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Stephen Agwaibor, Author at Zikoko! | Page 4 of 6
  • On December 19, 2022, a federal high court convicted the director general of the Labour Party’s Presidential Campaign Council, Doyin Okupe, for breaching Nigeria’s Money Laundering Act. 

    Okupe was found guilty of 26 out of a 59-count charge brought against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). The sentence was either a two-year prison term, or an option of a fine totalling ₦‎13 million. Naturally, Okupe chose to pay the fine and won’t be seeing a day in jail. However, he’s resigned from his position in the LP campaign.

    His resignation brought praise from different quarters, even from critics. As you well know, a Nigerian politician resigning from office is as common as a flying pig. 

    Okupe’s brush with the law is a good opportunity to explore why money laundering is such a big issue in Nigeria.

    What’s money laundering?

    Think about how you take your clothes to the dry cleaner for laundry. Why do you do it? Because your clothes are dirty and you want them clean. That’s the same thing with money laundering.

    Money laundering is the illegal process of making large amounts of money generated through criminal activity — like drug trafficking — appear to have come from a legitimate source.

    Why’s money laundering frowned upon?

    If the reason above isn’t enough, let’s provide more. If business earnings were legitimate, hiding the source of one’s wealth wouldn’t be necessary. The nature of people involved in this act means any association with money laundering brings great reputational stain. Think Pablo Escobar here.

    These shady characters explore many creative ways to use businesses and even respectable institutions like churches to launder money.

    Money laundering can also have negative effects on an economy because criminals bypass financial institutions and this can impact both growth rates and money demand

    And if that’s not enough, think of the second order effects. The proceeds of laundered money fund even more criminal activities. Drug dealers use it to buy more weapons, politicians use it for vote-buying and the vicious cycle of crime keeps spinning.

    How’s Nigeria fighting money laundering?

    President Olusegun Obasanjo inaugurated the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) in 2000 to deal with corruption in the public sector. There’s also the EFCC, established in 2003, whose responsibilities include combating money laundering. In 2011, President Goodluck Jonathan signed a new Money Laundering Act which made KYC requirements mandatory. This means banks must identify and verify the identity of customers, especially politically exposed individuals. 

    Also, transactions exceeding ₦5 million for individuals and ₦10 million for corporate bodies are to be made through a banking system. The bank must report anything higher to the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU).

    The NFIU is an autonomous unit, domiciled within the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the central coordinating body for the country’s Anti-Money Laundering, Counter-Terrorist Financing and Counter-Proliferation Financing (AML/CFT/CPF) framework. It’s responsible for the receipt and analysis of disclosures from reporting organisations.

    What’s the punishment for money laundering?

    If Okupe’s conviction is anything to go by, the EFCC is more than happy to go after you if you launder money.

    Section 18(3) of the Money Laundering Act says: “Any person guilty of the offence of money laundering shall be liable upon conviction to imprisonment for a term of not less than four years but not more than fourteen years or a fine not less than five times the value of the proceeds of the crime or both.” 

    While debate rages on about whether the punishment is fitting enough, it should, hopefully, act as a deterrence to anyone who doesn’t want to follow the straight and narrow path.

  • This week’s subject of Navigating Nigeria is Santa who’s enjoyed an interesting career journey. He started out as an events promoter who became an engineer, Uber driver and dog father before venturing into farming. He’s not resting yet though and has his eyes set on becoming a billionaire in Buhari’s Nigeria.

    How did it all start?

    I officially finished secondary school in 2004 but I didn’t get into the university until 2008. I was working for a company in Lagos that was a subcontractor to Globacom. Between 2005 and 2007, Glo did this promotion called Campus Storm, so we travelled around Nigeria visiting various institutions, hosting gigs and concerts. Faze and Stereoman were the headliners then as the song Kolomental was the rave of the moment. We’d then have local talent join in when we got into the universities. Comedians like Basketmouth and Okey Bakassi would also perform. 

    I wasn’t really bothered about continuing my education because I was making money. It was my mother who cried out that I had to go to school so as not to bring shame to her name. You know how African mothers are.

    That sounds familiar. Lol

    I tried Covenant University and I passed the written exam but failed the oral one on purpose. There was no way I could have survived in that environment — phoneless and too many restrictions. It wasn’t a lifestyle I was used to, I needed freedom.

    I applied to four universities — the University of Jos, the Federal University of Technology Yola, University of Port Harcourt and the Niger Delta University, Bayelsa — but none was successful.

    Yikes

    A friend from secondary school told me to try the Federal University of Technology (FUTO) in Imo State. It didn’t work out, but then he advised me to enrol in the school’s pre-degree programme as a way to get in via direct entry, so I did. 

    My girlfriend at the time was from Benin, so I thought it wouldn’t be a bad idea to apply to school there. I’d always been fascinated by engineering and how power worked. While doing my pre-degree programme, I wrote JAMB again and applied for electrical/electronics engineering at the University of Benin (UNIBEN) as first choice, while I registered FUTO as second choice. Luckily in 2008, I got in UNIBEN. Last last, na woman carry me go UNIBEN.

    LMAO

    I won’t say I went to school for myself. I’ve always been on the streets hustling from when I was a child. I’ve always understood that to get the bag, you need to put in the work.

    During my internship, I worked at an internet service provider (ISP) called Layer 3 in Abuja and we had lots of clients. I was in the customer service department. Being restricted to an office environment wasn’t my lifestyle. I had a no-nonsense boss and she wanted me to be on my A-game at all times. It was good, but there was no room for errors. I knew then it would be difficult for me to work for someone. So I started to restrategise.

    I finished university and got posted to Imo State for NYSC. I served there for about six months then redeployed to Abuja to work for an engineering firm. Unfortunately, the firm and NYSC didn’t pay me for the final six months of service. Thanks to my parents who provided transport fare.

    I went to complain at the NYSC secretariat and they explained that the payment issue was because I used the account created in Imo as my salary account and that I had to open a new account in Abuja. I fixed that and got an alert of ₦‎120k just before my passing out parade. This was a lot of money back in 2016.

    See flex for government pikin

    When I saw the alert, I had one option — go out, have fun, forget about life’s worries and blow the money. Just as I was looking for my fellow corp members that night to go and flex with, I don’t know where the inner voice came from that asked me to think again. After spending this money drinking alcohol, what next? Because after that money was spent, there was no way I’d have been able to raise it again. I held myself back, quietly drove to my house — I had a car now. I had the ₦120k on me and I slept on it. By the time I woke up, I’d had a vision.

    An epiphany

    I grew up with dogs both in my father’s house and my grandma’s home in the Niger Delta. There was always a dog around and I’d always wanted to have a proper kernel established with dogs. This was how the idea for my first business came. I bought two dogs — a rottweiler and a boerboel named Xena and Boogey — for ₦50k each and used the remaining ₦20k to buy food for them. But I started feeding them homemade meals like eba and soup when the food finished and there was no money left.

    The full Nigerian experience

    When I wasn’t home, my mum would feed them. Whatever we ate, the dogs ate. I did this for over a year but it wasn’t sustainable. I had to think of how to sustain the kernel but I was unemployed. I had to look for something to do to raise money to cater for myself too. I still be guyman, I had to drink beer and track girls. I learned about Uber and had a driving license, so I joined the platform. They were doing promotions at the time and it was a whole lot of money. Sometimes I’d go home with ₦100k, sometimes ₦150k. From there, I made enough to feed myself and take care of the dogs. It was around the first time I had my first litter.

    Proud dad

    Boogie gave me 11 puppies. I had a stud deal with a friend whose male dog I used to breed her. I gave one of the pups to him and sold  the remaining 10 for ₦50k each. I had my first ₦500k in bulk from the sale of my dogs. I reinvested the money into the business, bought more food for them and was thinking of expansion. I met with other dog owners in Abuja and the idea of pedigree dogs — dogs with known parentage going as far back as 10 generations — took form. 

