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Citizen | Page 10 of 164 | Zikoko!
  • Niger’s Government Has Been Overthrown by Military Junta: Why Is It Nigeria’s Pot of Soup?

    Niger’s Government Has Been Overthrown by Military Junta: Why Is It Nigeria’s Pot of Soup?

    Niger’s military, led by President Mohammed Bazoum’s presidential guards, recently installed a military junta. 

    In response, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) under the chairmanship of President Tinubu, convened in Abuja to deliberate on potential military action; a move which has plunged Nigerians in the country into fear of being caught in a crossfire. 

    Here’s what we know about the situation.

    How did it start?

    On Wednesday, July 26, multiple media outlets reported that some members of the elite Presidential Guard surrounded the presidential palace and denied President Mohammed Bazoum access to his official residence and office. The move by the presidential guard was indicative of another coup attempt years after an unsuccessful attempt in March 2021 — a few days before the president was sworn into office.

    Hours after the clampdown, a colonel-major and spokesperson of the elite presidential guard, Amadou Abdramane, in a TV broadcast quoted by Aljazeera said “the defence and security forces… have decided to put an end to the regime you are familiar with”.  

    Abdramane announced the closure of the country’s borders, the start of a nationwide curfew and the suspension of all institutions in the country. He also warned against foreign intervention.

    Niger’s Government Has Been Overthrown by Military Junta: Why Is It Nigeria’s Pot of Soup?

    Source: ORTN via Reuters TV

    On July 28, 48 hours after the initial coup attempt, another member of the presidential guard, Abdourahamane Tiani, in a live TV broadcast declared himself as Niger’s new head of state. 

    Niger’s Government Has Been Overthrown by Military Junta: Why Is It Nigeria’s Pot of Soup?

    Source: AFP

    Tiani in his address on state-run TV said the intervention was necessary to avoid the gradual and inevitable demise of Niger. There was no mention of plans to return to civilian leadership.

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    How did Nigeria come into the picture?

    A few hours after the July 26 coup, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) under the chairmanship of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu condemned the coup attempt in Niger. A statement issued to the press read in part:

    “I wish to say that we are closely monitoring the situation and developments in Niger and we will do everything within our powers to ensure democracy is firmly planted, nurtured, well rooted and thrives in our region.”

    “As the Chairperson of ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, I state without equivocation that Nigeria stands firmly with the elected government in Niger and equally conveys the absolute resolve of leaders in our sub-region that we shall not waiver or flinch on our stand to defend and preserve constitutional order.”

    On Sunday, July 30, the ECOWAS member states met in Abuja.

    During the session, a decision was made to issue a one-week ultimatum for the coup plotters in Niger to return power to the democratically-elected government. ECOWAS reiterated it only recognised Mohammed Bazoum as the legitimate president of Niger and called for his immediate release, adding that all measures, including the use of force, will be taken if the demand is not met within one week.

    Tinubu writes Nigerian senate

    Following the 7-day ultimatum to Niger, President Bola Tinubu who doubles as the ECOWAS chairman, on August 4, wrote the Nigerian Senate seeking approval for military intervention in line with the earlier agreement reached at the extraordinary session of July 30.

    His letter read:

    “Military buildup and deployment of personnel for military intervention to enforce compliance of the military junta in Niger should they remain recalcitrant. Closure and monitoring of all land borders with the Niger Republic and reactivating of the border drilling exercise. Cutting off Electricity supply to the Niger Republic, mobilising international support for the implementation of the provisions of the ECOWAS communique. Preventing the operation of commercial and special flights into and from Niger Republic; Blockade of goods in transit to Niger especially from Lagos and eastern seaports.”

    What does the Nigerian constitution say?

    According to part II, section 5(4a – b) of the Nigeria constitution, (a) “the President shall not declare a state of war between the Federation and another country except with the sanction of a resolution of both Houses of the National Assembly, sitting in a joint session; and (b) “except with the prior approval of the Senate, no member of the armed forces of the Federation shall be deployed on combat duty outside Nigeria.”

    “This means that for active external combat deployment, the president needs the consent of the National Assembly before deploying troops on combat duty in Niger,” Afolabi Adekaiyoja, researcher and political analyst tells Zikoko.

    Senate turns down Tinubu’s request for military deployment

    On August 5, a day after Tinubu’s request to deploy Nigeria’s military, the Nigerian Senate turned down his request and instead advised the president and ECOWAS to seek a political solution as opposed to military.

    Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, read the resolution after the lawmakers returned to plenary. It read in part:

    “The Senate calls on the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and chairman of ECOWAS to further encourage other leaders of ECOWAS to strengthen the political and diplomatic options and other means to resolve the political logjam in Niger Republic.

    “The National Assembly supports ECOWAS leadership under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in resolving the political situation in Niger and returning the country to a democratic governance in the nearest future.”

    President Tinubu meets with governors of Nigerian states sharing border with Niger

    President Tinubu’s decision to seek military intervention against Niger stirred mixed reactions from Nigerians, with some security experts sharing concerns about the negative impact on northwestern states sharing borders with Niger.

    However, on August 6, President Tinubu in his capacity as ECOWAS chairperson met with the governors of the Nigerian states that share boundaries with Niger. The governors in attendance were Ahmed Aliyu (Sokoto), Umar Namadi (Jigawa), Mai Malam Buni (Yobe), Idris Nasir (Kebbi) and Dr Dikko Radda (Katsina). Details of the meeting were not made public.

    How are Nigerians reacting?

    President Tinubu and ECOWAS’ decision on military intervention has left many Nigerians divided and some prominent citizens have expressed strong reservations.

    Ex-Abia State governor and Senator representing Abia North Senatorial District, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu called on the president to withdraw Nigeria’s membership from the ECOWAS and avoid unnecessary military action.

    We cannot go to war. This war is in our backyard. I plead with the president to listen to the voice of the Senate. The Senate has said no and I’m joining the Senate and I join the majority of Nigerians telling President Tinubu not to go to war for the sake of brotherhood and the sake of Africa.”

    A pressure group, Southern and Middle Belt Leaders (SMBLF), equally urged the ECOWAS leadership to seek peaceful options to resolve the situation in Niger as opposed to taking military action. A communique read:

    “We discourage the temptation to adopt military means to force the illegal government out of power.  From our judgement, such a move will be resisted sternly by forces both within Niger and Nigeria.”

    More reactions from Nigerians on social media.

    On August 11, a video surfaced on Twitter showing several Nigerians on the streets of Kano protesting against ECOWAS’ planned military action against Niger. Some of the protesters held placards while others chanted “Nigeriens are our brothers, Nigeriens are also our family,” “Niger is ours, we don’t want war, war against Niger is injustice, a plot by the western forces.”

