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Stephen Agwaibor, Author at Zikoko! | Page 6 of 6
  • In September 2022, the Debt Management Office (DMO) released its report on Nigeria’s total public debt stock. It had risen to ₦‎42.84 trillion ($103.31 billion) at the end of June 2022.

    If you do the math, you’d notice that the exchange rate used is the ojoro one — the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) exchange rate. This stood around ₦‎414 to the dollar at the time. By October 19, 2022, the rate had depreciated to ₦‎436 to the dollar. Don’t even get us started on the black market rate. That’s when the true extent of Nigeria’s debt will leave you in tears.


    On October 19, Oluseun Onigbinde, the director of BudgIT, a civic organisation that tracks public expenditure, raised the alarm in a tweet. He said that ₦‎20 trillion of Nigeria’s domestic debt would be spread over 40 years at an “unrealistic” 9% coupon rate, meaning that our debt servicing  would amount to ₦1.8 trillion annually.

    If all this sounds like I’m speaking Greek, let me break it down for you.

    The debt profile problem

    Nigeria’s debt profile can broadly be grouped into two: external and internal (domestic) debts. The external debt can further be broken down into various categories. Multilateral debt, which is the type we owe to the IMF, World Bank and AfDB, bilateral debt, which is the type we owe to foreign countries, especially China, and others like commercial debts and promissory notes.

    The ₦20 trillion that Mr Onigbinde was lamenting about is our domestic debt, which is composed of different kinds of bonds and treasury bills, financed mostly by the CBN. Most of it came through Ways and Means advance, which ordinarily is something that’s used when the federal government has a budget deficit, that is, when money the government spends in a given year is more than than the revenue it receives. 

    In Nigeria, CBN’s statutes allow it to finance the government’s deficit at a limit of no more than 5% of the previous year’s revenue. But trust the CBN to flout its own laws by financing the deficit by as high as 80% of revenue. In the CBN’s defense, it claims it’s the Federal Government that “frustrates” it by disregarding the limits it sets.

    So while Sinzu and Spending are doing their thing, our debt profile keeps mounting.

    Emefiele and Buhari [Image source: Punch]

    Is Nigeria’s debt sustainable?

    Debt, in itself, is not a bad thing. Global debt for instance surpassed $300 trillion in 2021. Who the world is owing is a question for another day. The real question with debt is whether it’s sustainable. According to the IMF, a country’s debt is considered sustainable if the government is able to meet all its current and future payment obligations without exceptional financial assistance or going into default.

    This begs the question, is Nigeria’s debt sustainable? Well, the World Bank and IMF recently said they would reassess Nigeria’s debt sustainability. In the meantime, these are the hard facts.  

    Nigeria is struggling with a very high unemployment rate. It’s also experiencing dwindling returns from oil, thanks to mismanagement and organised oil theft. The NLNG, another moneymaker for the economy, recently declared force majeure due to increased flooding. Even our sugar daddy, China, has stopped giving us loans.

    When you add inflation, the depreciating naira, debt servicing, and an all-round struggling economy, it’s tough to imagine that we can still keep on accumulating more debt. 

    What’s a debt trap?

    A debt trap describes a situation where a borrower is forced to take on new loans simply to repay existing ones. It occurs when debt obligations surpass one’s loan repayment capacity. Sound familiar?

    Mr Onigbinde’s projection for Nigeria is that Nigeria will borrow an additional ₦10 trillion. Foreign exchange and domestic loans will stand at ₦4 trillion while the CBN prints ₦6 trillion.

    By 2027, we would have acquired another ₦24 trillion in CBN debt and we would sell to the markets again, expanding debt servicing. Onigbinde calls it a “disastrous loop”, economists call it a debt trap. We should ask our elected officials many questions before we enter one.

  • On October 20, 2020, Nigerian security forces shot unarmed protesters at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos to crush the EndSARS protests demanding an end to police brutality. Two years after the unfortunate incident, Nigerians are still wondering if the sacrifices made by hundreds of youths paid off. 