    These kinds of dogs are pricier so I started doing my research and found there’s a good market for dog breeding. In four months Boogey and Xena were in heat. I mated Boogey with the same stud from earlier and she birthed the same 11 puppies, 10 of which I sold. Xena gave birth to 10 but lost six of her pups, leaving me with four. I sold each of Xena’s puppies for about ₦150k because they were extremely good. I made ₦600k from Xena and over ₦500k from Boogey. That’s how I made my first million naira.

    You were eating good

    From then, more expansion. I bought a female pedigree rottweiler called Arya, then a boerboel male, Zeus. In total, I had five dogs. I also had my Uber business going on at that time and even bought a car for my girlfriend’s mum. Business was booming.

    The older dogs died, but they birthed healthy litters that people bought off quickly. I also sometimes bought back bitches I had sold off for breeding purposes. I’ve sent my dogs all over the country to mate.

    My dad had a water factory as well as a dormant fish farm that wasn’t operating due to financial issues. I took over those after his death and used the proceeds from my dog business to renovate and get the farm working. That’s how I got into fish farming in 2020.

    A man of many talents

    People today get the impression I’m a farmer but I’m not — I’m an investor. I saw an opportunity and took it. I’ll always put my money where my mouth is, always. I started hatching and selling juvenile fish and made money from it. I moved to the water factory too which is a capital intensive business. I renovated the factory, sold off the old vehicles and bought new ones. I got a license and also bought landed property, but I was lucky too that my parents had bought property around Abuja so I had enough space to really set up my businesses.

    I also learned from my friends who had land and saw how they were maximising it for profit. One of them planted ugwu vegetables and sold them off every three weeks for ₦300k. I also had someone who really helped me with setting up irrigation beds and identifying the right seeds for my farm and so I got into crop farming as well. I learned about crop rotation, alternating between crops like ugwu, pepper and ginger.

    Has it been smooth sailing for you?

    Not at all. I had a falling out with some of my farming friends over the business and had to learn some lessons the hard way. I leased out plots of my land to some people and I watched and learnt from their mistakes which guided me. I also went into yam farming, inspired by my girlfriend.

    How so?

    We were having discussions about marriage and then she brought the list of things I needed to pay as dowry. Part of it included 100 tubers of yam. So I thought to myself, “Instead of buying the yams, why don’t I just plant them?” 

    I reached out to someone and struck a deal with him. I had the land, he had the expertise. I’d pay him to manage the whole process from the beginning till the end and he agreed. He made around 2,000 heaps across my various plots and then went to his village to get yams seeds. He brought back 1,100 seeds which we divided into two and started planting in April this year. His brother also joined in when he got busy and managed the process of spraying the farm with herbicides and man, it’s a delicate process. 

    We also planted beans around the yam heaps because beans grow by spreading. That way, weeds don’t take root around the yam heaps. It’s win-win as we harvest more crops and also tackle the weed problem. I currently have a thousand yam tubers for sale and over a thousand seedlings for the next planting season. I can’t complain.

    If you could go back, would you do anything differently?

    I have no regrets whatsoever — I’d still choose this same path over and over again. The pivotal point for me was during my internship. That experience made me realise I wouldn’t do so well working under someone and I’m better off for it. Although if you ask me, I’ll say nothing has played out yet and I’m not doing alright. I still need the billionaire status.

  • When the president of the African Development Bank (AfDB), Akinwumi Adesina, lends his voice to growing calls for the acceptance of diaspora voting across Africa, you know it’s time to pay attention. 

    It’s not the first time we’ve heard this, and it likely won’t be the last. Only in August 2022, former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, backed calls for diaspora voting in Nigeria. Never mind that he promised to “look into it” when he was a civilian president.

    Obasanjo wondered why the National Assembly hadn’t amended laws to allow Nigerians abroad to vote. Let’s see what happened the last time the diaspora voting bill hit the floor of the Senate. 

    Senate votes against the diaspora voting bill

    In March 2022, the Nigerian Senate had the opportunity to pass historic legislation on diaspora voting but voted against it. Of the 92 senators that took part in the vote, only 29 voted in favour of diaspora voting. 

    All hope isn’t lost though. In November 2022, the House of Representatives’ Committee on Diaspora said it would reintroduce the diaspora voting bill. So, fingers crossed.

    What’s the case for diaspora voting?

    Section 42 (1a) of the Nigerian constitution which centres on the right to freedom from discrimination states, “A citizen of Nigeria of a particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion shall not, by reason only that he is such a person – be subjected either expressly by, or in the practical application of, any law in force in Nigeria or any executive or administrative action of the government, to disabilities or restrictions to which citizens of Nigeria or of other communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, religions or political opinions are not made subject.”

    Supporters of diaspora voting say that by taking away the right to vote from Nigerian citizens living abroad, the Nigerian government is in violation of the social contract and its very own constitution. 

    The chairman of Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM), Abike Dabiri-Erewa, said the Nigerian diaspora remitted $20 billion back home in 2021. That’s a very sizeable figure. The number of Nigerians in the diaspora is currently unclear. The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) put it at 1.7 million in 2020. In 2017, Dabiri-Erewa claimed the number stood at 15 million.

    According to the International Institute for Democratic & Electoral Assistance (IDEA), external voting is currently allowed by 115 countries and territories in the world. Of those countries, two-thirds allow all their citizens vote from abroad. 28 African countries allow external voting but Nigeria isn’t one of them.

    [Source: The International Institute for Democratic & Electoral Assistance (IDEA)]

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has in the past spoken in favour of diaspora voting. The commission’s chairman, Mahmood Yakubu , has called on the National Assembly to hasten its passage.

    What’s the case against diaspora voting?

    Not everyone is sold on the idea. There are worries that if passed, diaspora voting will extend to neighbouring African countries with its porous borders and lax rules. 

    In October 2022, the Nigerian Army arrested two officials of the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) for allegedly enrolling non-Nigerians for a National Identity Number (NIN). With concerns over INEC’s voter register and how it’s littered with numerous cases of fake identities, underage voters and multiple registrations, confidence isn’t high in the commission being able to properly implement diaspora voting.

    The lack of political will to implement diaspora voting is also evident. In 2012, under the Goodluck Jonathan administration, the bill also failed to pass and was criticised for not clearly stating the type of elections expatriates could take part in, and the conditions under which any restrictions would exist. A decade later, this bill has still not passed.

    One explanation given for this lack of political will is that ruling parties don’t think the diaspora voters will vote in their favour during elections. By this logic, granting voting rights to a voting bloc that large might be political suicide.

    Is Nigeria ready for diaspora voting?

    Nigeria has the capacity for diaspora voting if it has the will to see it through. Many of the concerns about diaspora voting can be addressed through the use of modern technology. After all, neigbouring countries like Ghana and most recently, Kenya, have implemented it and they don’t have two heads. We already discussed how INEC can leverage technology to improve its voter register

    However, it’s also wise to acknowledge that the impediments to diaspora voting aren’t only technological. As long as there aren’t heavy risks attached to manipulating the electoral process with impunity, diaspora voting will be abused. It’s necessary therefore to ensure that whatever laws are passed in its favour should include serious and enforceable penalties for people who try to game it.

  • For many Nigerian politicians, becoming the governor of a state is the pinnacle of political success and should be the time to sit back and enjoy. That doesn’t seem to be the case for Ademola Adeleke, the dancing governor of Osun State who currently has little reason to dance.

    On December 15, 2022, Adeleke alleged that the former governor of Osun State whom he defeated at the polls, Gboyega Oyetola, left ₦‎407.32 billion in debt.

    What’s the breakdown of the gist?

    Oyetola has boasted in the past that he was able to successfully run Osun State without borrowing a dime. The new sheriff in town, Adeleke, decided to check out the claim with the office of the state’s Accountant-General. His conclusion was that it was untrue. He added that a portion of the debt comes from a bridge finance facility of ₦18.04 billion which Oyetola borrowed after he lost the election in July.

