, for many Nigerians, our twenties might be filled with groceries, floating berries and discovering new ways to cover Nigeria by foot.
It’s been barely two months since the fuel prices more than doubled from N197 to N537 per litre following the fuel subsidy removal on May 29, 2023. And while still trying to adjust to our new economic realities, on June 18, fresh news broke of yet another surge in fuel price to over N600 per litre.
According to Chinedu Okoronkwo, the President of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), the recent price hike is to help the petrol marketers themselves stay in business. He explained that the subsidy removal adversely affected their business so much that many have been unable to raise enough money to load from depots and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited.
It’s alarming that we’re hardly 100 days into this new government, and life’s already unbelievably hard for citizens. It will now cost almost triple the amount it did in May to fill your vehicle’s fuel tank, and due to the current 22.79% inflation rate, food will get even more expensive.
And I really hate to have to say this, but it looks like maybe Bubu wasn’t that bad. We know being president was more of a side gig for him, and his real job was touring Europe, but at least we weren’t at risk of having a $1 to N1000 exchange rate. President Tinubu promised us renewed hope, but the only thing that has been renewed is our subscription to another four years of suffering in 4D.
What Else Happened This Week?
Police Arrest Suspected Cultists in Enugu State
On July 18, 2023, the Enugu State Police Command announced the arrest of 18 members of the Black Axe Confraternity who allegedly had plans to cause trouble during their 7/7 day celebration.
The cultists were found in different locations in the state, and along with their arrest, the police recovered one pump action gun, six live ammunition (cartridges), three black berets with the inscription “Black Axe”, one sharp battle axe, three drums, three black-yellow face-caps with “Ezeagu Sub Zone 7 7” inscribed on them, and one yellow scarf. According to DSP Daniel Ndukwe, the spokesperson for the Enugu State Police Command, the suspects will be arraigned in court once investigations are concluded.
If you’ve ever wondered what the legal punishment for cultism in Nigeria is, under the Criminal Code Act, anyone found guilty of cult activities or permitting meetings to be held in their residence is liable to a 3-year imprisonment. On the other hand, the Penal Code, which applies to Northern Nigeria, allows for 7-year imprisonment.
Question of the week
It’s not news that there has been a recent hike in the tuition fees of federal universities. Do you think this surge will improve Nigeria’s quality of education?
FCCPC & Google is putting loan apps in their place! In this video, we explain how the regulator and tech giant plans to crack down on loan apps that shame borrowers who don’t pay back their loans. Watch, like and share this video #zkkcitizen#zikoko#nigeria#techcabal#politics#loan
People change their names for many reasons, such as marriage, career demands, or simply a desire for a new identity. Changing your name in Nigeria is relatively straightforward, but you need to take a few important steps.
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You may have encountered the cliche “Politics is a dirty game.” This expression often describes politics as a free-for-all fight where everything is considered fair game in the quest for power. Nigerian politics, for example, is notorious for various shady practices. During campaigning and election season, politicians and their aides take to the streets to canvass votes using different tactics. Based on this, it’s easy to conclude that politics is a dirty game.
Let’s look at three tactics promoting the idea that Nigerian politics is a dirty game.
Vote buying
Vote buying is one prominent example. It often involves an exchange in which voters sell their votes to the highest bidder. In Nigeria, you may observe this practice in internal democracies, that is, within parties when delegates get to vote on who their party flag-bearer should be. It’s also a feature in general elections.
In a paper by the Governance and Social Development Resource Centre (GSDRC), it notes: “In accepting or rejecting offers, or in changing or not changing their electoral behaviour, recipients may be acting, among other things, out of fear, duty, indignity, gratitude, righteousness, or calculated self-interest.”
However, vote buying isn’t necessarily always economical. It could also be a combination of economic and social rituals. In places where the practice has become deep-rooted, politicians come to expect it as a “duty.” For some Nigerian voters, it is their way of laying claim to the “national cake.”
Addressing vote buying means understanding the various institutional and socio-economic contexts that influence it, such as tradition and poverty. We should also account for the sentimental meanings people attach to these gestures before we can eradicate them.
Dog-whistling
The term is named after the dog whistle, which is audible to dogs but not humans. In politics, dog-whistling describes a communication strategy politicians use to send out a coded message. On the surface, it may appear harmless, but to the subgroup of people the message is targeted at, it carries a serious tone that may be harmful.
In America, Donald Trump’s campaign mantra “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) has been described as dog-whistling that appeals to people of white background. In Nigeria, leading up to the election, the phrase “Yoruba Ronu” (Yorubas, Think!) was widely interpreted as dog-whistling.
The term was the title of a famous play by Hebert Ogunde, which attacked the then-premier of the Western Region, Ladoke Akintola.