    Nigerians in Niger seek evacuation

    Meanwhile, some Nigerians who live in Niger have called on the Federal Government to evacuate them from the country ahead of any intended military action. Speaking to the press,  one of the individuals who has been working in Niger for over 10 years said: “The government should consider us in this issue; they should think of what will happen if these people take revenge on us and our businesses. We have been having a cordial relationship with them here but with this now, who knows what will happen to us and our businesses? All we want is for ECOWAS to take things easy.”

    Another Nigerian who crossed the border to Borno state before the coup but still has relatives in Niger said: “Our relations now daily complain to us that life is becoming unbearable in Niger Republic and are appealing to the Federal Government to arrange their evacuation back to Nigeria before ECOWAS troops will move in.”

    Does Nigeria have a history of sending military intervention to neighbouring countries in the past?

    According to political analyst Adekaiyoja, “Nigeria has often led military efforts in the region, primarily through the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) forces. Nigeria was active in Liberia and Sierra Leone, and also had a navy team deployed to The Gambia when Yahya Jammeh refused to leave power after losing an election. Nigeria has one of the most active and well-trained troops on the continent — the challenge is that the army has been largely deployed domestically as well and there are seemingly intractable issues to address in the country.”

    This is a developing story.

  • A Timeline of Silence: Why Does Sexual Violence Have Little Consequence?

    A Timeline of Silence: Why Does Sexual Violence Have Little Consequence?

    TRIGGER WARNING: This opinion piece covers sexual violence and social injustice

    A Timeline of Silence: Why Does Sexual Violence Have Little Consequence?

    Sexual violence against women is rampant. UNICEF says 1 in 4 Nigerian girls are victims before they even turn 18, and the back-to-back #StopRapingUs and #Justicefor- campaigns of 2020 uncovered just how much rape happens with impunity in our society.

    It’s 2023, and UNICAL has re-called a professor to its faculty of law and re-elected him as Dean, despite unresolved allegations, including sexually assaulting a 20-year-old year student in his office on August 29, 2015. The school management suspended Cyril Osim Ndifon in 2015, only to warmly welcome him back to office in 2017, even though he was never exonerated by a court of law.

    Six years later, he has returned to his original position of power.

    RELATED: Cyril Ndifon: The UNICAL Professor Facing Allegations of Sexual Misconduct

    This event pushed us to look into sexual violence allegations of the last two decades, to answer the question of how Nigeria responds to them. As we interrogate where various accused individuals are today, we discover a pattern that may enable such crimes, often letting them go scot-free without the thorough investigation, resolution or consequences they may deserve, and even punishing the accusers.

    2000s to ’10s

    Only a fraction of sex-related crimes make national news or trending lists on socials, and even less lead to convictions or legal acquittal. But when Godwin Okpara, a former professional footballer who was part of the Super Eagles team for the 1998 FIFA World Cup, was charged with raping his 13-year-old adopted daughter in 2005, he and his wife received a 13 and 15-year sentence respectively. 

    He received this sentence in France, as this is often not the case for similar offenders within Nigeria. Since his early release in 2012, he has re-entered Nigerian society, making football commentary in notable media and even criticising younger footballers, his status as a sex offender forgotten or seen as a minor setback rather than the fatal flaw it should be. Some reports of the story even misrepresent his adopted daughter as his maid. 

    He ended up arrested again in Ikeja in 2017, for physically assaulting his wife. The charges were dropped for lack of evidence despite the videos and photos taken by relatives who witnessed the crime. It’s giving us PTSD from the 2023 general elections, but that’s a story for another day. Meanwhile, Tina Okpara — the adopted daughter — will never forget her trauma at the hands of those who were supposed to take care of her.

    Fast forward 12 years, to the set of Big Brother Naija: See Gobbe, and remember how Big Brother kicked Kemen off the show for groping TBoss while she was asleep. While we applaud the BBN organisers for the swift action, it remains curious that law enforcement never took up the case. Surely what Kemen did, and on live television too, is a crime, right? Apparently not, as the general public — including notable figures — went ahead to make jokes about it. Now, he’s everyone’s favourite celebrity trainer.

    Before the concept of sex-for-grades made its Nigerian silver screen debut with Kiki Mordi’s award-winning documentary in 2019, the Nigerian police arrested, OAU professor and Anglican clergyman, Richard Akindele, for soliciting his student, Monica Osagie, in 2018. In 2020, he received three concurrent two-year jail sentences for four counts of sex-related crimes and walked free in 2022. We know OAU sacked him too, but not much else.

    Emmanuel Adooh, a Covenant University student, accused the registrar and alumni association president, Dr Olumuyiwa Oludayo, of having affairs with female students. He was decrying his own expulsion from the faith-based school for having sex with his fellow students when he decided to expose them for being hypocrites. Female students came out on Twitter to support his claims with incriminating voice notes and text screenshots. Covenant University sacked Dr. Oludayo, and today, he is an HR consultant who hosts his own morning motivational show

    Later in 2021, an anonymous account popped up on Instagram. It uncovered members of Covenant University’s faculty who sexually harass students to varying degrees, using screenshots of texts as proof. While it’s not clear if they investigated these claims, the school released a statement saying they’d sacked all involved staff. One particular 41-year-old lecturer allegedly raped a 17-year-old student. Names weren’t provided, so it’s not clear if any of these people ever faced jail time.

    On Twitter in 2019, two women accused furniture businessman, Michael Asiwaju AKA Mike Cash, of raping one of them. In 2015, he allegedly raped a Unilorin student but bribed his way out.

    Source: Guardian Life

    More allegations came out, painting the picture of a serial rapist. Michael’s response? He released nude photos and sex videos of his victims to prove they’d given him consent. The police remained inactive until he allegedly took his own life in a hotel room later in 2019.

    The church, not to be outdone, has its own cases of sex allegations and scandals. In 2019, Busola Dakolo revealed that the popular pastor, Biodun Fatoyinbo of COZA church, had raped her when she was 16. This came out after he denied he’d had an extramarital affair with Ese Walter in 2013. Of course, he denied the rape too. Busola received backlash despite the deluge of rape allegations from other women that followed. 

    She later took him to court to force an investigation from the authorities. But the court dismissed the case. The judge described it as “a frivolous suit”, “empty and purely sentimental” and ordered her to pay ₦1 million. 

    We still don’t know if Pastor Fatoyinbo is guilty or not, as the court didn’t even make an inquisition. However, his moral ambiguity hasn’t hindered him from being a spiritual leader to thousands, or the media from writing glowing reports about him.

    Bisola Johnson accused an even more famous religious leader, Prophet TB Joshua, of holding her captive for 14 years. According to her, he regularly molested and raped her and other church members. Before the late prophet passed in 2021, he denied the allegations and discredited Bisola as unstable. 