    “The only fund in government coffers, as of Monday, November 29, 2022, was for November 2022 workers’ salary. Otherwise, the state treasury was empty. If the ₦76 billion debts on salaries and pensions are added, the state is indebted to the tune of ₦407.32 billion. The amount owed to contractors is yet to be determined.”

    Nobody likes to be called an onigbese and sure enough, Oyetola’s camp has fired back.

    How has Oyetola responded?

    Oyetola’s spokesperson, Ismail Omipidan, remained adamant. He responded that his boss didn’t borrow while in office. The response more or less said Adeleke didn’t know much about governance and maths. According to him, any debt claim is from another former governor, Rauf Aregbesola. The governor said there’s ₦14 billion left over in the state’s purse. 

    “If you go to my principal’s welfare address, he stated it clearly, that like every other state, we benefitted ₦3 billion on a monthly basis for six months from the federal government as budget support.

    “This money was given to all the 36 states of the country without request. You cannot categorise that as a loan.

    “So the new governor does not understand the working of government and he should have allowed those that understand the rudiment to explain it to him. So that he won’t be coming to the public to embarrass himself the way he did.”

    What have reactions been like?

    Some traditional rulers in the state like the Oluwo of Iwo don’t think Oyetola could have taken on such debt. Others, like the Oluwo of Kuta have said he should get on with his job since he asked for it. 

    “Mr Governor, you need to leave brickbats to your party and face governance. There are a lot of landmines ahead of you. You have to face governance with a view to meeting our expectations and your promise on your first 100 days in office, the days are counting.”

    The days are counting indeed and Adeleke more than anyone knows this. 

    Ultimately, he’ll be judged on his performance, not his excuses.

  • The long-awaited day is finally here. Today, December 15, 2022, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), under Godwin “Meffy” Emefiele’s orders, will publicly release new naira notes for the ₦200, ₦500 and ₦1,000 denominations.

    We spoke to some Nigerians about their thoughts on the new banknotes and asked one question, “What’s the first thing you’ll do when you get your hands on the new naira notes?” 

    Here’s what they said.

    Damola

    My friend went to the bank yesterday to withdraw a lump sum of about ₦300k. The bank gave him the new naira notes and I was fortunate enough to see them this morning. The notes are average. It’s just as if they went to put filters on them. I prefer the old notes, seriously.

    On what I’m going to do with the new notes? Well, it’s just for spending. Everyone needs cash now since Christmas is around the corner.

    Tunde

    I run a logistics business so definitely the first thing I’m spending the new notes on is fuel. I’ll also service my bikes and maybe get Christmas items for myself and my family.

    Feyisayo

    I’m not anticipating the release at all. I think I’ve overgrown the thrill of acquiring new naira notes probably because the value of the currency is nothing to be happy about. I’m not looking forward to it. I’m a little curious to see how they look but beyond that, no extra feelings at all.

    Still, if I get my hands on the new notes first thing I’ll spend them on? Probably transport fare and then groceries.

    Karina

    I’ll keep them in my purse and laugh out loud. For sentimental reasons, I’ll hold on to the new notes. I’ll probably not spend till the old notes are out of circulation. Besides, there’s no difference between the old and new notes — just shades of colour. How are we sure that when the new notes get dirty and start fading they won’t look like what we currently have?

    Toluwani

    I’ll take a picture of them and send to my family group chat.

    Victor

    I’ll stare at them so as to recognise them physically and differentiate from counterfeits. But I think I’ll still use the old naira notes until they’re completely phased out. I know there’s a risk that banks won’t accept old notes after some time has passed but I’ll still keep mine.

    People can be somehow. You may offer someone the new notes and they’ll say they want the old one. Some don’t even know the old ones have expiration dates. This delays transactions. So I’ll still have both. If I’m going out for example, I could have ₦4k old and ₦4k new — just to be safe. I don’t want to be fully dependent on the new notes because I don’t know if they’ll be generally accepted.

    Deborah

    Touch them to have a feel. Did the texture change? Or is it just the colour that was changed? I’ll take a closer look too. I’d most likely keep them until next year, because I’m not sure conductors or drivers will collect them yet. So to be safe, I’ll definitely not spend them until next year when I’m certain that’s what everyone is using.

    Timi

    Naira is useless, so I’ll basically spend them lol. I’m a collector of notes so I’d keep the old ones alongside the other currencies of any country I’ve visited as reference. I’ll also make sure to break them into change so I can see the various redesigns in their different types. First thing I’ll spend on? Either food or a hangout since it’s December.

    Chiamaka

    I’d most likely not spend them until it’s necessary — possibly on transport or food or some other necessity. Oh, and take pictures of them and post on my status, lol.

    Niyi

    I’ll take a picture of them and most likely spend them on fuel. I have no issues with the policy to be honest. I just don’t use cash much but for the people who pack my dirt and clean my office, I pay them in cash. They might not be fully informed about this policy so that may be interesting to see. I’ll probably give them the new notes and tell them about the new policy. Cue the weird looks and questions like “Oga, wetin be this?”

    Abisola

    I’ll hold them in my hand to get myself familiar with their new features and differentiate them from fakes. I won’t spend them immediately, but keep them for like three days. Because I’m not ready to buy fish by the roadside and have to start explaining that the new denominations are legit.

  • This week’s subject of Navigating Nigeria is Anthony*, a media practitioner who spoke to Citizen about the frustrating process of getting roadworthiness papers in Lagos and why he thinks there’s still work to be done.

    What was the process of getting your papers like?

    I don’t really recall if this was in 2021 or 2022, but the Lagos State government announced that anyone who wanted to update their roadworthiness papers had to undergo testing for their vehicles.

    Before then, the law required you to take your car to a Vehicle Inspection Service (VIS) centre for a test. But  Nigerians abused the process and paid for it without actually having the vehicles tested. The officials would turn a blind eye, you collect your certificate and go about your day.

    But things changed and it became so difficult to beat the system. You’d have to actually take the test and pray you pass. If you fail, you’d need to fix the issue and take back your vehicle for inspection before you get the certificate.

    So this is how the whole thing works. When you initially go and pay, they’ll give you a receipt, along with a date for testing. On the given day, you go with the receipt to any of the centres in Lagos, based on the proximity to where you reside. Mine was around Ojo.

    If you go on a day that isn’t scheduled for you, you’ll be delayed because they’d have to first answer the guys on the schedule before they get to you. I had visited earlier but the VIS centre had issues with the machines so I had to return another time.

    What was it like when you visited again?

    It was a very frustrating experience because the guy who attended to me had internet issues. At some point, he had to use his own hotspot to connect to the internet. When the internet started working, the system developed its own issues. They’re all connected to the cloud which also experienced a downtime. I spent around two hours just to make sure they entered my details correctly into the system. 

    We were given numbers and you’d wait your turn to get your details uploaded. After that, you’d go out and join a queue — I spent close to four hours there. I was just praying for something unexpected not to happen, like rainfall or the machines just packing up. 

    Any Nigerian who’s queued under hot sun knows the pain of waiting your turn and then finding out you cannot be attended to due to unforeseen circumstances. Their operating hours are between 9 a.m. and 3 p.m. after which they’ll restrict the people coming to get their vehicles tested. Having to return to that scene again is a nightmare. Luckily, none of that happened to me. 

    Were there any positives?

    Eventually, my turn came and the process really impressed me. It’s not a human doing the inspection and the machine does very thorough checks on the vehicle. You drive your car through and it performs a very detailed scan of everything —  the brakes, engines and so on.

    What’s your assessment of the process?

    I still think the process can be better optimised, starting with the unnecessary waiting time to upload your details to the computer. Also, the downtime can be reduced with better internet infrastructure. Even though the process was supposed to be by the book, the guys there still asked me to, “Show them love”.  It wasn’t forced though. Remove those and maybe the process would be less complicated.

    Is that all?

    I understand these inspections are important, but the process needs to be improved. For example, look at those danfos we see daily on Lagos roads, are they also being inspected? There’s hypocrisy  there if you really look at it.