[Hebert Ogunde / The Guardian]
The phrase, however, took on a sinister meaning during the 2023 elections when APC Youth Leader, Dayo Israel, posted it after the 2023 presidential election. It would become a rallying cry in the subsequent gubernatorial election in Lagos that witnessed targeted harassment and violence against residents suspected to be Igbo.
Dog-whistling plays on fears, biases, or preconceptions of people without explicitly stating them. And as the Lagos election showed, it can lead to violence. As such, this tactic should be discouraged.
A bigot is one who is intolerant of beliefs, lifestyles or identities that differ from theirs. Anyone who engages in this is practising bigotry. Unfortunately, bigotry is a mainstay in Nigerian politics and takes different forms. The most prominent of which is tribalism.
Ordinarily, the term tribalism has positive connotations. The Cambridge Dictionary defines it as “the state of existing as a tribe, or a very strong feeling of loyalty to your tribe.” However, the sense in which tribalism can be described as bigotry is best captured by Walter Schwarz in his 1966 article, “Tribalism and Politics in Nigeria.”
Schwarz was a former Nigeria correspondent for The Observer and The Economist before the military regime expelled him. Below is how he describes tribalism in Nigeria:
Tribal and ethnic bigotry is commonplace in Nigerian politics, particularly in the heat of elections. The idea that one ethnic group is superior to another, pushing stereotypes and placing ethnicity above merit, are problems that have persisted for decades.
Bigotry manifests itself in hate speech, harassment, marginalisation and the violation of human rights. It breeds distrust and makes governance difficult. So when people say politics is a dirty game, they’re likely referencing the abovementioned tactics.
Can Nigerian politics be clean?
Absolutely yes. In an earlier piece, we explained that politics shouldn’t be a do-or-die thing. We also noted that politicians should prioritise the national interest over party and selfish interests. It is possible to win elections without using any of these tactics. Yes, a difference in opinion or ideology is unavoidable, but we can disagree to agree so long we stay on the right side of the law. We should promote tolerance over bigotry, unity over dog-whistling, and a good track record over vote buying.
Ultimately, the journey to making Nigerian politics clean again can only happen with deep retrospection and a commitment by all political actors towards ensuring that dirty politics no longer has a foothold in Nigeria.
“Thanks to these women, we do not pay tax to any British monarch who has no jurisdiction on our God-given corner of this globe.” — Ndanyongmong H. Ibanga
The last episode ofCitizen History, marks the beginning of our historical exploration of Nigerian women and their fight against British colonialism. We started with the Egba Women’s Tax Revolt. The mass protest lasted three years, with arrests and assaults by British police on Abeokuta market women. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was the leader until their demands were met in January 1949.
Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance. UNESCO.
This week, we travel back to a similar event in Eastern Nigeria. The year is 1929.
This year, women in southeastern Nigeria rose up in protest against British colonial rule. The uprising, known as the Aba Women’s Riot, was sparked by introducing direct taxation on women.
Scholars have referred to this protest as West Africa’s first women’s revolt.
Aba Women of Nigeria in the first half of the 20th century. Archival photograph
What birthed the Aba Women’s Riot?
Two words come to mind—indirect rule. We’ve discussed indirect rule as the default mode of governance in colonial Nigeria, but for those who missed it, let’s do a quick recap of the key details:
The Recap
Indirect rule is a system of administration in the colonies where local leaders—although front-facing with the people and ruling with native politics—dance to the British tune and follow all orders the administration gives.
Britain adopted this system of governance because they didn’t have enough personnel for Nigeria’s enormous land mass.
Applying this method in Eastern Nigeria was troublesome because the ethnic groups (Igbo, Ibibio, Efik, Ekoi, Ogoni, and others) did not believe in the existence of one ruler but rather lived in autonomous communities. To solve this problem, the British devised a solution in the form of “warrant chiefs”.
The colonial administration made warrant chiefs tax collectors and used them to conscript youths as unwilling labourers for the colony and oversee judicial matters.
However, the British colonial officers couldn’t comprehend this practice. They considered male-dominated political organisations but ignored female ones. Combined with the extortion of the warrant chiefs, the women eventually became dissatisfied with the increased school fees and forced labour.
Now that we understand the full context, let’s visit a major event that made everything go from bad to worse for these women—the introduction of direct taxation.
The Native Revenue Amendment Ordinance of 1927
In April 1927, Lord Lugard commissioned a colonial resident, W.E. Hunt, to enforce the Native Revenue Ordinance in the five provinces of East Nigeria.
Under this ordinance, taxes or tributes were paid to the “Chief” (warrant chief). The “Chief” thereafter was to pay a portion of the tax into the General Revenue and the remainder to the Native Treasury. This was the first official tax documented in the East and was used to prepare the people for direct taxation in 1928.