    His church — the Synagogue Church Of All Nations (SCOAN) — released a video on their now-suspended YouTube channel. In it, Bisola begs for forgiveness for lying against him. According to church members, she always accuses the prophet and then denies it. Bisola spoke out again to say the prophet hypnotised her to make the video. She asserted that she wasn’t unstable and emphasised her stance against him. However, there is no evidence that the authorities ever investigated the case.

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    The 2020s

    As mentioned earlier, 2020 brought forth an onslaught of sex-related allegations. Was it D’banj whose accuser, Seyitan Babatayo, was kept in police custody for two days and threatened with a ₦1.5 billion suit until the case disappeared? He still sat as a judge of the hit singing show, Nigerian Idol, in 2022 and 2023. Or Brymo and Bollylomo, whose numerous accusations were swept under the rug in the classic Nigerian style of casual dismissal? 

    Let’s talk about the Twitter influencer, Comfort “Sansa” Oroboghene, accusing her fellow influencer ex-boyfriend, Tife Fabunmi, of being an abuser, blackmailer and rapist (and releasing her nudes). Tife released a public apology:

    Source: Twitter

    …then turned around to withdraw his apology in 2021, denying the accusations and threatening to take legal action against Sansa, in a since-deleted tweet. His Twitter account has also been deactivated as of the time of publishing.

    The pandemic lockdown was both a health precaution and sex exposé catalyst. But none of the above accused have been investigated. Instead, the accusers were bullied and re-victimised into silence.

    The many survivors of Nollywood actor, Olanrewaju Omiyinka, AKA Baba Ijesha, finally got some justice when he was convicted for sexual assault crimes dating back to 2013. Comedian, Damilola Adekoya, AKA Princess, whose 14-year-old adopted daughter is one of his survivors, reported him to the police in 2021. The next year, Baba Ijesha was sentenced to five years in prison, and the Lagos State Government officially listed him as a sex offender.

    In 2022, Sahara Reporters published a news report about a father accusing an Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP). According to him, Oke Vincent, repeatedly molested his 17-year-old daughter while in custody at a police station in Enugu for five days without charge. The ASP still extorted money from him to secure her release. 

    The ASP ignored the State Criminal Investigation Department (CID)’s invitation and hasn’t been charged for his crimes. It wouldn’t be far-fetched to assume he’s continued on as an officer of the law since there’s no evidence to confirm or deny this.

    The same year, Olugbenga Agboola, CEO and co-founder of Flutterwave, was accused of sexual abuse. Enquiries into the case got lost among more “grievous” financial misconduct — money laundering, insider trading, perjury — and it isn’t clear how it was resolved, if at all. 

    Then, Risevest co-founder and CEO, Eke Urum, was accused of sexual impropriety, among other things. But he was found culpable of everything else but sexual impropriety. While he had to step down as CEO, he’s been given a place on the board of directors.

    We remember 2023 for starting on a rough note with the cash and fuel shortages of January and election palava of February. But before we knew drama was about to ensue, traditional news media focused on celebrity cancer oncologist Dr Femi Olaleye’s sexual abuse case. In September 2022, his wife took him to court for raping her 16-year-old niece for over a year, between 2020 and 2021. Kate Henshaw, a Nollywood veteran actress and one of his biggest former endorsers, has publicly reinforced the allegations against the doctor.

    Dr Olaleye with Kate Henshaw. Source: TVC News

    His response? A no-case submission, asking the court to dismiss the case. This is a man who routinely screens women’s most private areas for breast and cervical cancer. So the public should be relieved he’s been confined to Ikoyi Correctional Centre to await his trial, except he can make his ₦50 million bail.

    He maintains his wife is setting him up, and the last public report of the case dates back to April 2023.

    During Sexual Assault Awareness and Prevention Month in April 2023, the topic of sexual crime and misconduct took over social media once more, but not for positive reasons. Details of Terdoo Bendega’s long history of sexual abuse were all over Twitter, and it seemed to be the perfect time for him to get his reckoning. 

    Between February and March, a female Twitter user shared evidence of how he’s filmed sex tapes without women’s consent, blackmailed and sold nudes since 2012 — over a decade ago. But between one survivor accusing the “whistleblower” of manipulation and the mystery surrounding Mr Terdoo’s current status, it’s not clear whether justice will ever be served. 

    On July 1, Twitter user @ozzyetomi tweeted about a woman who was stalked and harassed by her ex. Seven days later, said ex (TechNation ambassador, Funfere Koroye) attacked the woman in broad daylight, during a private but well-attended event at Rele Gallery, before concerned bystanders fended him off. 

    What followed was the online revelation that the woman had been in a physically abusive relationship with Funfere for two years, followed by two more years of stalking, harassment and threats. At least, three more people have since accused him of other forms of abuse, including rape. 

    The Lagos Domestic and Sexual Violence Response Agency (DSVA) responded to the claims, promising to work with the affected woman to provide support, protection and justice. But there’s been no evidence that Funfere has been invited for questioning by any law enforcement agency so far. 

    Instead, between July 8 and 10, 2023, a female relative was relentlessly bullied on Twitter for not speaking up against the accused.

    It’s great news that minors are likely to get justice for sexual violence committed against them. But it’s disheartening that adult women have faced backlash, high-profile defamation lawsuits and retaliatory police investigations instead of justice. 

    Public response is often: “You want to bring down a successful man”, forgetting that the “success” is what puts such men in the perfect position to abuse women without consequences. The big question is: why is there a notable difference in the way sex crime accusations are treated compared to murder, theft or financial crimes? 

    If you need any form of support related to sexual crimes, read this: How Can Victims of Abuse and Sexual Violence Get Help?

    RECOMMENDED: Everything We Know About Funfere’s History of Violence and Abuse

  • “I Cannot Leave His House”: The Horrors of Bride Kidnapping in Makoko

    “I Cannot Leave His House”: The Horrors of Bride Kidnapping in Makoko

    On the morning of May 27, 2023, 27- year old Amanda Fernanda packed her bags and left her home in the Benin Republic for a “relative’s” house in Makoko, Lagos. 

    She had just graduated from culinary school and felt she’d have more exposure and richer clients in Lagos. Her father advised that her “uncle”, a skilled caterer, would be the best person to train under. 

    Little did she know that she would never return home again. She was sent to Lagos not to be trained—but to be the third wife to a husband she didn’t know. She also didn’t know the relationship between her father and this man. As far as she was concerned, she was living with a stranger.

    We sat opposite each other in a canoe on the murky, polluted waters of Oko Agbon Waterfront Community, Makoko, where she told me about her experiences as a “wife in hostage.” Amanda even had to cook up an excuse to leave her home and speak with us today. 

    Stock photo of Nigerian girl [UNICEF Nigeria/2017/Sokhin]

    Wearing sadness on her face, Amanda shares, “From the moment I discovered that I was a wife and not a relative, I have been struggling to return home. The man that calls himself my husband has vowed that I cannot leave his house since he spent money on my head. And knowing who he is, he can scatter the whole of Lagos to find me.”