    Citizen spoke to Hassan*, a copywriter, who shared his experience navigating a post-EndSARS Nigeria and what has changed about policing since that ugly October night.

    Tell us about your experience

    Where do I start? On Independence Day last year — that’s the irony of it all — I was coming back from working at a Jameson Connects show. While on the Carter Bridge, I noticed some cars stopped in front of my Bolt ride and I didn’t know why.

    We soon found out it was the police. The next thing, they asked to search me.

    What happened next? 

    They put me inside their bus to take me to the station and also had time to stop other cars. I saw them rough-handle two girls. One of the police guys cocked his gun at them and said “I’ll shoot you and nothing will happen.”

    What? Even after #EndSARS happened?

    Yeah. We were on the road for about 45 minutes and this was around 11 p.m. I think we were like 20 people or so in detention, many of us were coming from the same event. They drove us to Alagbon Police Station in Ikoyi and then they took us to one corner in the back and made us take off our shoes, our belts — the usual things. They didn’t tell us what they were going to do with us. We were trying to plead our case but they weren’t responding.

    They just kept intimidating us, saying, “All of you EndSARS people abi?” They left us after about an hour, maybe to get more people to detain. I had no plans to spend the night in that station so after some time I tried talking to one officer who seemed the least violent among them. They were always trying to do this “good cop, bad cop” thing. 

    Recounting the experience makes me laugh.

    Na wa. What happened next?

    He collected my phone and asked me to open it. He asked me to open my bank app. I was like, “Las las, it’s extortion. Oya now.” 

    I showed him that I had like ₦‎30k. He laughed and said that’s nothing, that I had to pay ₦‎300k. I was like, “For what?” I tried to reason with him but he just told me to call my family. My mum had travelled and my dad was sleeping, there’s no way I would wake him up. 

    He later said ₦‎200k, but we negotiated down to ₦‎150k and then ₦‎100k. That’s how much they agreed to rob me for that day. I had to move money from my Cowrywise account. The annoying thing was that I was about to start my leave from work and planned to go to Abuja. It was the ₦‎100k for the flight that I used to bail myself out that day.

    Sorry. Was that where it ended?

    No. They didn’t give me my shoes; just slippers and my bank card. I wanted to do a transfer because (with that) I could easily trace the transaction. But they said no, they don’t do transfers. 

    About four or five heavily armed men carried only me in their van and drove to an ATM and parked not too far from it. They told me to get down, withdraw the money and come back to them.

    I was like, “These guys can do anything to me o.” A bunch of things were going through my head. It was around 2 a.m. now and nobody knew where I was. I was just supposed to go to a work event and return home.

    I withdrew the money from the ATM and gave it to them. Then, they drove me back. I thought that would be it o, let me be going to my house, I’ve paid my bribe. But nah. Apparently, one of them had my phone and had gone out on another trip, so I had to wait for him to get back. He didn’t come back for another hour or so. 

    Mad!

    I remember that while I was waiting in that station, the police were performing the “good cop, bad cop” routine on the girls they were harassing earlier. One of them just broke down crying. I felt so bad for her but I couldn’t say anything because I was in the same situation. I wanted to empathise with her but I was just lost for words.

    While I was still waiting for my phone, I heard the officers gisting. They had this phrase they were chanting heavily that I won’t forget, “We go collect”. That is, every one of us would be extorted one way or another. And then I knew that the intimidation and extortion was actually a thing for them.

    Another thing I noticed was that one of the officers was talking about his dreams and plans to leave the country. He kept saying that if he got a ticket to Canada, he’d drop the police uniform immediately and go.

    Around 4 a.m., the officer with my phone got back and  they told me that I could go. Go where? I had to remind them that this was the pandemic period and ride-hailing apps stopped working from 12 a.m. I was stuck. But as God would have it, there was another guy who was arrested for no reason. He was an Uber driver so they told him to drop me at my house and return to the station.