When direct taxation was first launched, only men were obligated to pay taxes. That is, until an assistant District Officer, Captain James Cook, entered office temporarily in September 1929.
Cook’s Tax Revision As A Catalyst of War
In September 1929, the serving district officer, Hill, went on leave. Cook was sent as his substitute until November.
Upon taking over, he saw the ongoing direct tax roll count as insufficient because it didn’t include the number of wives, children, and livestock in the household, and he set about correcting this.
With his revision, women now had to bear the brunt of paying taxes alongside men. Combined with their other obligations, was too much for them. The tax for women became effective on October 14, 1929.
This tax revision led to a fight between a widow and a census worker—the legendary moment that set the tone of the Aba Women’s War.
The Nwanyeruwa-Emeruwa Fight
Madame Nwanyeruwa [BlackPast]
On the morning of November 18, 1929, a representative of the Warrant Chief of Oloko town, Mark Emeruwa, had one duty—to count or take a census of the people for taxation. However, he didn’t know that the women had already decided not to have themselves or their property counted!
When Emeruwa reached the house of a widow, Nwanyeruwa, he asked her to “count her goats, sheep and people,” (which meant that she would be counted based on her people and livestock). In response, Nwanyeruwa sarcastically asked if “his widowed mother was counted.” This led to a serious fight between the duo, which made Emeruwa choke Nwanyeruwa by the throat.
In anger, Nwanyeruwa went to the market square to meet other Oloko women discussing the issue of taxation and told them about the incident. When they heard of it, they decided they would no longer accept the leadership of Warrant Chief Okugo.
They used palm tree leaves to call nearly ten thousand women from other areas in the Bende District, Umuahia, and Ngwa to protest Okugo’s resignation and trial.
How Aba Women “Sat on Men” In The Riot
Under the leadership of Nwanyeruwa and the Oloko Trio (Ikonnia, Nwannedia, and Nwugo), the women protested Okugo’s resignation by “sitting on him.”
This is a traditional practice where women chant war songs and dance around a man, making his life miserable until demands are met. The protests eventually spread to the factory town of Umuahia, which sparked fear among the colonial officers.
The British District Officer jailed Okugo for two years to appease the women, ending the Oloko riot.
But that wasn’t the only protest
Another protest began in the Owerri district of Aba. This was after another census taker, Warrant Chief Njoku Alaribe, knocked down a pregnant woman during a fight. It eventually led to a miscarriage of the pregnancy.
Like the Oloko women, the women of Owerri would not take the matter lying down.
On December 9, 1929, the women protested in Njoku’s compound, during which two women were killed and many others wounded in an encounter with British police. This also led to the arrest and detention of their leader in Aba City.
On December 11, 1929, ten thousand women went to Aba City to protest against their leader’s arrest. On their way, a British medical officer was driving on the road when he knocked down two protesters, fatally wounding them. These made the women raid the nearby Barclays Bank and the prison to release their leader. They also destroyed the native court building, European factories, and other establishments. According to reports, soldiers and policemen killed about one hundred women in Aba.
The Women’s War then spread to the Ikot Ekpene and Abak divisions in Calabar province. Government buildings were burned, and a factory was looted at Utu-Etim-Ekpo on December 14. These left eighteen women dead and nineteen wounded. Thirty-one dead and thirty-one wounded women reportedly died on December 16 at Ikot Abasi near Opobo, also in Calabar province.
The Aftereffect
Until the end of December 1929, when colonial troops restored order, ten native courts were destroyed, houses of native court personnel were attacked, and European factories at Imo River, Aba, Mbawsi, and Amata were looted. Women attacked prisons and released prisoners.
When order was restored, the colonial troops killed about fifty-five women. The last soldiers left Owerri on December 27, 1929, and the last patrol in Abak Division withdrew on January 9, 1930. By January 10, 1930, the revolt was regarded as successfully suppressed.
The Rise of Female Eastern Movements
The position of women in society was greatly improved. Once only allowing the wives of elite husbands to participate in politics, the protests allowed women of lesser backgrounds to join native politics. Women were appointed to serve in native courts; some even became warrant chiefs.
The Aba Women’s Riot also inspired many other female movements in the 1930s and 1940s. This includes the Tax Protests of 1938, the Oil Mill Protests of the 1940s in Owerri and Calabar Provinces, and the Tax Revolt in Aba and Onitsha in 1956.
As a Nigerian, you quickly learn that there are many weapons fashioned against you, one of which is a landlord.
The endless struggle between landlords and tenants often exists because tenants are unaware of the rights accorded to them. Therefore, in this article, we will walk you through tenancy rights in Nigeria.