    Aside from being an unchained prisoner in her ‘marital home’, Amanda complains about her husband’s treatment (of her) as a housemaid, the two senior wives and their cruelty, and the inability to access essential needs like food and water. 

    “I am the one that cooks and cleans for everyone in the house, but I am not allowed to eat their food. My husband says that my father has collected money from him. Hence, he doesn’t have the money to feed me. Even the dress I wear today is from my neighbour, not mine.” 

    Before Amanda can eat a meal now, she has to wash plates at local restaurants in exchange for money, ranging from N700-N800.

    “I don’t know anyone here. I need someone that can give me enough money for transport to find my way out of here back home,” she cried.

    “I escaped from his house after three days”

    Unfortunately, Amanda isn’t the only victim of bride kidnapping in the community.

     A 25-year-old lady named Gael also suffered a similar fate in June 2023—but “escaped from his house after three days.” 

    She currently resides in the Baale’s (community leader) stilt house on the water, where we had the chance to speak with Gael about her experience. 

    Gael, who has only been educated up to the junior high school level, was helping her mother sell female clothes when the incident happened.

    With a furious voice, she narrated, “That morning, she sent me out of the shop on an errand. Five men ambushed me on the way and shouted, “This is our wife!” They hijacked me from the road and took me to my “husband’s” house. I’ve never seen or heard of this man before that day.”

    During her stay, she blatantly refused to eat, shower or have a change of clothes. For her, she’d “rather die” than be kept “captive in a man’s house” under the guise of marriage. When she ran away, she had N8,000 in her pocket, which she used to buy new clothes for sale.

    “Even if I wanted to get married before, I see no reason to do that now. I can’t live in Baale’s house forever and risk this kidnapper finding me. I rather focus on getting enough money through my business and get out of this community.”

    A Culture of Bride-kidnapping in Makoko, Lagos

    Bride kidnapping, also known as marriage by abduction or marriage by capture, is a practice in which a man abducts a woman for marriage. It also falls under the category of forced marriage, as the bride is unwilling to get married to the man in question.

    According to a 2020 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) report, only a small proportion of cases of forced marriage come to the attention of police, with very few convictions. Women and girls affected by such crimes usually find it challenging to seek help and speak to authorities for fear of stigmatisation.

    2023 will not be the first time the Oko Agbon community will experience bride kidnapping, as it is an ancient culture in the region.

    In fact, there have been over twenty reported cases and many other unreported issues in the area over the last five years, according to Chief Hungbeji Daniel, the Baale of Oko Agbon Community.

    Chief Hungbeji Daniel, the Baale of Oko Agbon Community. [Blossom Sabo/Zikoko Citizen]

    The Baale says, “In 2011, the Lagos State government came to Oko Agbon and threatened to demolish the houses here if the bride kidnapping issue still continues. That’s the only reason why there aren’t as many cases as there once were before. And even then, we are not told of many cases.”

    But despite this warning, the issue of bride kidnapping persists in the area. “Police and human rights organisations have come here countless times to threaten the people to stop this act, but it still continues. It’s so bad now that even when parents report these cases to the police, nothing is done. It’s almost as though we are on our own,” Baale shares.

    One such parent is Pellagi Wenu, a 65-year-old single mother who has not set eyes on her daughter, Paula, since February 2023.

    Pellagi Wenu, the mother of Paula, a lady who was bride kidnapped [Blossom Sabo/Zikoko Citizen]

    According to Pellagi, Paula, a graduate of medicine, “just disappeared” on February 12. The man who abducted her later sent his parents to reassure her of her daughter’s safety, but she’s still not at peace. She wants to see her daughter again, as well as the man who has taken her.

    With a sad demeanour, she says, “I hear my daughter on the phone every week, and she sounds like she’s doing okay, but this isn’t enough for me. I want to see my daughter again. And the man calling himself her husband should introduce himself to the family, not hide his face away.”

    Is anything being done to stop this? 

    When Zikoko Citizen went to Adekunle Police Station, Panti, to inquire about these cases, the Superintendent, Joseph Peter, demanded a “tip” of N10,000 to release records of the incident. We refused to oblige.

    We also called Comfort Agboko, the Lagos Zonal Commander of the National Agency for Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons and Other Related Matters (NAPTIP), but she insisted that “our case was for the police, not them.”

    What needs to be done to save the bride-napped girls?

    Amanda and Gael, through Baale Hungbeji, have reported their cases to the police station in the Adekunle region, but they have yet to receive feedback.

    And just like these two girls, several other reported issues of bride kidnapping in the Oko-Agbon community are yet to be resolved. These girls are calling to you for help. Who will save them?

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  • “As Far As I’m Concerned, This is Manslaughter”: Dr. Vwaere’s Colleagues Demand Accountability After Elevator Accident

    “As Far As I’m Concerned, This is Manslaughter”: Dr. Vwaere’s Colleagues Demand Accountability After Elevator Accident

    Nigeria might be one of the deadliest places to live, as every day, you’re reminded that you can lose your life for avoidable reasons. Around 3 p.m. on August 1, 2023, an aircraft crash happened in Ikeja that left the four people aboard injured, and barely 6 hours after this incident, another heart-wrenching news hit the country. A Nigerian doctor—a house officer—Dr Vwaere Diaso, had died in an elevator accident at the Odan General Hospital, Lagos Island. 

    What happened?

    According to her colleagues, Vwaere was on her way to pick up her food from the dispatch rider on the ground floor, but tragedy struck as she entered the elevator. The elevator suddenly crashed from the 9th floor down to the ground floor with a loud thud that resonated throughout the hospital.

    Although she survived the crash, albeit with severe injuries and fractures, it took the hospital management about one hour to rescue her from the accident scene. Also, she wasn’t given timely medical attention due to a delayed response from the hospital’s anaesthesia team and a shortage of blood and oxygen.

    However, this sad accident could have been avoided entirely. There have been numerous reports and complaints dating back to 2020 regarding the faulty state of the elevator.

    Many doctors also recounted their experiences of being stuck in the elevator more than once, but despite these complaints, there was no action by the hospital’s management. 

    And this act of negligence has now taken the life of a young doctor who was two weeks away from completing her horsemanship. 

    Has the hospital’s management responded?

    On August 2, 2023, many of Dr Vwaere’s colleagues and other medical practitioners kicked off a protest to demand that justice be served. Still, until now, we’ve seen the management and the government respond in a way that’s far from acceptable. 

    In one of the videos from the protests, the hospital’s Chief Medical Director (CMD), Dr Abiola Aduke Mafe, was reportedly seen advising the aggrieved doctors to “mourn meaningfully”. Another video showed Ibijoke Sanwo-Olu, the First Lady of Lagos state, attributing the elevator accident to “a spiritual arrow”, which not only makes a mockery of the situation but also absolves the hospital from taking responsibility for their negligence

    Babajide Sanwo-Olu, Lagos state governor, shared his condolences on his Twitter page and disclosed that an investigation will be conducted into the cause of the elevator’s mechanical failure. 