    The guy was lamenting to me while his wife kept calling him in the car — it was a weird situation. I still had to pay his transport fare after being robbed by the police. He didn’t even drop me at my house but 20 minutes away. I had to walk the remaining distance alone, in the middle of the night. That’s how I got home that night. 

    That’s scary

    Apparently, I was the only one of my co-workers that was released that night.The rest of them spent the night in a cell and had to pay ₦150k each. I was lucky to have “gotten away”, because I’m fragile and have health conditions.

    Do you remember where you were on October 20, 2020? 

    I was home on October 20, 2020. I had been in the protests the previous days but I decided to stay home that day due to the unrest that had been happening. That day was a lot. I felt everything — a whole lot of emotions. I eventually had to get off social media because I was starting to spiral. Shout out to my friends that saw the signs. They decided to call me and keep me occupied for hours just to calm me down.

    Two years on, would you say anything has changed? What impact would you say EndSARS has had on Nigeria?

    Absolutely nothing has changed. I still get Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) whenever I pass by a police checkpoint because eight out of 10 times they will stop my car and ask me to come down for no reason other than I have dreads. Two years later, we still don’t have police reform and there’s still no hope. 

     *Name changed to protect their identity.

  • Every day is gbas gbos day on Naija Twitter and it was the turn of the chairperson of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM), Abike Dabiri-Erewa, to get in the battle ring on October 18, 2022. 

    The government official’s comments set off a chain of reactions still raging over 24 hours later; so let’s get into what caused the wahala.

    What really happened?

    Here’s the gist, amebo. A trending video showed Nigerian students being attacked at a campus near New Delhi in India. Madam Abike quoted the tweet to explain what happened and that the issue had been resolved between both governments. 


    Ehn ehn, no lele. Is that all?

    All ke? Wait, let me finish. One tweep responded under Abike’s tweet to say that she’s not doing enough to protect Nigerians and that NIDCOM was being “too soft” on the Indians. Another tweep then replied to call Madam Abike a “Mumu woman supporting a failed government.”


    My dear, that was how Madam Abike caught fire o. She first cancelled the insult by calling the guy an “Ode,” before adding, “You go to Indonesia, carry drugs, do cultism and come begging to be rescued from death sentence . Thank God for @ndlea_nigeria now saving people like you from death row”.

    See ehn, her response set off a wild storm on Twitter. The response was criticised in several quarters for amplifying a negative stereotype of Nigerians as drug traffickers. Even Madam Oby Ezekwesili had to step in to ask Madam Abike to “clean it up.” Madam Abike refused to back down and responded, “I’m done on this . But out of respect for you, will ask, Clean what up? It’s okay for some untrained, uncouth guy to refer to me as “ mumu”, and I can’t call him “ ode”. I’m not a public official that cows to bullying pls.” 

    How’s it going for her?

    Madam Abike has received support and condemnation for her response. She’s also retweeted and amplified commentary from her supporters that are derogatory and laced with tribal undertones

    It’s understandable that government officials are humans too and as such can react when insulted. Yet, the greater burden of responsibility lies with them as their words and actions carry more weight.

    One would expect an official of Madam Abike’s standing to be more restrained especially since her role is to market Nigerians in the diaspora and not demarket them on a global platform like Twitter. 
    As Spiderman reminds us, with great power comes great responsibility. But Madam Abike obviously doesn’t carry that burden.

  • On October 20, 2022, Nigerians will commemorate the two-year anniversary of the EndSARS protests which ended in Nigerian security forces shooting and brutalising unarmed Nigerians. 

    As we remember them, we take a look at the timeline of events leading up to the tragic events of October 20, 2020.

    A brief history of SARS

    The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was created in 1992 as a unit of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) to combat a worrying trend of armed robbery and kidnapping. However, SARS eventually became the monster it set out to destroy as officers  tortured, blackmailed, kidnapped and extrajudicially murdered Nigerians.