    *Name changed to protect subject’s identity

  • On December 13, 2022, the Labour Party’s (LP) Presidential Campaign Council (PCC) paid a visit to the Ibadan traditional council. In a viral video shared by Doyin Okupe, the Director-General of the Obi-Datti Campaign Organisation, a member of  the traditional council could be seen praying for Peter Obi. 

    Okupe captioned the tweet, “Emphatic endorsement for Peter Obi from Ibadan traditional council.”

    However, it appears the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Lekan Balogun, Alli Okunmade II, isn’t on the same page with Okupe.

    How has the Oba reacted?

    A statement released by the palace on December 14, 2022,  described the endorsement as a false and self-concocted one. The palace said the prayer shouldn’t have been twisted to appear as an endorsement of the candidate. The statement further cautioned politicians to leave the palace out of their power play and stick to facts. 

    The palace said, “Let it be emphasised that Olubadan and his cabinet members don’t and can’t belong to any political party and they would never express preference for any candidate or political party in the public no matter the degree of temptation.”

    What the palace basically told Obi and other politicians is, “You’re on your own (OYO)”.

    Why’s this significant?

    Endorsement power plays aren’t new in Nigerian politics. As we’ve explained before, politicians seek endorsements from powerful figures in the hopes they can help sway voters in their favour. We only need to go back to October. Then, the Afenifere backed both the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the LP presidential candidates.

    The issue, though, is that it’s difficult to accurately measure the impact of endorsements. More significantly, publicly backing a candidate as a traditional ruler has its risks. If they win and turn out to be unpopular, the people can turn against the ruler in the grassroots for leading them astray.

    If, on the other hand, a traditional ruler backs a losing horse, the winning horse won’t forget and might be vindictive. The safe bet is to stay in the middle and avoid staining your white as the Olubadan has done.

    Endorsements may be useful for campaign PR, but politicians are better served appealing to voters directly. Because in the end, people will vote who they want — endorsement or not.

  • There’s some good news for you if you use Nigerian airports a lot. The Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) has reviewed the COVID-19 health guidelines for the aviation industry and lifted restrictions on face masks and mandatory testing for travellers.

    What’s the full gist?

    On December 12, 2022, the Presidential Steering Committee on COVID-19 made an announcement. President Muhammadu Buhari had approved the immediate relaxation of COVID-19 safety measures and travel advisory.

    In September, the World Health Organisation (WHO) had announced a global decline in COVID-19 infections. Between February and September, the number of weekly reported deaths dropped by more than 80%.

    The Nigerian government’s announcement means all aviation service providers for domestic and international operations must cancel the COVID-19 Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) test for all categories of passengers, regardless of whether they’re vaccinated or not.

    Face masks are no longer mandatory at airports, although the NCAA still advised that people aged 60 years and above, those whose immune systems are compromised and those with comorbidities should stick to safety measures, including avoiding large gatherings.

    What does this mean for travellers?

    No more do you have to go to the airport looking like a masked avenger. Most importantly, you can pocket the thousands of naira spent on compulsory COVID-19 tests and save it for Detty December

    It’s also good news for the aviation industry which hopes to rebound from the last couple of years in which restrictions seriously affected profit margins. It’s wins all round for those who want to japa, the IJGBs, and the airline operators. All in all, it’s a good note to close the year on.

  • If you’re up to date with the news, you may have heard about increased unrest in the South-East region blamed on the secessionist group, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). The group’s leader is Nnamdi Kanu who’s still in the custody of the federal government in spite of a court order demanding his release

    While Kanu remains imprisoned, a self-acclaimed disciple of his, Simon Ekpa, has taken centre stage. If you’ve been on Twitter and Facebook long enough, you’ve likely seen his name pop up. So, who’s Simon Ekpa?

    From running for Nigeria to fighting against Nigeria

    Simon Ekpa was born on March 21, 1985 and the first thing that stands out about him is he once represented Nigeria as an athlete. In fact, he was a silver medallist at the 2003 African U-20 Championships.

    However, Ekpa has gone from flying the Nigerian flag to pushing for the disintegration of the country. When he  was nominated for an award by the Institute of Management Consultants (IMC) in 2021, he publicly rejected it

    He said, “I’m not interested in anything that’ll move Nigeria forward because Nigeria is not structured nor created to move forward, so anybody trying to move Nigeria forward is already a failure.”

    Publicly available records show Ekpa is a native of Ebonyi State but is now based in Finland. He describes himself on his Twitter account as “a human rights activist, CEO, senior legal advisor at Ekpa & Co Oy, legal researcher, author, analyst, Finnish politician, Biafra Spokesperson.” 

    The last bit is only partly true. In July 2021, Ekpa was named as a director for Radio Biafra following the arrest of Nnamdi Kanu. This was what shot him to the IPOB limelight. Yet, IPOB sacked him from the role that same month for refusing to sign the code of conduct governing the operation of the broadcasting station.

    What’s Simon Ekpa currently up to?

    Ekpa has been very vocal in his support for the realisation of Biafra. His voice has grown even louder with the 2023 elections looming on the horizon. 

    He’s also been at the forefront of the sit-at-home orders which have had very serious socio-economic consequences in the South-East. On December 12, 2022, the Igbo group, Ohanaeze, called for his arrest over the destruction and killings in the region. The IPOB have also distanced themselves from Ekpa but that hasn’t deterred him from going about his activities.

    Online, various groups have petitioned the Finnish government to arrest him for his provocative statements believed to be fueling instability in the region. This hasn’t escaped Ekpa’s notice and he’s mocked those efforts.

    How has the government responded?

    Curiously, the Nigerian government hasn’t looked much in Ekpa’s direction. Maybe because they already have the real IPOB ringleader in custody, or because they see Ekpa as merely a noisemaker. There are other sinister reasons that have been suggested that have to do with the coming elections. 

    Whether the government will step up on this matter remains to be seen. However, there’s little doubt that if allowed to continue, the disruption posed by Simon Ekpa might have some impact on voter turnout in the South-East next year.

  • Nigerians have been following every move of Godwin “Meffy” Emefiele ever since he announced plans to redesign the naira. In that time, the naira has wobbled, rebounded and wobbled again. While the currency was still finding its feet, the central bank governor sent a memo to banks to impose restrictions on cash withdrawals next year. We spoke to an expert about that and you can read more on it here.

    What’s clear about the cash withdrawal policy is it’ll affect everyone to varying degrees. But some people will feel the heat a bit more than others. Let’s run through a list of them.

    Artisans

    Artisans like mechanics, welders, and technicians who rely heavily on cash for daily operations will feel the bite of the policy. Petty traders too aren’t left out from the abara Meffy’s policy will land on their backs.

    POS operators

    In one policy move, Meffy has poured sand in the garri of point of sale (POS) operators. The profit margins they’d ordinarily make from high volume transactions may be about to crash. And you know what that means? More poverty.

    Corrupt police officers

    Nigerian police officers are notorious for forcing people to withdraw heavy sums of money from ATMs. The good news is, the new policy will, at least, curb such incidents. The bad news though is that the Nigerian police are notoriously stubborn. And where there’s a will, there’s a way.

    https://twitter.com/General_Oluchi/status/1600196308861476864

    Nigerian politicians

    As Burna Boy never tires to tell us, “Last last, na everybody go chop breakfast.” And it looks like this dish Meffy has served belongs to everybody. On December 8, 2022, the House of Representatives asked Meffy to suspend the cash withdrawal policy and to come explain himself.

    The governor of Adamawa State, Ahmadu Fintiri, also believes Meffy’s policy is a retaliatory move aimed against the political class because he’s frustrated his presidential bid didn’t take off.

    Political parties

    On December 12, 2022, Punch reported that political parties too have joined in calling for Meffy’s head. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) even dragged Buhari into it by saying he’d never have become president if such restrictions were in place in 2014.

    The chairman of the Africa Democratic Congress (ADC), Chief Ralph Nwosu also joined in.