    As expected, many medical practitioners, especially house officers, are particularly disturbed by this accident, as it’s a stark reminder of the unsafe conditions they face while practising in Nigeria. Zikoko Citizen contacted some doctors, who shared their thoughts on the situation.

    What the doctors said:

    Williams* is a house officer and a colleague of Dr. Vwaere at Odan General Hospital. During our conversation with him, it was clear that he was heartbroken by the recent news, especially since he knew the late doctor and had considered taking the elevator just hours before the accident happened. 

    He says, “If I’m to describe this in one word, it’d be inhumane. This government sees us as trash; every time we bring forward complaints, they sweep it under the rug and threaten to take away our licence, and now our fellow doctor is dead”. 

    Williams* reveals that the elevator was installed in 2017, and its issues started about a week after its installation, but despite this, no one certified the elevator unsafe. “We won’t blame anyone for using the elevator because engineers frequently came to service it and claimed it was okay for use”. He adds that several official complaints were made to the management, but nothing was done. He says, “We need to know the company in charge of servicing the elevator and who they report to at the Odan General Hospital because that person should be held responsible for this accident”. 

    Download the Citizen Election Report: Navigating Nigeria’s Political Journey

    Another jarring revelation from our conversation with Williams* is how the lack of immediate medical intervention contributed to Dr. Vwaere’s death. Williams* shared, “There was no blood in our hospital, and when we went to the Lagos Island Maternity Hospital (LIMH) just across from us, they also had no blood”. For those who don’t know, Odan General Hospital is one of the oldest hospitals in Nigeria. A shortage of blood and oxygen there reflects the crippling state of Nigeria’s health sector. “She couldn’t get pain medications or analgesics, and eventually, she passed away. The system we’re working to save lives for doesn’t care about us”. 

    As mentioned earlier, there have been protests to demand justice for Vwaere. The protests were held at the Lagos Island Maternity Hospital and the Health Service Commission (HSC). The HSC is in charge of employing doctors in general hospitals around Nigeria.

    Williams* also participated in the protest and told us, “We locked the general hospital’s main gates, some offices, the gates to the HSC, and the LIMH admin building. We can’t allow this to be swept under the rug; we can’t afford to let that happen.”

    However, according to him, there’s a general lack of accountability from the management, as they’ve refused to disclose the names of the elevator maintenance company and their superiors. He also notes the disturbing attitude of the hospital’s administrative workers towards the ongoing situation, as one allegedly said, “Is she the first to die?”. 

    Notwithstanding, Williams* and other house officers insist that justice must be served, and those responsible should be arrested. He firmly states, “As far as I’m concerned, this is manslaughter because they were informed.” 

    Williams* demands that their complaints regarding the hospital’s infrastructure be addressed because, most times, they return to hostels without electricity after a hard day’s work. This is in addition to the troubling fact that many house officers, himself included, have been working for about three months now without pay. “We need to ensure that something like this never happens again. It’s not until someone dies.” He also touches on the critical issue of blood availability in the country, stating, “It’s a known fact that there’s a blood issue in Nigeria. There should be blood banks and emergency blood transfusion services.”

    Also speaking on this incident is Dr. Olemgbe, who reiterates the points laid out by Williams*. He says, “Our work environments remain unsafe, and the lack of accountability is alarming. This incident, alongside a historical backdrop, reaffirms that doctors stand as endangered species in Nigeria, facing political, social, and workplace challenges”. According to Dr. Olemgbe, reforms must be put in place to ensure the safety of doctors while also creating a system that provides support and accountability. 

    These instances demonstrate that sometimes the increase in migration for doctors isn’t just for financial reasons but also to ensure a better and safer quality of life. And Nigeria will continue to experience a massive brain drain, especially in the healthcare sector. Dr. Olemgbe drives home this point by stating, “Doctors won’t migrate if our voices are heard and our lives are truly valued. Let this tragedy propel us towards a safer, more just future for healthcare in Nigeria.”

  • The Nigeria We Want: Four Nigerians Tell Citizen 

    The Nigeria We Want: Four Nigerians Tell Citizen 

    Nigeria is a country with a rich history and culture, but it is also a country with many challenges. 

    There have been conversations about the kind of Nigeria Nigerians want. We once believed in Vision 2020—the once-upon-a-time “strategic” deadline for Nigeria to be one of the 20 largest economies in the world. Where in the world are we now? 

    While Nigeria is the largest economy in Africa by GDP, we are in the 30th position among the 2023 largest economies in the world. We failed to meet the vision set for 2020. Critics continue to argue that one of the reasons Vision 2020 failed is that the target was way too ambitious, considering the country’s acute developmental challenges and huge dependency on oil. 

    On May 3, 2023, we also had former President Muhammadu Buhari launch a new national development plan, the Nigeria Agenda 2050, looking ahead to creating over 150 million jobs by 2050. Critics have also pointed out that this agenda lacks a proper action strategy. 

    While the government is working more on improving the state of the economy, there’s a popular desire beyond that—economics and finances—for everyday people. It’s multi-layered. 

    Some Nigerians dream of a Nigeria where everyone has equal opportunity, regardless of background. They want a country where hard work and determination are rewarded and where everyone has the chance to succeed.

    Others dream of a Nigeria that is more independent and self-sufficient. They want a country that is not reliant on foreign aid and that can stand on its own two feet.

    Of course, there is no single answer to the question of what kind of Nigeria Nigerians want. But the comments of some Nigerians (Bimbo, Laolu, Bridget, and Favour), shared with Zikoko Citizen, provide a glimpse into Nigerians’ hopes and aspirations for their country.

    A Nigeria that is independent and self-sufficient

    “I want a Nigeria that is independent. A Nigeria that people from all over come to for vacation. In the medical community, a Nigeria where people are referred to our hospitals worldwide because we are the best.” — Bimbo

    Bimbo’s comments reflect the desires of people with access to healthcare services. Nigeria’s healthcare system is truly not applaudable and needs urgent attention. The issue of Brain Drain is a concern as many healthcare professionals seek greener pastures in other countries. As for the major health facilities, it’s not world-class for anyone to seek treatment in Nigeria, which could also help generate revenue.

    A Nigeria where the son of nobody can become somebody

    “When I dream of the Nigeria I want, I want a country where the child of a nobody can become somebody through sheer tenacity, hard work, and just a lick of luck. A place where good government policies favour industry and there are job opportunities for everyone everywhere, regardless of educational backgrounds.” — Laolu

    Laolu’s comment about good government policies favouring industry reflects the desire of many Nigerians for a more prosperous and self-sufficient country. They believe Nigeria has the potential to be a major economic power but needs to make some fundamental changes to achieve its full potential.