    For 10 years, SARS operated in Lagos, but by 2002 it had spread to all the states in Nigeria. The rest of the country was about to see the shege Lagos people were seeing.

    SARS gone rogue

    SARS gained international notoriety in 2010 when Amnesty International rebuked Nigeria over its poor human rights record. The organisation singled out SARS for its unlawful killings and enforced disappearances of citizens, but that didn’t dissuade them.

    In 2016, Amnesty International again released a strongly-worded report, condemning SARS for its “widespread torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment” of detainees. The organisation noted that officers subjected Nigerians to various methods of torture and ill- treatment in order to extract information and bogus confessions.

    Still, SARS continued with impunity, and young Nigerians, fed up with the government’s inaction over the rogue agency, took their grievances online. 

    The seeds of EndSARS

    It’s not clear exactly when the #EndSARS hashtag was first used, and by whom. Despite disputed claims over its origin, by 2017 the hashtag became frequent on Twitter.

    By December 2017, there was an #EndSARS rally staged in Freedom Park, Lagos. Although it recorded a low turnout, the seeds that would inspire a global protest had already been sown.

    Weak government and police response

    In December 2017, then Inspector General of Police (IGP), Ibrahim Idris, ordered the “reorganisation of SARS” — a cosmetic response that was, in essence, the same thing as asking a rabid dog to stay quiet. By 2018, following public outcry, the acting president, Yemi Osinbajo, ordered the IGP to “review the operations of SARS”. In January 2019, a new IGP, Mohammed Adamu, ordered the “disbandment of SARS”.

    Police reform in Nigeria typically followed this template for years — a press release here, photo op there, and empty promises all over the place.

    The trigger

    In June 2020, Amnesty International released yet another report faulting Nigerian authorities for failing to prosecute a single police officer in three years over the use of torture, despite laws being passed against it. The warning signs were there but the government ignored them as usual.

    On October 3, 2020, a trending video that accused SARS officers of shooting a man and throwing him off a speeding vehicle in Ughelli, Delta State set off the chain of events that became the EndSARS protests.

    It was at this point Nigerian youths had enough and took their complaints to the streets.

    Timeline of the EndSARS protests

    October 3, 2020

    Protests began over footage of SARS officers shooting a young man in Delta state.

    October 8, 2020

    Youths converged at the Lagos State House of Assembly complex to protest against police brutality. They stayed over till the next day.

    October 9, 2020

    The Lagos State House of Assembly held an emergency session to address the grievances of the protesters. Young people also protested at the police headquarters in Abuja and protests started popping up in other states across Nigeria.

    October 10, 2020

    Protests continued with police using water cannons and teargas to disperse protesters in Abuja. In Ogbomosho, Oyo State, police officers fired gunshots to disperse a protest and killed Jimoh Isiaka.

    October 11, 2020

    The IGP, Mohammed Adamu, announced the dissolution of SARS but protesters welcomed it with doubts and continued the demonstrations. Three more protesters were shot dead in Ogbomosho.

    October 12, 2020

    The governor of  Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, outlawed protests in his state. In Surulere, Lagos, stray bullets from the police killed a bystander but they blamed the protesters.

    October 13, 2020

    Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, announced the formation of a complaints committee to deal with the grievances of protesters. The IGP announced the setting up of a Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) unit to replace SARS but protesters didn’t welcome the idea. 

    The Lagos State government announced a ₦200 million fund for victims of police brutality, and the presidency said it would accept the five demands of EndSARS protesters.

    October 14, 2020

    In Lagos and Abuja, hoodlums and pro-SARS individuals attacked protesters and burnt vehicles.

    October 15, 2020

    The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Muhammad Bello, banned protests in the capital city.

    October 16, 2020

    An activist group, Anonymous, hacked the Twitter account of the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) to post a solidarity message for protesters. Candlelight vigils held across the country. 