Right to property:
As a tenant, you can rent any property anywhere in the country, regardless of sex, state of origin, or nationality.
It’s in your rights that when renting a new property, a well-written tenancy agreement be presented and signed on your lawyer’s advice. The tenancy agreement should contain the following:
The full name of the tenant
The full name of the landlord
The description of the property
The total amount paid for the property
The duration of rent, i.e. the expiration and renewal dates of the tenancy
And although the law makes room for an oral tenancy agreement, it’s advisable and safer to have a written agreement, as it makes it easier to make a case in court if needed.
Rights to receipt of payment:
You’re entitled to a receipt of payment from your landlord to avoid stories that touch later on. This receipt should include:
The amount paid
Location of the property
Duration of the tenancy
Another thing to know about this is that landlords who fail to issue a receipt are liable to a fine of ₦100,000.
Right to exclusive possession:
According to the Law, once you’ve made payment and entered into a contract with the landlord, you have exclusive rights to the property.
This means that no one, including the landlord, can enter your apartment, room, or property without your permission. This also involves instances where maintenance is to be done by the landlord; you must first approve, or it’d be regarded as trespassing.
Right to habitable premises:
This means that, as a tenant, the landlord has to ensure that the rented property is fit enough for any purpose for which it’s being rented, i.e., for domestic or corporate reasons.
Therefore, if there are any issues like wear and tear, flooding, or damage to certain utilities, the landlord’s expected to fix them, and if they refuse to, you can demand a refund of your rent or end the tenancy.
Right to an eviction notice:
As a tenant, you must get a notice before being evicted from the rented property. The notice must contain the following:
The name of the landlord
The name of the tenant
The address of the rental property
The duration of the tenancy
The reason behind the eviction
Typically, the eviction notice varies depending on the type of tenancy agreement you have with the landlord:
A one-week notice period for a weekly tenancy
A minimum of one month’s notice for a monthly tenancy
A minimum of three months’ notice for a quarterly tenancy
A minimum of six months’ notice for a yearly tenancy
Also, tenants are entitled to a 7-day notice to recover their possessions after the eviction notice expires.
Did you know that every year, about 41 million (74%) people die worldwide due to non-communicable diseases (NCDs)? These NCDs also result in the annual deaths of about 17 million people before the age of 70 globally, and in Nigeria, they account for 24% of the total deaths that occur annually.
What exactly are non-communicable diseases?
NCDs, also called chronic diseases, are usually long-term diseases that cannot be spread via infection but are typically caused by genetic, physiological, environmental, or behavioural factors. NCDs aren’t specific to an age group, as they can affect anyone regardless of age, sex, or country.
Cardiovascular diseases, e.g. stroke and heart attacks
Diabetes
Cancer
Chronic respiratory diseases, e.g. asthma
One of the leading causes behind the prevalence of NCDs in Nigeria is our lifestyle choices, which involve a dependence on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) such as soda, fruit, and energy drinks.
In 2021, the federal government introduced a sugar tax, also known as the SSB tax, of ₦10 per litre on all carbonated, non-alcoholic and sweetened beverages to discourage the intake of these drinks and fight against NCDs like diabetes and obesity. However, the World Health Organization (WHO) recommends that the SSB tax raise the price of these drinks by 20% to have a more meaningful impact.
Gatefield is concerned with ensuring adequate health and economic growth in Nigeria. And to create awareness and encourage public support for the increase in SSB taxes, this year they’ll be hosting a health summit exploring the theme: “Taxing Sugary Drinks and Other Fiscal Policies for Healthcare Financing”.
When’s the event?
The health summit will be held on July 25, 2023, at 10 a.m. at the Transcorp Hilton in Abuja. You’ll have a chance to hear the thoughts and opinions of many industry giants, such as:
Dr Salma Anas, Special Adviser to the President on Health
Dr Zainab Bagudu, Board Member, Union of International Cancer Control
Dr Olumide Okunola, Senior Health Specialist, World Bank Group
Dr Alhassan Umar, President, Nigeria Cancer Society
Toyyib Abdulkareem, Senior Policy and Campaign Officer, NCD Alliance
Dr Laz Ude Eze, Founder, Talk Health Real Media Limited
Prof. Felicia Anumah, Director, Centre for Diabetes Studies, University of Abuja
Dr Usman Malami, Director General, National Institute for Cancer Research and Treatment
How to attend the event
If you’re interested in attending the event in person or virtually, you should register here.
Serah Ibrahim, a self-acclaimed human rights frontier, shared an official document online from the Lagos State Public Procurement Agency on the morning of July 23, 2023. Ibrahim was the first social media user to make the document public. Many people, including news platforms, demanded answers and criticised the government.