    A Nigeria that is more tolerant and accepting of diversity

    “I want a Nigeria that’s way less religious.” — Bridget

    Bridget’s comment about a less religious Nigeria reflects some Nigerians’ desire for a more secular society. They believe Nigeria’s religious diversity should be celebrated and that no one religion should influence the government or the people in making decisions that will impact everyone.

    Download the Citizen Election Report: Navigating Nigeria’s Political Journey

    A Nigeria where the Law is the Law

    “When I think about what a better Nigeria would look like for me, I think of a Nigeria where there is truly the rule of law, where people and the government are held accountable for their actions. I would like to see a Nigeria with a better economy, where workers are properly compensated and can afford to live debt free.” — Favour

    Our partner, LEAP Africa, has also unveiled “The Nigeria We Want” Report, highlighting feedback from young people across the six geo-political zones for a prosperous federal nation where everyone in every generation is secure, free, happy, and dignified. 

    Through its youth engagement, advocacy, and grant-giving programme, the Nigeria Youth Futures Fund, they’ve disbursed grants totalling $400,000 to 130 individuals and organisations, comprising action grants, development grants, and individual grants that are designed to support initiatives in the civic participation space. Download the report here. 

    The Nigeria of Nigerians’ dreams is a country where everyone has equal opportunity, where hard work is rewarded, where people of all faiths and sexual orientations can live together in peace, and where tranquilly is essential. It is a country where the potential of its people can be fully realised and where Nigeria can take its rightful place as a leading nation in the world.

    Do dreams like this come true?

    Only time will tell if dreams like these come true. But one thing is for sure: Nigerians, especially young people, are determined to make their dreams a reality. They are resilient people with a strong sense of hope who will not give up until they have achieved their goals.

    ,
  • 71% of Lagosians Optimistic About Future, Stears Survey Finds

    71% of Lagosians Optimistic About Future, Stears Survey Finds

    Tinubu’s policy approval rating is 2x Buhari’s, according to new approval rating data, from intelligence company Stears.

    (Press Release) LAGOS, Nigeria – August 2nd, 2023. The newly introduced Stears Approval Rating (SAR) reveals that despite multiple policy changes, President Bola Tinubu’s policies have received twice as many approvals from respondents compared to those of the previous administration.

    Stears conducted a statistically significant, state-wide poll to understand public sentiment in the wake of a storm of policy reforms implemented by the current administration. The inaugural Stears Approval Rating sampled 519 respondents across Lagos’ 20 local government areas. 

    The SAR is built from responses to 25 questions about socioeconomic policies, living conditions, institutional trust and voter status. Interviews were conducted in English, Pidgin English, and Yoruba, and lasted an average of 10 minutes.

    “After Stears’ proprietary estimation model correctly predicted the outcome of the 2023 presidential elections, we wanted to continue to build on the application of data in governance and beyond. Particularly, we’re excited about how the SAR captures subtle fluctuations in consumer sentiment,” explains Tokunbo Afikuyomi, Economist at Stears.

    Senior Governance Analyst, Joachim MacEbong, expressed the importance of paying attention to the survey results. He stated, “The Stears survey offers a valuable glimpse into the concerns of Nigerians, and it is clear that urgent action is needed to ease the cost burdens on citizens. Our poll showed that 42% of Lagosians are pessimistic while 32% said they were optimistic about the country’s direction.”

    Figure 1.1

    President Tinubu wins over Buhari’s disaffected.

    When asked what they think of the social and economic policies of both the current administration and the past Buhari administration, only 12% approve of the previous administration’s policies, while 50% disapprove. For the current administration, 27% approve, with 33% disapproval. The 50% disapproval of the previous administration’s policies indicates its policy missteps.

    Figure 1.2

    Petrol subsidy removal

    The removal of the petrol subsidy, which saw Premium Motor Spirit  (PMS) go from ₦185/litre to ₦490/litre in Lagos overnight, is less popular. 58% disapprove, with only 32% approving of the decision. Stears completed data collection before the increase from ₦490/litre to ₦568/litre.

    Figure 1.3

    The foundation of three Indices

    Based on the data collected for the Stears Approval Rating, Stears built three indices; The Approval Rating Index spotlights the public’s approval of implemented and potential future policies, Stears Confidence Score gauges trust in institutions, which is essential for mobilising citizens, and finally,, the Consumer Expectations Index is used to track how optimistic consumers are about the future, indicative of their future spending.

    71% of respondents believe they will live better in a year. 

    Stears used responses to questions about future expectations and Nigeria’s direction to construct the Consumer Expectations Index. Most (59%) feel worse off than they did a year ago. The silver lining is that 71% of respondents think they will be doing better in a year. 

    Figure 1.4

    We used a normalised scale of 0 (low expectations) to 100 (high expectations), and the Consumer Expectations Index score was 63. This index is designed to inform decision-makers about how optimistic consumers feel about the future. 

    “What we’ve done in Lagos lays the groundwork for more comprehensive indices that we plan to build from our data collection efforts in Africa soon. We continue to demonstrate how business leaders and policymakers alike can use data to understand what comes next before it happens,” said Yvette Dimiri, Director of Stears Insights.

    The Stears Policy Approval team is multidisciplinary, with leadership from Joachim MacEbong and Tokunbo Afikuyomi. The team combines technical expertise across economics and governance alongside gold-standard data collection, analysis and visualisation. 

    For access to the complete Stears policy approval report, please visit stears.co.

    ——————-

    ABOUT STEARS:

    For global organisations investing in African markets, Stears is the data and insights provider that enables quick, accurate decisions for financial and operational opportunities. Stears users access data from various sources, economic forecasts, and constantly-updated analyses. Stears goes beyond just data to provide insights and context based on knowledge of local markets.

  • Aircraft Crashes in Ikeja, Lagos: What We Know (So Far)

    Aircraft Crashes in Ikeja, Lagos: What We Know (So Far)

    Yesterday, on August 1, 2023, an aircraft accident occurred around Oba Akran, Ikeja, Lagos state. 

    What happened? 

    A single-engine aircraft (Jabiru J430) with the registration number “5NCCQ AJ4-30” crashed into the road in front of the United Bank of Africa, Oba Akran branch, and burst into flames. This happened around 3 p.m.

    Four people—two crew members and two passengers—were aboard the Air First Hospitality & Tours-operated aircraft, which was departing from Murtala Muhammed International Airport, MMIA, on a test flight.

    Source: Twitter/@EMUjiadughele

    However, no lives were lost as the aircraft was being closely followed by an escort vehicle, which arrived at the accident scene on time and provided first aid.

    What caused the accident?

    According to the air control tower, the aircraft’s unintentional collision with a light pole while attempting an emergency landing was what caused the accident.