    October 20, 2020

    Governor Sanwo-Olu announced a state-wide curfew in Lagos but some protesters remained at the Lekki Toll Gate. As night approached, officers of the Nigerian Army arrived at the toll gate and opened fire on unarmed protesters who were singing the national anthem. 

    The defining image of that night is the Nigerian flag soiled with the blood of its slain youth.

  • On Monday, October 17, 2022, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP), Peter Obi, along with his running mate, Datti-Baba Ahmed, visited the controversial Islamic cleric, Sheikh Gumi, in Kaduna State.

    Obi and Gumi had a private meeting to discuss his plans for Nigeria. The candidate later shared photos of the visit on Twitter, setting off a wave of mixed reactions among his supporters and critics.

    Peter Obi and Sheikh Gumi

    Baba-Ahmed, Obi and Gumi [Image Source: Twitter]

    To understand the reason for the online commotion, we first need to understand why Sheikh Gumi is such a controversial figure.

    Who is Sheikh Gumi?

    Ahmad Abubakar Gumi is an Islamic cleric, scholar and former military officer born on the same day Nigeria gained independence on October 1, 1960.

    He studied at the Ahmadu Bello University before enlisting in the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA). He served in the Nigerian Army Medical Corp (NAMC) as a medical officer before he retired as a captain and moved to Saudi Arabia to advance his Islamic education.

    Gumi is the son of Sheikh Abubakar Gumi. A former leader of the Izalatul Bidi’a wa Ikamatul Sunnah (Izala), a radical Muslim sect that has been linked with inciting religious riots in Nigeria’s northern region.

    Why is Gumi so controversial?

    In February 2010, the Saudi Arabian government arrested Gumi and detained him for more than six months over alleged ties with Farouk Abdulmutallab, a Nigerian known as the Underwear Bomber who tried to blow up a commercial plane in the United States. Gumi regained his freedom after the Nigerian government intervened on his behalf.

    Peter Obi and Sheikh Gumi

    Farouk Abdulmutallab [Image source: Guardian UK]

    Gumi is a huge supporter of Nigeria’s controversial Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Isa Pantami, who, in 2021, was exposed for championing extremist Islamic ideas and also, supporting terrorists in his past sermons.

    Peter Obi and Sheikh Gumi

    Isa Pantami [Image source: Digital Africa]

    What Gumi is perhaps most infamous for is being an advocate for bandits terrorising the northern region. He notably negotiated the release of the Greenfield University students abducted in Kaduna in 2021, after the bandits demanded a ₦‎100 million ransom. He also went on a media campaign to pressure the Federal Government to establish a Ministry of Nomadic Affairs to address the bandits’ grievances.

    Gume also didn’t win any fans for describing kidnapping as a “lesser evil” during his campaign to whitewash the terrorists. He said: “Kidnapping children from school is a lesser evil because in the end, you can negotiate and now bandits are very careful about human lives. Before, the mission of bandits was to go into a town, ransack it and kill people.”

    So why did Obi pay Gumi a visit?

    Although Obi’s tweet about the visit gave no indication as to its exact purpose, Gumi himself has said they met to discuss the candidate’s plans for the country. He added that he received Obi the same way he receives other high-profile politicians who visit him. The candidate’s aide, Oseloka Obaze, tweeted that Gumi advised him not to let the movement he has started to end after the elections.

    How have Obi’s supporters reacted?

    The reactions to the meeting have been varied among Obi’s supporters. A supporter on Twitter said: “PO abeg Sheikh Gumi is a known ethnic bigot. No be everywhere we go stop by.” 

    In response to the tweet, another supporter said: “This is what we call ‘Building bridges’. Gumi is also a Nigerian. No court has convicted him. Let’s build bridges. Even APC dominated areas and difficult to reach areas will be reached. This is the Unifier. The bridge builder.”

    What does everyone else think?

    Critics have accused Obi’s supporters of hypocrisy for supporting his Gumi visit. They say that Obi’s supporters called Gumi unprintable names in the past but are now aligning themselves with him because he’s popular in the northern region where Obi is yet to establish a strong presence. Other critics say Obi brought himself low with the visit. 