What was the document about?
I need @jidesanwoolu and whoever runs the Lagos Govt @followlasg to explain this official document signed by Onafowote Idowu the DG PPA Lagos.
103 Dead Bodies to be buried by TOS Funerals on a Mass Grave?#EndSARS victims was actually written on it🤦🏼♀️.
Dated July 19, 2023, the document revealed the approval of N61.2 million. This was for a mass burial for 103 victims of the #EndSARS massacre of October 20, 2020. Onafowote Idowu, the agency’s Director-General, signed the letter and addressed it to the Ministry of Health.
An excerpt from the letter reads, “Following review of your request and based on the information provided therein, the agency has ‘No Objection’ to award the contract to MESSRS. TOS FUNERALS LIMITED at a total cost of N61,285,000 only for the mass burial for the 103, the year 2020 EndSARS victims.”
What was Lagos State’s response?
For the Lagos State Government, their reaction was to “set the record straight.” According to the Permanent Secretary of the Lagos State Ministry of Health, Olusegun Ogboye, the 103 bodies in question were not from the Lekki Toll Gate.
They were retrieved from various parts of the state, such as Fagba, Ketu, Ikorodu, Orile, Ajegunle, Abule-Egba, Ikeja, Ojota, Ekoro, Ogba, Isolo, and Ajah. The government says that some were even retrieved from a jailbreak at Ikoyi Prison.
RE: MASS BURIAL OF ENDSARS VICTIMS (MISCHIEF MAKERS AT WORK)
The attention of the Lagos State Government has been drawn to some social media publications about a purported mass burial plan for casualties of the 2020 #EndSARS incident. Peddlers of the news are deliberately… pic.twitter.com/j94U8P1dkX
Ogboye also mentioned in the statement that the Lagos State chief pathologist was legally summoned to produce the full records of unclaimed bodies in the Lagos State Central Mortuary. This was immediately after the tragic incident of October 20, 2020.
He also confirmed that relatives of the lost or dead victims were advised to contact the Department of Pathology and Forensic Science at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH). However, “nobody responded to claim any of the bodies.”
“After almost three years, the bodies remain unclaimed, adding to the congestion of the morgues. This spurred the need to decongest the morgues. This procedure follows very careful medical and legal guidelines if a relative may still turn up to claim a lost relative years after the incident,” he explained.
What were citizens’ reactions?
We can use two words to describe citizens’ reactions: outrage and dismay. This was because the state government had initially denied that there was “no casualty” recorded during the #EndSARs protest, particularly with the event that led to “Lekki Massacre”. Till today, the government has not been able to share a clear statement on what actually happened the night of October 20, 2020.
With this, Nigerians are reacting to the news of the mass burial and the government’s statement.
Lagos State was so effective that it immediately picked up bodies of victims before the communities had opportunity to identify and bury their bodies! These people really do not rate us at all!
On the night of the shooting at Lekki Tollgate, many of the protesters kept saying… https://t.co/TC7Ds07go3
It’s been 22 hours and this was the best lie Lagos State was able to come up with and it’s an amazing own goal.
You picked up 103 bodies but not at the Lekki Toll Gate where senseless soldiers massacred peaceful #EndSARS youths. This is the same lie Sanwo Olu told the panel and… https://t.co/TmfvYoK0CE
In November 2021, the Lagos State Government released a White Paper on the report by the EndSARS panel. This panel investigated the events of the Lekki Toll Gate incident of October 20, 2020.
According to this report, armed soldiers trying to scatter protesters away from the grounds killed nine people at the toll gate.
But Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu dismissed the report as “assumptions and speculations.”
Human rights organisations like Amnesty International and CNN International, which carried out independent investigations into the event, continue to stand by their reports that protesters were shot at.
Their claim also carries weight, as many Nigerians watched Obianuju Udeh (aka DJ Switch) livestream and heard gunfire while protesters at the scene waved their flags in the air and sang the national anthem.
For the average Nigerian, July has been a rough start to the year’s second half as many await renewed hope. But for Abubakar Malami, July looks like the beginning of a series of tough months ahead. Based on the latest news reports that centre on transactions he oversaw while in office, Malami is truly having it rough.
The Cable on July 24 exclusively reported that Malami, the former Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), will be interrogated over at least five suspicious transactions during his time in office. While no charges have been brought yet against him, he will undoubtedly be apprehensive, going by the experiences of former EFCC chair Abdulrasheed Bawa and former CBN governor Godwin Emefiele, who are both in custody and were key figures in the last administration.
So why is Malami staring down a barrel of hot soup? Here’s what you need to know.
[Abubakar Malami / The Guardian]
What are the five transactions Malami is facing investigation for?