    ‘’How do you expect the ADC candidate to have the cash to do the things he wants to do and how do you think this is the best time for such an undertaking? We have almost 200,000 agents that we must pay and 80% of them live in rural areas. Is it that ₦‎2,000 or ₦5,000 that you pay them that you would transfer to each of them? How many of them have such a facility? It’s completely inconsiderate of them.”

    Some critics just think the parties are salty because the new policy will make vote-buying more difficult during the 2023 general elections.

  • On December 11, 2022, the presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, and his running mate, Ifeanyi Okowa, were guests at a town hall hosted by Channels TV. The two-hour townhall focused on the PDP’s plans for Nigerians if the party is allowed to return to Aso Rock Villa.

    What did Atiku say?

    In his opening remarks, Atiku said Nigeria is going through its worst existential challenge since the civil war, describing the country as disunited due to security and economic issues. 

    The candidate believes his experience makes him uniquely qualified for the position of president more than the other candidates. Don’t forget this is his sixth attempt trying to become Nigeria’s president.

    On IPOB

    Atiku believes the central issue regarding the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) is the realisation of Biafra. He noted that the options for that to happen are either another civil war or negotiations, and indicated his preference for the latter. Atiku also believes more autonomy for subregions will quell agitations.

    On ASUU

    On the recurrent strikes by members of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), Atiku says he’ll clear all their backlogs. A very bold promise.

    “I’m going to increase the funding level (of education) as against what’s currently obtained. There’s no doubt about that because I’m a firm and committed believer in education.

    “I’ve undertaken to say, whatever backlog — we’re going to clear all the backlogs and make sure that you go back to classes and students go back to school.”

    On insecurity

    Atiku has plans to emulate the UAE to tackle insecurity in Nigeria. He’d know a lot about that seeing as Dubai is his second home.

    “The security architecture I admire is the UAE security architecture and it’s primarily based on monitoring. You don’t see policemen in uniform in UAE, you don’t see soldiers but virtually everybody is being monitored on a daily basis and particularly if you are a visitor, from the moment you step into the country or go out, anywhere you’re going, you’re being watched and that’s the deployment of technology as far as security is concerned.

    “That’s to say we’re aiming for the ultimate, but we have to deal with our current security structure. How we reform it to ensure we give our people a more secure environment to undertake their own legitimate businesses wherever they may be, whether in the rural areas, semi-urban and so on.”

    On Wike’s unending beef

    Atiku said he tried on his part to square things with Nyesom Wike who he defeated at the PDP primaries to clinch the presidential ticket. 

    “I’ve met Wike two times in Port Harcourt, two times in Abuja, one time in London, personally. It’s not on my part; it’s on the other side. I’m waiting for him.”

    Dear Wike, we’re all waiting for your reply.

    On privatisation

    Atiku has long been a champion of privatisation which has earned him equal measure of praise from his supporters and criticism from those who say he wants to sell state assets to his friends.

    He responded to a question on why he’s fixated on selling public assets.

    “I’m not fixated but I think that’s best for the country. I mean, let’s be honest with ourselves, we have four refineries and they’ve ceased functioning; I don’t know for how many years now and every year we budget money for overhauling the refineries that don’t work. Please, let’s give it to the private sector.

    “In every great nation in this world, you find out that it’s the private sector that’s driving the economy — they provide the jobs, they provide the prosperity, and they do everything. Why should we be different? So, I’m not fixated.”

    On Deborah Samuel

    Atiku also addressed the controversy surrounding the death of Deborah Samuel, a 19-year old Christian killed by a mob of her classmates in Sokoto over allegations of blasphemy. Atiku’s Twitter account had posted a statement condemning her death, before later deleting it.

    When asked why he deleted the tweet, the candidate said it was posted without his approval. But he made it clear that he later condemned the murder.

    Not everyone’s buying his answer though.

  • We’ve not heard from Uncle Lai Mohammed, the Minister of DisInformation and Culture, in a hot minute. Nigerians over the past few years will remember him for being one of the loudest voices of the Buhari administration. He even became a tin god during the Twitter ban era

    All bad things come to an end, as will Uncle Lai’s tenure, along with Buhari, in 2023. But just before his exit, it looks like he wants to try his hands out at comedy.

    What’s the latest?

    On December 8, 2022, at an event in Abuja titled ”PMB Administration: Scorecard Series (2015-2023)”, Uncle Lai made some interesting comments. He said Buhari had done well in the area of self-sufficiency for Nigerians and saved us from hunger. 

    “Long before the (Russia-Ukraine) crisis, however, President Muhammadu Buhari had, in a statement that has now turned out to be prescient, admonished Nigerians to grow what they eat and eat what they grow. Then, many neither understood the importance of that admonition nor appreciated its relevance.

    “Well, it turned out that the consequence of that statement made Nigerians look inward and relied less on imports. This has saved Nigerians from hunger, especially during the prolonged global lockdown, when exporting nations shut their ports and borders and nations that relied on imports were struggling to meet their needs.”

    Which group of Nigerians is Uncle Lai talking about?

    Which Nigerians is the minister exactly referring to that Buhari saved from hunger? Is it the 133 million that have been thrown into poverty? Maybe it’s the 19.4 million Nigerians that faced food insecurity between June and August this year? Or is he really referring to Buhari and his buddy Osinbajo who received ₦4 billion for food, cars and travelling last year? Uncle Lai at least needs to clarify so we know if he’s just flat-out lying like his name suggests, or if he’s telling a bad joke. 

    Uncle Lai can take solace in the fact he and his cronies will never suffer for food. But he shouldn’t by any stretch insult the sensibilities of Nigerians by telling us this administration has done well to end hunger in the country. 

    Many Nigerians are just counting down till May 2023 when they’ll be happy to see the back of him and his principal. We’ve had enough of the seven-year-long bad joke to know that Uncle Lai has no future in comedy.

  • On December 8, 2022, the Minister of Works and Housing, Babatunde Fashola, announced that the Second Niger Bridge will be open from December 15, 2022 to January 15, 2023, to ease traffic during the festive period.

    Usually when announcements are made regarding roads, it’s either there’s a diversion or a section is being closed off for work. So you should welcome this rare bit of good news for the relief it’ll bring to travellers.

    But that got us thinking, what really is the Second Niger Bridge and why’s it important?

    Some background

    Second implies there’s a first, just like Secondus implies there’s a Festus. The first bridge is more popularly known as  the River Niger Bridge, aka The Onitsha Bridge.

    The River Niger Bridge [AutoJosh]

    The 1.4km bridge was completed in 1965 and links Onitsha in Anambra State with Asaba in Delta State. It’s historical because of its role in the Nigerian Civil War between 1967 and 1970. Biafran soldiers destroyed it to stop the advance of the Nigerian Army. 

    The last time the bridge underwent a major rehabilitation was under Goodluck Jonathan’s administration.

    The Second Niger Bridge

    The idea of a Second Niger Bridge has been a frontburner in Nigerian politics for quite some time, as far back as 1978. Actually that naming convention we mentioned earlier is a bit misleading because seven major bridges already exist over the River Niger. So, a more accurate descriptor would be the “Second Niger Bridge at Onitsha.

    Aerial view of the Second Niger Bridge. [Julius Berger]

    Many administrations, as far back as General Ibrahim Babangida’s government in the 1980s, had plans to construct the Second Niger Bridge but they didn’t materialise. Olusegun Obasanjo also promised to deliver the bridge but only started major work on it five days before leaving office. 

    Umaru Musa Yar’Adua inherited the project but his ill health and eventual death meant he couldn’t deliver on it. Jonathan took over the project and famously promised to go into exile if he didn’t deliver it by 2015. Nigerians must have taken him by his words because they subsequently booted him out of office that year.

    When Muhammadu Buhari took office, he initially cancelled contracts previously awarded for the bridge. But someone must have whispered in his ears that it might be legacy-defining if he somehow found a way to complete it. So work resumed and that’s where we are now. No wonder Festus Keyamo can use it to score buga points for Buhari.

    So why’s the Second Niger Bridge important?