    One thing is clear though, no matter how saintly any one candidate is perceived to be, they’re ultimately in the race to win. How they do it, and if the end justifies the means, is a question only time can answer.

  • Nigeria has had its fair share of interesting First Ladies — the late Maryam Babangida was a style icon who birthed the Maryam Phenomenon and the late Stella Obasanjo is still remembered for her beauty and style. And we can’t forget Patience Jonathan, the grand dame of drama whose infamous “There is God” video became Nigeria’s most viewed non-music footage ever on YouTube at the time.

    All the spotlight of Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election is on the frontrunners. Still, who are the women in their lives who could soon become the next First Lady? Here’s what to know about them.

    Oluremi Tinubu

    Oluremi Tinubu is a senator and the wife of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the 2023 presidential candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). 

    Remi was born on September 21, 1960, a few days before Nigeria’s independence. She began her educational career at Our Lady of Apostles Secondary School, Ijebu Ode and would later gain academic degrees from both Obafemi Awolowo University (then, University of Ife) and Adeyemi College of Education. She also earned a theological degree from The Redeemed Christian Bible College, and is, in fact, an ordained minister. 

    However, Oluremi’s real talent is in politics. She became First Lady of Lagos State when her husband was executive governor between 1999 and 2007. She won her first election as a senator, representing the Lagos Central Senatorial District, in 2011 — a position she’s held till date. 

    Her notable achievements include sponsoring a bill to reform NIPOST, as well as calling for the creation of state police to tackle insecurity. 

    Like her husband, she has her fair share of controversies. In 2019, she was caught on video telling a voter she doesn’t trust Igbo people. Also, in 2021, she rebuked a fellow senator from her party, Smart Adeyemi, when he complained about insecurity in Nigeria. She asked him,  “Are you in PDP (Peoples Democratic Party)? Are you a wolf in sheep’s clothing?”

    What to expect

    Remi Tinubu’s precedent suggests that she is very much fine with the status quo and unlike the current First Lady, Aisha Buhari, known for criticising the president, she is likely to stay in her lane and mind her business.

    Titilayo Abubakar

    If Oluremi Tinubu comes across as too “in your face”, Titilayo Abubakar is the very opposite. Born Titilayo Albert on June 6, 1949, she’s the wife of former vice-president and current PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar. 

    She got her early education in Lafiaji, Lagos. Her tertiary education was at Kaduna State Polytechnic where she was also a lecturer for a decade. She also holds degrees in business administration from the University of Abuja.

    Titilayo married Atiku in 1971 while he was an officer of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS). When her husband became vice-president in 1999, she notably started an advocacy to end human trafficking and girl-child prostitution. The advocacy, WOTCLEF, was inspired by her visit in the 1980s to Rome where she saw young Nigerian girls used as sex slaves. To her credit, WOTCLEF’s work contributed towards the enactment of Trafficking in Persons (Prohibition) Law Enforcement and Administration Act 2003, and the subsequent establishment of NAPTIP.

    Although not as controversial as Oluremi Tinubu, Titi Abubakar was recently in the news over a trending photo of a police officer carrying her handbag at a public event. In 2017, she claimed to be a 419 victim having been defrauded the sum of ₦‎918 million by a pastor. The rich also cry, apparently.

    What to expect

    Titi Abubakar’s history suggests that she’s good news for feminist rights, and may likely champion more such causes in office. We do hope however, that she is wiser now and much more prudent with money. ₦918 million is every fraudster’s dream.

    Margaret Obi

    Another potential next First Lady is Margaret Obi, the wife of Peter Obi, the 2023 presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP). 

    She was born on September 9, 1974, and hails from Akwa-Ibom. Margaret is a businesswoman, entrepreneur and philanthropist.  She was the First Lady of Anambra State when her husband was the governor between 2006 and 2014. 