Malami served as both the AGF and Minister of Justice under President Buhari. His appointment in 2015 made him the youngest minister in Buhari’s cabinet. In his position, the 56-year-old Malami was the point of call for arbitrage and settling disputes and transactions involving the federal government.
According to The Cable, here are the five transactions Malami is facing investigation for:
Ajaokuta settlement
The name Ajaokuta is synonymous with “wastage” and white elephant ventures. The moribund steel project in Kogi state has been the subject of several controversies.
The gist is quite long, but the abridged version of it goes something like this:
In September 2022, the FG resolved a long-standing contractual dispute with Global Steel over the Ajaokuta Steel Company Limited (ASCL) and National Iron Ore Mining Company (NIOMCO) Itakpe concessions. Instead of paying an original claim of $5.258 billion, Nigeria secured a 91% reduction and agreed to pay $496 million following threats of the dispute being taken up at the International Criminal Court (ICC).
The dispute began in 2008 when Global Steel’s concessions were revoked for alleged asset stripping and tax evasion. In 2016 a modified concession agreement was executed, allowing Global Steel to retain Itakpe. The recent settlement rescued Nigeria’s steel, iron ore, and rail industries, but other allegations remain unresolved. Malami’s role in the ordeal and how he handled some settlements is what is being investigated.
Mysterious sales of recovered assets
The EFCC questioned Ladidi Mohammed, the head of the asset recovery and management unit in the Ministry of Justice, about fraud allegations in August 2022. They didn’t charge her, however. She claimed to have acted under instructions from Malami in selling recovered assets worth billions. Malami reportedly granted a confidential multibillion-naira asset recovery contract to Gerry Ikputu & Partners and their legal agent, M. E. Sheriff & Co., offering them three per cent of the value of each successful recovery. The AGF and the justice ministry were criticised for engaging private firms instead of using competent anti-graft agencies like the EFCC and ICPC for asset recovery.
[Ladidi Mohammed / The Cable]
Paris Club refunds
During Malami’s tenure, consultants who claimed they assisted states in calculating their share of the Paris Club refunds sued the FG. They demanded payment for their services.
Malami opted for an out-of-court settlement. He agreed that the states would pay $418 million to the consultants, deducted from their federation allocations over time.
This led to a public disagreement between Malami and the governors. The Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) accused the consultants of using Malami to obtain the states’ funds. The NGF contested the deduction, and a federal high court in Abuja restrained the consultants from transacting with the promissory notes. The case, which involves Senator Ned Nwoko, is ongoing in court.
In early 2020, Malami committed the federal government to pay Sunrise Power and Transmission Company Limited (SPTCL) $200 million as a “final settlement” for the Mambilla power project dispute in Taraba state.
This settlement was to avoid an arbitration claim by Sunrise in France over an alleged breach of contract. The project, delayed since the 1970s, aims to be the country’s largest power plant with a capacity of 3,050 megawatts. Previously, Sunrise Power had accused the government of sidelining them from the project against the advice of Malami.
However, in a response dated April 20, Buhari replied to a memo by Malami regarding the settlement, saying, “FG does not have USD 200 million to pay SPTCL”. The case is still in arbitration.
Abacha loot
No story revolving around graft in Nigeria is complete without mentioning the former head of state, Sani Abacha.
In 1999, the Nigerian government hired Swiss lawyer Enrico Monfrini to recover looted funds traced to Abacha. After seven years of work, Monfrini successfully recovered $321 million from Luxembourg banks, which the Swiss government then held.
Instead of directly requesting the transfer of the funds to Nigeria, Abubakar Malami engaged two lawyers, Oladipo Okpeseyi and Temitope Adebayo. They wrote a letter to the Swiss authorities requesting the return of the funds. These lawyers were paid $17 million in “professional fees.” This figure was more than what the Swiss lawyer received for tracing and recovering the funds.
Okpeseyi was associated with the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). President Buhari founded the party, and Malami was the party’s legal adviser.
Students of the University of Lagos (UNILAG) received a rude awakening when, on July 21, the school announced that it had “reviewed obligatory fees” upwards. The mandatory charges are coming in light of what the school said were “prevailing economic realities and the need for the University to be able to meet its obligations to its students, staff, and municipal service providers, among others.”
The school said it consulted with stakeholders, including students and their guardians, before making this decision. Interestingly, UNILAG describes itself as “the school of first choice and the nation’s pride.” However, with the increment set to happen at the beginning of the 2023/2024 academic session, students may have to rethink whether they’d still stick with UNILAG as their first choice.