    Julius Berger, the contractors in charge of work on the bridge say the Second River Niger Bridge is part of a new motorway ring, which aims to minimise traffic congestion on the old bridge and to strengthen the entire region generally.

    The construction involves a 1,600m long reinforced concrete river crossing with a maximum span of 150m, as well as one motorway junction, one toll station, and as a further challenge, 10km of road construction on extremely soft and swampy terrain.

    Toll booth at Second Niger Bridge [Julius Berger]

    If completed, it would ultimately bring an end to speculation about the status of the bridge that has been a headache for many administrations. It would yield economic benefits too. And at the very least, it would be something Buhari finally gets right in an administration riddled with failed promises.

  • We all have that unforgettable, once-in-a-lifetime experience we prefer to never relive — like getting booed in class for telling a dry joke, or losing your school fees playing Baba Ijebu.

    Goodluck Jonathan’s once-in-a-lifetime experience was becoming president of Nigeria through a series of improbable circumstances. But since Buhari dumped him out of Aso Rock Villa in 2015, the rumour mill has refused to rest about Jonathan’s second coming as president. 

    What the rumour-mongers failed to do was ask the man himself if he’s interested in a fairytale return to Nigeria’s highest seat of power. Because we’re now hearing something different. Let’s walk you through the gist.

    The book launch

    While we were all dissecting the content of that rare Tinubu interview, there was a book launch in Abuja. The book, written by Nathaniel Bivan, is titled “My Time As Chaplain In Aso Rockand contains firsthand accounts of former Aso Rock chaplain, Obioma Onwuzurumba. As you’ve probably guessed, he was the chaplain during Jonathan’s administration.

    What’s in the book?

    Besides an account of Onwuzurumba’s tenure as chaplain, the book also contains an interesting interview with Jonathan. Seven years after he left office, he seemed eager to revisit some key issues and questions surrounding him. 

    What did Jonathan say?

    On running again for president, Jonathan basically said he’s now too big for that.

    “If you wake up tomorrow and see that I’m president again, that means there may have been circumstances beyond my control. But not to go and pick one form and go and start lobbying people and running for campaigns, be it PDP power or APC broom and moving across Nigeria. I can’t do that again; if I do that, I’ll diminish myself.”

    Jonathan also noted he was amused when a coalition of northern groups bought him a nomination form in May. 

    “I was enjoying the drama. At least they’re not insulting me. After all, I was pursued out of the office, that I wasn’t good enough. So, if now, Nigerians are saying, “Oh, this man should come,” that means they’re cleaning me up. So, let me enjoy the drama.

    “I wasn’t disturbed. I know I cannot go and start struggling to be president again. It wasn’t only Nigerians who were asking me such questions, even most of the top ambassadors — the American ambassador, the UK High Commissioner, France, and all of them. They came to ask me whether I would contest. I don’t think I would contest any election.”

    What else did he address?

    Jonathan spoke on his current responsibilities as a mediator in stabilising democracy in African countries experiencing conflict.

    “Assuming there’s some confusion — and sometimes things like that happen in countries — they tell me to come and play a role in stabilising things. A stable democracy where one leader hands over to another is what we all want.

    “Let’s go through that process and not interrupt the democratic processes. We pray such things shouldn’t happen. Otherwise, to go and say I’m contesting on the platform of any party at all. No!”

    He also found time to speak on the Muslim-Muslim ticket currently run by the All Progressives’ Congress (APC). He spoke lightly on it, perhaps so that the APC won’t stain his white.

    “When I took over as the vice president, the tradition then was that if the president was a Christian, the vice would be a Muslim and vice versa. We have religious festivals in Nigeria and, of course, National Day, where there will be Jummah prayers and Christian prayers.

    “Nigerians are religious people, this is why I get worried about the issues of Muslim-Muslim or Christian-Christian ticket. Yes, Muslim-Muslim or Christian-Christian can run the state. But I always ask, “Who will represent this other bloc whenever we come to the national days that we celebrate?”

    Surely, a national day of celebration is not the big issue with the Muslim-Muslim ticket here, but then again the man has clearly left politics for peacemaking. So maybe he’s asking Nigerians to extend him the same favour and give him some peace.

  • This week’s subject of Navigating Nigeria is Pelumi who’s struggling to understand why land grabbers, in collusion with the police, demolished and took her community hostage. She told Citizen the injustice her community has suffered and how the Lagos State government and the Nigerian Police have turned a blind eye to their cry for help. 

    Walk us through your experience

    I live with my parents in Age Mowo, Badagry. They acquired two properties in two different parts of the community when they first moved in. Where we live now is about a 20-minute walking distance to the other property which my dad uses for farming and storage. What’s left of the remaining is what he rents out.

    The property we live in is currently not affected by any issues, although there was a time the federal government was expanding the road and marked it for demolition. Luckily, the road was fixed and our house wasn’t demolished. Our other piece of land isn’t owned by the government or under any acquisition. My father got it like several others from omo oniles around 2009. 

    I was in school about four weeks ago when my dad called. He said some thugs came into town and announced they’d acquired a portion of the community where my dad’s second property was located. They said everyone should vacate it and that the order was from above.

    Obviously, we were perplexed. Who issued this order? Initially, those affected had a meeting and went to talk with the omo oniles. Did you people resell our lands to these new guys? They said they didn’t. Some weren’t even aware of what was going on.

    Apparently, the land grabbers, who came with policemen to pursue us from our lands, had gone to file a case in court without even informing us. This meant at first that we were a no-show in court. But when we found out, we started attending court proceedings after which the land grabbers dropped the suit. They just said they were no longer interested in a court case, that they’d acquired our lands and there was nothing we could do.

    Ahhhhhh

    While that was happening, my dad and the others reported the matter to Area K Police Command that oversees Badagry and its environs. The police officers said they were aware land grabbers were on our property, but the matter was out of their hands. They said the police officers on our lands were from the Zone 2 Police Command. The officers advised us not to cause trouble.

    Ehn?

    It’s not like we had a choice anyway. These people brought guns into our community. We made attempts to reach the Zone 2 Command and get in touch with the officers in charge but they weren’t responsive. There were more meetings in the community on plans to take things up in court. But the community is populated by indigenes who aren’t wealthy — just average Nigerians that work menial jobs or sell things. Hiring a lawyer who’s asking for ₦‎3 million or more is a lot for most of them. Spending that kind of money is a huge expense for many of these people who are also looking for alternative places to live now.

    In fact, the first time the community’s lawyer appeared in court, my dad contributed the most that was paid as fees. The issue is also nuanced in that my dad’s residential property isn’t the one affected, just the one that contains his farmland. My dad didn’t want to be at the forefront of the issue because he doesn’t want to be targeted by the land grabbers and be kidnapped. They’ve done that in the past so he had to play it cool to be safe.

    Wow. What other steps did you take?

    The chairman of our Local Council Development Area (LCDA) who was assisting the people affected wrote a petition to the Lagos State government concerning the land grabbers. It wasn’t even up to 30 minutes after he submitted it that someone somewhere in the state government’s office alerted the land grabbers and told them of the petition.

    Damn, that was fast

    Next thing, the land grabbers came to the chairman’s house and demolished it. It was really shocking and scary because we sent a petition to the government and somehow the land grabbers knew about it and came to break down the petitioner’s home as a way to intimidate and threaten us. 

    We went to the police who told us they were aware but asked us to stand down. We went to the government who informed the land grabbers about our move. It’s like there’s an organised ring with some very strong backing. No one wants to come to our aid and there’s no one we can turn to.

    The land grabbers even demolished my dad’s fence. He had to try and salvage some things he stored on his land. The funny thing is, if you want to salvage your property, the land grabbers and their louts will tell you to pay some money before you can pick up your things.

    Nawa

    My community is a small town and almost everyone knows everyone. This is December. With these guys on ground they’ll probably settle down there and the crime rate will increase, or they’ll just keep coming back. The police don’t seem to care and it’s a scary situation right now. 