    How did the government respond?

    Around 4 p.m., a Lagos State Emergency Management Agency (LASEMA) team arrived at the scene to transfer the injured passengers to a hospital. The area was sealed off to prevent a secondary accident. 

    Other emergency responders that arrived at the scene were the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) and the Nigerian Safety Investigation Bureau (NSIB). The NSIB is solely responsible for investigating aircraft accidents and incidents in Nigeria, and they already released a statement soliciting information like videos and pictures to aid their investigation.

    Download the Citizen Election Report: Navigating Nigeria’s Political Journey

    We’ve seen this before

    An accident similar to this happened three years ago, on August 28, 2020, but sadly, this time, the three people on board all lost their lives.

     
    Source: BBC

    The aircraft involved in the accident was a Bell 206 helicopter with the registration number’ 5N BQW,’ belonging to Quorum Aviation. The helicopter was on a flight from Port Harcourt, Rivers State, before it crashed into a residential building in Opebi, Lagos State. 

    Eventually, reports from the Accident Investigation Bureau (AIB) showed that the pilot’s disregard for best practices and the lack of fuel were to blame for the accident. 

  • The Nigerian Army: A Century of Service

    The Nigerian Army: A Century of Service

    In Nigeria, the nation’s land force arm of the Nigerian Armed Forces is known as the Nigerian Army. Since its inception in 1863, it has been known for both challenges and achievements—from successful terrorist raids to the most inhumane human rights abuses.

    Soldiers gesture while standing on guard during Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari’s visit to the Maimalari Barracks in Maiduguri on June 17, 2021. Photo by Audu Marte/AFP via Getty Images

    Recommended: Bad Since 1999: The Nigerian Army Needs Reform From Wickedness

    But how did they get here? What’s the Nigerian Army origin story? How have they evolved time?

    To answer these questions, we need to take you all the way back to 1862.

    The Pre-Colonial Era 

    “Glover’s Hausas” And the Rise of Constabularies

    The first mention of an armed force in Nigeria dates back to June 1, 1863. 

    On this day, a unit of 80 former slaves was established by the then Administrator of the Lagos Colony, Lt. John Glover. This was during his trip back to Lagos from Jebba in Kwara State, where he had a shipwreck. Their crew became known as the Hausa Constabulary (a police force covering a particular area or city).

    The Hausa Contingent, Under Major J.A. Burdon, Took Part in the Jubilee Procession [Elliott and Fry/Pinterest]

    Sir John Hawley Glover (1829-1885) [Heritage. nf.ca]

    A detachment of the Hausa constabulary was assigned for their first military operation in the Asante War of 1873-74 on the Gold Coast (Ghana). 

    The Gold Coast Constabulary of 1873 [Great War Forum]

    This was because the Gold Coast once administered the Lagos colony. The detachment was deployed at Elmina and would later form the Gold Coast Constabulary in 1879, giving rise to the Ghana Army and Police.

    As for the remainder of the Hausa Constabulary, they became recognised as the Lagos Constabulary in 1879 due to a formal ordinance by a new administrator, Sir Alfred Moloney. 

    Sir Alfred Moloney [Find A Grave]

    But the Hausa and Lagos Constabularies would not be the only ones created.

    There were other constabularies too

    In 1886, following the 1885 proclamation of a British protectorate over the “Oil Rivers” of Eastern Nigeria, the Oil Rivers Irregulars (made up primarily of Igbos) came into existence. 

    During the same year, the Royal Niger Company Constabulary was created as the private militia for the Royal Niger Company (RNC) and became the Northern Nigeria Regiment. The Royal Niger Constabulary set up its Headquarters at Lokoja.

    Hausa Soldiers, members of the Royal Niger Constabulary in 1895 [Asiri/Getty Images]

    In 1891, the Oil Rivers Irregulars were rechristened the Niger Coast Constabulary (NCC) as a result of a change of province name from “Oil Rivers Protectorate” to “Niger Coast Protectorate.” 

    It was later regularised in 1893 under the command of British officers based at Calabar and formed the Southern Nigeria Regiment. It is here that we first know that the indigenes of the NCC force were made up of “one-third Yorubas and two-thirds Hausas”. The Yoruba component was a result of indigenes that were captured from previous wars in Yorubaland.

    From 1893-1897, these constabularies would continue to exist separately until war made the British rethink their military strategies.

    The Creation of the West African Frontier Force

    France’s invasion of Ilo in the Borgu emirate in 1897 forced the British to make plans for military conflict, as they perceived the French invasion as a means of halting their trade relations. 

    Hence, the first battalion of the West African Field Force was created by Colonel Lugard on August 26, 1897. It expanded from a core of draftees drawn initially from the Royal Niger Company Constabulary. Two additional battalions, the 2nd and 3rd, were created in 1898.

    Despite their preparations, there was no military conflict. However, there was already a demand for consolidating all British constabulary forces in West Africa from the War Office in London. 

    They argued that one central military force would lead to better coordination, an economy of force, and military efficiency in the scramble for West Africa. 

    This resulted in the establishment of a committee under Lord Selborne that formally separated Police (irregular) from Military (regular) functions. 

    It also consolidated all colonial forces—the Lagos Constabulary, the Gold Coast Constabulary, the Niger Coast Constabulary, the Royal Niger Company Constabulary, and the West African Field Force—into what became known as the West African Frontier Force under an Inspector General.

    In January 1896, a “Lagos Police Force” was created, separated from the more military “Lagos (Hausa) Constabulary.” Subsequently, as part of the new Frontier Force arrangements, in 1901, the “Lagos (Hausa) Constabulary” formally became known as the Lagos Battalion, West African Frontier Force. 

    The remnants of the Niger Coast Constabulary and the Royal Niger Company Constabulary companies were merged to form the Calabar Battalion, West African Frontier Force.

    The Split of the Northern and Southern Nigeria Regiments

    In late 1899, the Niger Coast Constabulary, the 3rd Battalion West Africa Field Force, and the Royal Niger Company Constabulary were merged to form what became known in early 1900 as the Southern Nigeria Regiment, West African Frontier Force.

    In May 1900, the consolidation of the 1st and 2nd battalions of the West African Field Force and Royal Niger Constabulary companies based in Northern Nigeria, led to the formation of the Northern Nigeria Regiment, West African Frontier Force, under Lugard.

    The Gold Coast Regiment, West African Frontier Force, was not formed until August 1901. The Gambia Company, The Sierra Leone Battalion, and the West African Frontier Force were not formed until November 30, 1901. Therefore, the Southern and Northern Nigeria Regiments were senior to the others in order of precedence.

    Colonial Era 

    The Origin of Present-Day Battalion Names

    Due to the amalgamation of January 1914, the Southern Nigeria Regiment was merged with the Northern Nigeria Regiment to form one Nigeria Regiment, the West African Frontier Force. 