Here’s what fees look like now for new undergraduate students:
And here’s what fees look like for returning undergraduate students:
For comparison, previous fees for new undergraduate students were around ₦55,000, while returning students paid ₦15,000. While tuition remains free, the other mandatory expenses have gone up considerably. Understandably, the news has sparked strong reactions online.
What are the arguments in favour?
One major issue that has plagued public tertiary institutions is the lack of funding. You can draw a straight line between every strike that has occurred since the beginning of time and challenges relating to poor remuneration for staff and underfunding, leading to a paucity of research and development.
ASUU has argued for university autonomy, allowing institutions to raise funds for themselves rather than being overly dependent on government subventions. And although ASUU didn’t sanction this increase, it’s hard to see them argue against it. Some say Nigerian tertiary education is too subsidised and don’t consider the new fees expensive.
According to Deborah Tolu-Kolawole, who covers Nigerian tertiary education extensively, the hike in fees was inevitable. In a series of tweets, she explained that schools were struggling to stay afloat, with the federal government unwilling to release more funds.
She notes that for now, some subsidy is still in place, as evidenced by the zero cost of tuition. She warned that there will be more increments once full autonomy is granted to universities. This is where the Student Loan Act will come into play.
In economics, a public good is a commodity or service made available to all members of society. Typically, these services are administered by governments and paid for collectively through taxation.
A 2018 paper by the UNESCO Chair on Human Rights and Ethics of International Cooperation, Rita Locatelli, argues that education should be a public good in light of “current trends in the privatisation and marketisation of education.”
UNESCO recommends 15-20% of public expenditure on education. Nigeria has never met that threshold.
One in every five of the world’s out-of-school children is in Nigeria. Among those who manage to brave all odds and make it to university, they will now have to contend with this new hurdle of a fee hike. If other public universities follow UNILAG’s example, this will exclude even more students from tertiary education that they can’t afford.
So while we recognise that universities need funding and that education is subsidised in Nigeria, we also recognise that it is for good reason. The timing of this hike in light of economic circumstances is tough to justify, at least on moral grounds.
As it stands in Nigeria today, the return on investment in education is negative. This is apparent in the fact that many university graduates are unemployed. Hiking fees perpetuate the common Nigerian saying, “School na scam.” If fewer students get access to subsidised education, the outcome for Nigeria could be unpalatable.
In related news in education, the FG recently increased fees in federal government colleges, aka Unity Schools, by 122%. All of these combined will cause human capital development to slide even further. Nigeria’s prospects of leaving the ghetto might become bleak.
For now, UNILAG students are facing the brunt of it. Other universities are watching, and they will join in sooner or later. At some point, the federal government will have to lift its head out of the sand and intervene, or we could be staring at a full-blown state of emergency in Nigeria’s education sector.
It might surprise you to know that there are two types of court marriages in Nigeria. These include:
Ordinary marriage: This is a marriage between two Nigerians.
Special marriage: A marriage between a Nigerian and a non-Nigerian or between two non-Nigerians intending to marry in the country.
Court weddings are usually done in marriage registries; there are two kinds of these registries in Nigeria. We have:
The Federal Marriage Registry
This includes the Ikoyi registry in Lagos state, which covers residents in the South-West, South-South and South-East, and the Wuse 2 registry in Abuja, which covers all residents in Northern Nigeria.
The Local Government Marriage Registry
These kinds of registries can be found in each local council across states in Nigeria.
What Are the Steps Involved in Having a Court Wedding?
Declare your intention to marry in your registry of choice
The first step is to visit the marriage registry and give a notice of your intention to get married. Once this is done, the registrar will issue you a Notice Form or Form A. In this form, you’ll be expected to fill in details such as name, age, occupation and marital status.
Once done, you’ll be expected to return the form to the registrar along with two coloured passport photographs.
The Notice is entered into the Marriage Notice Book
Upon submission, the registrar enters your Notice into the Marriage Notice book, after which a copy of the Notice form is posted on the registry’s notice board for 21 days, which is in accordance with Section 10 of the Marriage Act.
The primary reason behind the 21 days is to act as a caveat or warning period, i.e., to give people aware of the intended marriage a chance to raise their objections or concerns.
Pay the set fee and swear to an affidavit
Once the 21 days expire, you’re expected to pay a prescribed fee, usually less than ₦25,000, for the marriage certificate. You are also required to swear an affidavit that confirms the following:
You and your partner aren’t less than 21 years old. In cases where both parties are under 21, written parental consent must be attached to the affidavit.
Either you or your partner have lived in the district where the marriage is intended to be held for at least 15 days.
No situation can serve as a hindrance to the wedding.
Neither you nor your partner are customarily married to a different person.