    I have cousins, friends and acquaintances who once lived around here and are now currently displaced. I grew up with these people and now they’re living on the streets because somebody somewhere decided one day to go about stealing people’s lands and the government is doing absolutely nothing about it.

    That’s serious

    At one point, my dad wanted to forfeit the property, but it didn’t sit well with me. It was an injustice, so I said, “Let me bring it to Twitter and see what can be done about it.” I didn’t even tell my dad about it. I also didn’t really think it would go viral but my friends helped with retweets. It was posted on my WhatsApp and sent as a broadcast message to my contacts. My aim was to get the police to comment on it and probably send people there to maintain the peace because the louts are still there, constituting a nuisance and beating people up.

    How did the police respond?

    Ben Hundeyin, the police spokesperson for Lagos, and Prince Olumuyiwa Adejobi, the head police spokesperson in Abuja, responded to the tweet. Adejobi said it was a civil matter and that the police can’t do anything about it. He asked me to take it to court. 

    This was surprising to me because I believe the duty of the police is to protect lives and property. I don’t think they need a court order to perform their duties. People are being threatened and beaten up. Even if it’s a civil case, at least the police should come there to restore the peace. Those demolishing property should at least present a warrant. If they don’t have it then they should be stopped until the court decides on the matter. 

    Why do you think this is happening?

    Let me give you a back story. There’s a seaport that’s about to be opened in Badagry. From my house to the seaport is about ₦400, and that’s because of the fuel hike. It used to be around ₦150 to ₦200 before then. Because of the economic value the port will bring when it’s launched, people are trying to steal our lands there. They’ve already made promises on how much they’d share from the proceeds. An Anglican church that bought plots of land in the area is also affected and has taken the matter to court.

    I think the excuse of the police is mental, but it’s Nigeria — everyone’s mental. Ben Hundeyin even said I was lying, that I knew that the land grabbing was a government activity.

    How did that make you feel?

    This is where I live, and the police spokesperson is trying to gaslight me that they aren’t louts. I’m not interested in arguing about semantics here. I asked him, if this is a government operation does the government now operate with louts? Does the government demolish houses without any prior warning or court order? 

    At least if this was the government’s doing, they’d have put up posters and government officials would have notified us. Nobody came, except for the land grabbers and the police officers that accompanied them. Is this how the government now operates?

    When I tagged him to the tweet, he responded about 24 hours later. He perhaps already discussed it with the higher ups before dishing out that layman’s excuse to discredit me. His reasoning had many holes in them which I pointed out to him. Till today, he hasn’t replied.

    How do you think this will end?

    I had hopes that the police would intervene but seeing their responses offline and online, it’s clear they won’t do anything about it. An NGO reached out about helping but they’ve not said anything since, despite sending them a message. My dad is still hoping we can get justice, but our best hope now is through the media or the court.

  • On December 6, 2022, Godwin “Meffy” Emefiele’s Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) wrote a memo to bark orders at Nigerian banks over the rollout of the new naira banknotes.

    The memo dropped just a week before the new notes are scheduled to enter public circulation on December 15, 2022. But the instructions won’t go into effect until January 9, 2023. 

    What’s in the memo?

    Let’s run down the highlights:

    • The maximum any individual can withdraw over the counter (OTC) per week is ₦‎100k. For corporate organisations it’s ₦500k. Anything higher will attract processing fees of 5% and 10% respectively.
    • Third party cheques above ₦50k won’t be paid over the counter.
    • The maximum you can withdraw from an ATM is ₦20k per day, and ₦100k per week.
    • Only  ₦200 banknotes will be loaded in the ATMs.
    • In serious situations where you need to go above these limits, the maximum you can withdraw as an individual is ₦5 million and ₦10 million for corporate organisations. And for that to happen, you need to meet some conditions, including uploading valid means of identification, your bank verification number (BVN), a notarised document of purpose, letter to the managing director of the bank, and approval from senior management of the bank. 

    To make sense of what it all means, Citizen spoke to Adedayo Bakare, a macro and investment analyst who works with Money Africa. 

    What do you make of the CBN’s withdrawal restrictions?

    “I think the fundamental thing everyone should know is, the entire restriction is part of the CBN’s plan to phase out cash in circulation and cash outside the banking system. Regardless, it doesn’t matter.

    “Cash is the liability of a central bank because they’re the ones who issue it. Now, when the CBN issues cash, it doesn’t do so out of thin air. It prints it because people need it for transactions. When people need cash, they go to the commercial banks.

    “When customers request cash, it becomes the responsibility of the banks to get it from the CBN. What this means is that the excess of cash in circulation isn’t just because the CBN wants to put cash out there, it’s because people are demanding it. The CBN therefore has to print it.

    “The CBN is trying to do so many things at once with the currency redesign. They think that there’s too much cash in circulation with some of it being hoarded. In Nigeria, the banknotes in circulation, the one we spend, is less than 2% of the gross domestic product (GDP). If you look at the UK or USA, the level of cash in the system relative to the size of the economy is consistent with what we have in Nigeria. 

    “In Nigeria, the level of cash in circulation compared to our GDP is lower than what you’d find in Kenya. Yet, Kenya has advanced payment systems. Nigeria, where such infrastructure hasn’t penetrated enough, is now saying it wants to introduce a cashless economy. According to the CBN, it’s to boost financial inclusion and to ensure their policies are more effective, fight money laundering, terrorism, kidnapping and all sorts of ambitious goals. But, cash isn’t the problem.

    “If you want to fight money laundering, it’s to ensure regulation guiding the financial system is more sophisticated and more advanced to detect and prevent money laundering.

    “If you want to stop terrorism, kidnapping and ransom payments, you have to ensure security is better in the country. You can’t do this by phasing out cash or saying people shouldn’t hold cash because there are more creative ways. If a kidnapper says they want ransom they’ll get it whichever way they want because people will have to go and find that cash.”

    What does this new policy mean for Nigerians?

    “Essentially, this policy will create hardship for Nigerians. When you go to the US, the EU, and even Kenya like I’ve mentioned, people still need to hold cash. This is especially true in rural areas where people aren’t very educated, in lower income groups, and are elderly. These people rely on cash. 

    “When you look at the purpose of cash itself, it’s the most inclusive payment system we have in the country. For me to use my bank app, I need to have access to the internet. To use USSD, I need to have access to mobile phones. For internet banking I need to have a smartphone. How many people have these? How many people have the education to use Paystack, Flutterwave, or any of the other payment systems?

    “Cash also doesn’t rely on any third party. Once you have it, there’s complete autonomy to conduct transactions. True, holding it comes with its security risks and it loses value, but that’s people’s preference. Think about it, this new policy is saying the money you have in the bank you can’t do this with it, you can’t withdraw it all at once. If I’m holding cash, nobody can tell me that. Cash is also instant which is why people use it for settlement. There are cases where people get fraudulent alerts, which is why they resort to cash instead. 

    “Cash won’t affect monetary policy. Banknotes  in circulation relative to total money, that is, money available to be spent, including the deposits in your bank account, is just 6%. So when you say 6% of the money you have in your economy is what is slowing down the effectiveness of your economic policy, it doesn’t make any sense.

    “You can’t say you want to restrict one of the primary ways people conduct transactions in your economy. This policy will only slow down transactions in the informal economy and affect the economy negatively in terms of output,  job opportunities and what they can earn. It’s not a crime to hold money.

    “There are rumours that the policy might be connected to the current political cycle, I can’t speak on that. All I know is, the benefits the CBN has outlined and the decision to redesign the currency and the timeline and suddenness of its decision to restrict withdrawals won’t lead us to a cashless economy, won’t make policy effective and won’t lead to financial stability.

    “Overall, the CBN is using the currency redesign and the withdrawal restrictions as a silver bullet to achieve things it can’t do. We’ve had experiences in India where these policies failed woefully because fundamentally, cash is a way to ensure transactions. The government needs to do its work to solve insecurity and other issues, not the CBN.