    Her notable achievements include the creation of family courts in Anambra’s Ministry of Women’s Affairs and Social Development, for the resolution of issues relating to child abuse and property rights for widows. She also inspired gender affirmative action during her husband’s time in office.

    Not much controversy surrounds her. However, in 2017, the notoriously private Margaret had to publicly respond to rumours that she was divorcing her husband. A claim she described as the “height of wickedness”. Who can blame her eh? She had to secure the bag before wicked people pour sand in her garri.

    What to expect

    Like Titi, Margaret has championed causes for women and children which may translate to something bigger if her husband wins. We hope she creates a social media profile soon though. She can’t always be holding press conferences to debunk rumours when a simple tweet would suffice.

  • With Nigeria’s campaign season hitting top gear, we’re seeing the leading candidates, Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) of the All Progressives Congress (APC), beginning to feel the heat, providing entertainment that is unmatched in both hilarity and cringe value.

    Our story begins in Kaduna, where on Saturday, October 14, 2022, Atiku met with the Arewa Joint Committee. The meeting was billed as an interactive session ahead of the 2023 presidential election. Donning his customary full-flowing agbada and what looked like sneakers (perhaps to appeal to his youth base), Atiku took the mic to answer a question posed by the spokesman of the Northern Elders Forum, NEF, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed. The question itself was innocent enough, but Atiku’s response set off a tsunami of reactions online, revisiting old worries about tribalism and dog-whistling in Nigerian politics.

    Atiku’s “emi lokan” moment

    Baba-Ahmed asked Atiku why the North should support his candidacy. The candidate began by talking about how he had “traversed the whole of this country and built bridges”. However, in the words that followed, Atiku stepped on a landmine, or what one political commentator called his “emi lokan moment”.

    The former vice-president said, “I think what the average northerner needs is someone who is from the North, and who also understands the other parts of Nigeria, and who has been able to build bridges across the rest of the country. This is what the northerner needs. He doesn’t need a Yoruba candidate, or an Igbo candidate. This is what the northerner needs.”

    Given that Atiku is the most experienced candidate by virtue of being a serial contender, it smacks of sheer disbelief that he would make that statement in full glare of the cameras. The self-styled “unifier” for whom his supporters describe themselves as “Atikulate”, clearly didn’t win plaudits from the South with that comment, in what can at best be spinned as a “misarticulation”, and at worst, succumbing to the demands of what has been a flailing campaign.

    The audacity of the BAT

    What Atiku can do, the BAT can do better (or worse). Still in Kaduna, a place that apparently encourages loose lips, Tinubu updated his thriving catalogue of controversies with another hit.

    Tinubu was speaking at the 7th edition of the Kaduna Economic and Investment Summit. Not to be outdone by Atiku, he said, “I’m begging Nasiru El-Rufai not to run away for (an) additional degree. Your vision, creativity and resiliency in turning a rotten situation into a bad one is necessary at this critical time.”

    Following online taunts over the gaffe, Tinubu’s campaign team issued a statement describing the comment as a “slip of tongue”. That hasn’t quelled things though. Some critics are doubling down that it reveals the true sentiments that BAT has about El-Rufai. For others, it reignites fears that BAT suffers from dementia.

    Because Tinubu rarely appears publicly to discuss his plans for Nigerians, the few times he does are always subjected to scrutiny and there is almost always a soundbite that generates wild reactions online — take your pick from anywhere between “emi lokan” and cassava and agbado. If he wasn’t running for president, BAT certainly has enough material to be a skitmaker. 

    A presidential election of slips

    As we approach the elections, there will be no shortage of slips and gaffes from your faves. Today, it’s Atiku and BAT, but it could also be Peter Obi, Rabiu Kwankwaso or Omoyele Sowore tomorrow. Whatever the case, we’ll continue to bring you the latest happenings in Nigeria’s political terrain. It’s going to be a long four months before the 2023 presidential election.