    Remembering the soldiers of the West African Force [Norwich Art Gallery]

    From this point on, the various colonial battalions (initially comprised of eight companies each) took on new designations with specific numbers, which they have retained to this day, with minor modifications:

    • The 1st Battalion of 1914 was the former 1st Bn. Northern Nigeria Regiment. 
    • The 2nd Battalion of 1914 was the former 2nd Bn. Northern Nigeria Regiment. 
    • The 3rd Battalion of 1914 was the former 3rd Bn. Northern Nigeria Regiment. 
    • The 4th Battalion of 1914 was the former 2nd Bn., Southern Nigeria Regiment (and thus the former Lagos Battalion, former Lagos Constabulary, former Hausa Constabulary, former Hausa Militia (or Guard) and original “Glover’s Hausas.”) 
    • The 5th Battalion of 1914 was the former 1st Battalion, Southern Nigeria Regiment.

    Various re-designations have occurred since then. However, the 4th Battalion retained its number as part of The Nigeria Regiment.

    The Legacy of the 4th Battalion

    During World War 1, when the number of battalions was expanded to nine, it was known as the 4th Regiment, West African Frontier Force. This was attached to the King’s Lancaster Regiment. 

    In 1920, after the war, the number of battalions was reduced to four but then expanded to five, several years later. The West African Frontier Force became the Royal West African Frontier Force in 1928. 

    Headdress of the Royal West African Frontier Force [Military Sun Helmets]

    Prior to World War II, the unit was known as the 4 Bn, Nigeria Regiment, Royal West African Frontier Force. During World War 2, it was known as the 4th Battalion Nigerian Rifles.

    The last colours of the RWAFF used were reportedly presented in 1952 by Sir John Stuart Macpherson, GCMS, then the Governor General of Nigeria. The colours were retired in 1960, when Nigeria became independent, and remain preserved in the Battalion Officers’ Mess to this day.

    The Nigeria Regiment became The Queen’s Own Nigeria Regiment, the Royal West African Frontier Force in 1956, the Royal Nigerian Army in 1960, and The Nigerian Army in 1963 (when Nigeria became a republic).

    Independence Era 

    The Effects of the Nigerian Civil War on the Army

    The Nigerian army’s troops rapidly expanded with the start of the Nigerian Civil War (or Biafra War) in 1967. Troops of 8,000 in five infantry battalions and supporting units rose to around 120,000 in three divisions by the end of the Nigerian Civil War in 1970. 

    Soldiers in the Nigerian Civil War [Peter Williams/Wikipedia]

    This also led to an extreme shortage of commissioned officers for the right positions. Newly created lieutenant-colonels commanded brigades, and platoons and companies were commanded by sergeants and warrant officers. The effect of this was the 1967 Asaba Massacre, which led to the murder of 1,000 civilians of Igbo descent.

    At the end of the war, the Nigerian Army was reorganised into four divisions, with each controlling territory running from North to South to deemphasise the former regional structure. Each division thus had access to the sea, thereby making triservice cooperation and logistical support easier. 

    The Impact

    Later, sectors for the divisions took its place in place of the 1973 deployment formula. 

    The Nigerian Army, as of 2019, consists of 223,000 enlisted personnel. The Nigerian Army Council (NAC) oversees the army itself. 

    It is organised into combat arms, which are infantry and armoured. The combat support arms are artillery, engineers, signals, and intelligence. The Combat support services, which comprise the Nigerian Army Medical Corps, supply and transport, ordinance, and finance. Others include the military police, physical training, chaplains, public relations, and the Nigerian Army Band Corps.

    The 1 Division is allocated to the North West sector with its headquarters in Kaduna. The 2 Division has HQ at Ibadan South West Sector, the 3 Division has HQ at Jos North East Sector; and the 82 Division has HQ at Enugu South East Sector.

  • Tinubu Has Gifts for Nigerians. What Are They?

    Tinubu Has Gifts for Nigerians. What Are They?

    Nigerians continue to struggle with the current economic situation. From fuel subsidy removal that caused an increase in fuel prices to be at an all time high to the foreign exchange not being favourable for the Naira. In response, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has threatened to embark on a nationwide strike on August 2, 2023

    But to lighten hope among Citizens, on Monday, July 31, President Bola Tinubu addressed Nigerians. And in his speech, he acknowledged that the new reforms and policies are responsible for the current hardship, but he assured everyone that these measures will eventually lead to joy for all. 

    But in the meantime, palliative measures will be implemented to make the lives of Nigerians easier, and these measures include: 

    More support for small businesses

    The government recognises the role of small businesses and the informal sector in driving growth; the president pledged ₦125 billion to fund Micro, Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (MSMEs). 

    Download the Citizen Election Report: Navigating Nigeria’s Political Journey

    Of this fund, ₦50 billion in grants will be given to 1 billion nano businesses between now and March 2024, and ₦50,000 each will be given to 1,300 nano business owners across the 774 local governments around the country. Also, a proposed fund of ₦74 billion is offered to support 100,000 SMEs and start-ups. Lastly, entrepreneurs can get loans between ₦500,000 and ₦1 million with a maximum interest rate of 9% annually and a repayment period of 36 months.   

    Infrastructure fund to help states

    Tinubu’s speech also revealed that an Infrastructure Support Fund has been approved and will be available to all states. This support fund will target improving the living conditions of Nigerians and other pain points such as healthcare, education, and transportation.

    Provision of affordable transportation

    With the fuel subsidy removal, we’ve seen a sharp increase in the cost of public transportation, and to bring relief in this area, the federal government has plans to spend ₦100 billion purchasing 3000 twenty-seater Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) fuelled buses between now and March 2024.  

    These buses will be distributed across local governments and states to provide a more affordable transport option for Nigerians.

    Support for farming and stabilisation of food prices

    Recently, we’ve been dealing with many fluctuations in the prices of goods, especially food items. And to deal with this, the government plans to ensure the affordability of food, particularly staple items like rice, by releasing 200,000 metric tonnes of grains to households across the country. Also, 225,000 metric tonnes of fertiliser and seedlings will be provided to farmers to guarantee our food security. 

    Lastly, the agriculture sector will be further supported with ₦200 billion to ensure the food security plan of cultivating 500,000 hectares of land and all-year planting remains on course. 

    New national minimum wage

    A new minimum wage has been the topic of discussion for a while now. And in the speech, Tinubu assured Nigerians that the federal government has been in talks with the labour unions over introducing a new minimum wage. He also promised that workers would have a salary review once a decision had been made, along with necessary budget adjustments. 

    The manufacturing sector will be strengthened

    The president informed us that four executive orders have been signed to suspend and defer certain taxes to boost the manufacturing sector. Additionally, there are plans to allocate ₦75 billion over the next nine months to support 75 manufacturing businesses, each with the potential to enhance economic productivity and growth.