Forms C and D are issued
Once the above mentioned requirements have been met, the marriage registrar gives you a Form C that confirms compliance with the needs and that there are no lawful hindrances to the intended wedding. Following this, Form D is issued, giving you the authority to celebrate your wedding.
According to Section 12 of the Marriage Act, the wedding must be held within 3 months by the registrar or in an authorised place of worship. Failure to comply will result in the entire process starting again.
The wedding day
On the wedding day, two witnesses must be present, and it must be conducted between 8 a.m. and 5 p.m. The officiating officer—the registrar or a recognised clergyman—will present Form E, also known as the marriage certificate, which will contain details such as the date of the marriage, the names of the parties and witnesses, and the certificate number.
Registration of the marriage certificate
And lastly, the final step is to file your marriage certificate in the Marriage Register Book.
There are a lot of benefits attached to having a court wedding/marriage. Some reasons why you should consider it include:
It’s more convenient
Court weddings allow people to get married without going through religious or traditional processes. This way, the couple can have a more straightforward and stress-free wedding ceremony. Also, you can get married in less than an hour instead of spending the whole day.
It offers legal security
As mentioned, court marriages are recognised and protected under the Marriage Act. As such, it offers legal benefits and protection for both parties. For instance, in divorce cases, guidelines are offered that secure the spouse’s financial interests; they also provide a framework for child custody issues.
It’s more cost-effective
Everyone knows that weddings in Nigeria cost an arm and a leg, with people losing friendships over aso-ebi expenses. But with a court wedding, you can have a more budget-friendly ceremony.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
In 2022, David Owumi decided to make his first trip to Istanbul, Turkey from Nigeria. He had no form of cash on him except his ATM card. When he landed at the airport, he needed cash in order to pay for taxi to his hotel. But unfortunately, none of the ATMs seemed to work for him.
“I tried and tried, but all the ATMs were rejecting my card! I was stuck at the airport for quite a while because I also didn’t have any friends in Istanbul to pick me up. Eventually, an ATM did work for me, but that was after I was stuck for God knows how long. I ended up leaving the airport tired around midnight.” he reminisced.
For every 9-5 employee, a vacation sounds like the next best thing after sliced bread. However, it is easy to forget to make proper financial plans in the midst of all the excitement, and probably go broke or get stranded in the process.
In today’s episode of Abroad Life, David and Damiliel, seasoned travelers, have tips to save you from premium embarrassment to help navigate finances while vacationing in a foreign country.
“Before you depart, make sure to CHANGE CURRENCIES”
This is David’s first tip, due to his experience shared earlier. As a traveller, it is important to always try to hold in cash, the currency of the country you are going to before you leave.
“Try to make this include the expenses in your entire vacation budget if you can,” he advise.
“Make sure all your daily bills are sorted for the next month”
Damaliel advises that we should not only plan a budget for the trip but also try “to plan for the month ahead when you are back in Nigeria.”
According to him, “Saving in the current economy is quite hard, but it won’t be wise to blow your hard earned money on just the trip alone and come back home hungry. Make sure your daily bills at home are sorted out for at least the next month too.”
“Get your basic amenities sorted out before you leave”
“This includes hotel accommodation, commuting bills within the city, and feeding,” David suggests. He recommends that you try to book a hotel ahead of time that can serve both breakfast and dinner.
“It’s slightly more expensive, but it’s great to get a hotel like this in case you run out of cash, so at least you’ll not be hungry. Most hotels don’t offer lunch, but some do. If you see any like these, you should book those as well,” he says.
In terms of commuting bills, he also suggests that you search online for dedicated taxi companies that can take you around. “At least, even if you run out of money, you can still take yourself to landmarks in the city.”
“In your budget, always make sure to add money for miscellaneous expenses”
Damaliel advises that one should always budget enough money for emergencies or unforeseen circumstances. And this was out of personal experience.
He says, “Sometime around 2020 or 2021, I travelled to Dubai and contacted COVID. I needed an extra $700 for a new hotel. If not, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government would have isolated everyone for safety purposes.”
“Always do the math of prices in your head”
David believes that if you are going on vacation, you should try to gather prior knowledge of the conversion rate of the country and how much things cost in general. Especially if you don’t speak their official language or lingua franca.
“If you are travelling to France, for example, and you don’t know how to speak French, it is very easy for you to get swindled of your vacation money. There are conmen everywhere, as well as ‘brick and mortar’ businesses,’ he explains, emphasising that you shouldn’t find it easy to let go of money. “Always do the math of prices in your head.”
“Get travel insurance”
Travel insurance is an important money tip for David, especially if you are travelling to a “visa-free country.”
“For countries that do not require visas, it is highly important to sort out your travel insurance. This is like an official extra budget for you aside from the one you’re carrying in case you fall sick or run into any trouble,” he advises.