    “At this point one has to ask, why should Nigerians bear all this pain? Why should Nigerians bear all the cost for a policy that’s likely to achieve nothing? These are questions the CBN has to answer.”

  • Nyesom Wike, the eccentric governor of Rivers State, has never shied away from public battles. His feuds are unlike any other. The governor’s backup band provides the live music which serves as the battle cry urging him forward to fight. To the outsider it’s comic relief, but to the unfortunate receiver, it’s like collecting a whip of an Oraimo cord around your neck.

    Wike has cemented his status as the Mike Tyson of Nigerian politics with a growing list of victims from Rotimi Amaechi to Aminu Tambuwal, Atiku Abubakar and Iyorchia Ayu. The latest public figure to get in the boxing ring with him is the former speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara.

    How did the fight start?

    Monday is the start of the work week, and Wike’s work on December 5, 2022 was Dogara whose case the governor tabled before his people

    “What I don’t like in life is people that don’t have character. I can’t stand it. At the appropriate time, I would challenge them to a debate. Ask Dogara: what made you leave PDP?

    “Dogara was to see me; unknown to me, he gave me an excuse and I was watching Dogara on TV being received by President Muhammadu Buhari that he had gone to APC. I said, “Okay, no problem”. The same Dogara said the presidency should be zoned to southern Nigeria for there to be peace. Now, I hear about the same Dogara (backing Atiku from the North). Is that how you do things? Can’t you say something and stand by it?”

    How did Dogara respond?

    Dogara recently endorsed Atiku Abubakar, the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), whom Wike is also fighting. The former speaker didn’t even wait for another working day to find his own Oraimo cord to wipe on Wike’s neck. He tweeted that the outspoken governor may be suffering from memory loss. 

    Dogara said the reason he hasn’t spilled the beans is because he still regards Wike as a friend. He asked for written consent from Wike to air his secrets in the open.

    What’s next?

    Naturally, we’re all expecting a response from Wike. If these politicians are ready to fight in the mud, who are we to get in their way? So long it’s just political banter, it would make for high quality entertainment. And in case there are serious accusations being thrown about, we trust that agencies like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) are on standby to take it up.

  • On December 4, 2022, Arise TV hosted a town hall with leading 2023 presidential candidates in attendance. Only the regular absentee, Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressives’ Congress (APC), was missing from the party. Those present were Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party, (PDP), Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) and Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP).

    What were the highlights?

    Despite the fact they’re all contesting on different mantras and platforms, the candidates seemed to agree on certain policy issues. All three believe in education being a driver of growth. They also shared, to varying degrees, sentiments that the constitution needs to be revised and an emphasis on health insurance for all.

    But they had their differences too. Obi believes strongly that an investment in human capital development is vital to pulling Nigeria out of poverty. He spoke on reviving the bank of agriculture in Kaduna to enable farmers get easier access to loans.

    Kwankwaso believes strongly in education but also in greatly expanding Nigeria’s security forces. He also said he would make strides in other sectors like in infrastructure and construction. He claimed that as Kano governor, he built three major cities in four years with ₦‎40 billion without borrowing.

    Atiku believes the private sector is the driver of prosperity and plans to incentivise it. He is also particular about agriculture being a mainstay of the economy and spoke on plans to expand the sector to employ more people. The PDP candidate also spoke on his achievements as vice president, how he was in charge of local government administration in his first nine months in office and how he plans to sustain programmes the PDP launched.

    Any touchy subjects?

    On the issue of medical tourism, Kwankwaso seemed the boldest on the matter when he said he’s in good health and that his doctor has certified he has at least 30 years of life left in him.

    The former Kano State governor said he’d keep using Nigerian health facilities if he becomes president. “We’ll introduce some policies that’ll improve healthcare service delivery through the NHIS. We’ll make healthcare accessible to every Nigerian.”

    Atiku appeared evasive on the matter by saying he would declare his health status if the need arises. On medical tourism he said, “The Nigerian health facilities that cater for my health may not be available. You know that we have limitations. We have been talking about those limitations.”

    Obi also didn’t fully commit to ending medical tourism when he said, “It’s actually required that those aspiring to lead should be able to make their medical records available to the public. And two, I have served as a governor. While serving as governor, I resuscitated some facilities and used them. I’m still using them till today. 

    “I believe if there’s any issue of referral from them, I mean if there’s a situation our healthcare can’t handle, I’ll not say everybody must be restricted here. As for my position, I use the facilities here and I believe in them. And I can tell you they’re very competent. All we need is to believe in them. I’ve shown you how we can use insurance to prove everyone can be cared for.”

    What else?

    All three candidates made pledges to Nigerians. Atiku doubled down on his mantra of unifying the country as president, Obi pledged to form a government of national unity, while Kwankwaso pledged to provide quality education and train as many Nigerians as possible. 

    But as every Nigerian knows from experience, talk is cheap. The one good thing we can take from this town hall is we can hold whoever becomes president accountable based on the promises they’ve made to us.

  • We’re approaching Christmas, the season of love and sharing, but two Nigerian states don’t seem to have gotten that memo. 

    But before we get into the real gist, let’s summarise the background story for you.

    Oil field found in northern Nigeria

    Nigeria’s first commercial oil was discovered in Oloibiri, Bayelsa State on January 15, 1956. Since then, oil has been found in large quantities in Nigeria’s southern belt. The South-South states known as the Niger Delta, have held vast quantities of Nigeria’s oil reserves. Over the years, states like Ondo, Imo, Abia, Lagos, Anambra and Kogi have also discovered oil.

    After various failed expensive explorations spanning 30 years, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) finally discovered oil in the northern region in 2019. The corporation discovered the oil in the Kolmani river region which is a border community between Bauchi and Gombe States. You don’t need any seer to tell you why this’ll cause a fight.

    So what’s the cause of the fight now?

    Everyone loves oil money because oil money is bastard money. But there’s only thing better than discovering an oil well. That’s finding out it’s exclusively yours and its proceeds only shared between the state and the federal government. When another state begins to lay claim to the property, that’s where wahala starts. And that’s the matter on ground now.

    In November 2022, Buhari flagged off operations on the Kolmani oil field.

    Buhari at flag-off [Reuters]

    A few days later, according to Punch, an adviser to the Gombe State government said Kolmani exclusively belongs to Gombe. He blamed the National Boundary Commission (NBC) and NNPC for misleading Buhari into thinking the two states have equal claims. The adviser argued that NNPC’s compensation to those displaced in the construction of access roads to the oil fields was inadequate. 

    He also accused the former Group Managing Director of the NNPC, the late Maikanti Baru, of using his powers to make Bauchi an equal claimant to the oil fields because he hailed from there.

    The Bauchi State government has said they need some time to come to an official position on the matter. But if comments by a member of the Bauchi State House of Assembly is anything to go by, it might be some time before the issue is resolved. The member, Muhammad Bako, insists the lands on which oil was discovered are in Bauchi and that the NBC chairman is from Gombe State which has made him not objective in handling the matter.

    Kolmani [Daily Trust]

    What next?

    There have been calls for an independent body to look into the claims of the two states. That could be a good place to start. But more importantly, governments at all levels should also look into proper plans to ensure the errors made with the degradation of oil-producing areas in southern Nigeria don’t repeat themselves here. Such a mistake might prove very costly.

  • Many Nigerian politicians are in the race to enter public office in 2023. One candidate will be sitting around in his prison cell. Senator Bassey Albert, a governorship candidate of the Young Progressives Party (YPP), is on Father Christmas’ naughty list. He certainly won’t be getting any presents this Christmas. Justice Agatha Okeke of the federal high court in Akwa-Ibom handed the senator a 42-year prison sentence on December 1, 2022, for fraud-related offenses.

    What did he do?

    The story began in 2019 . The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) arraigned Albert on a six-count charge for allegedly taking possession of six vehicles worth ₦2‎04 million when he was a finance commissioner in the state.

    The vehicles were allegedly received from one Jide Omokore. His name might not ring many bells until you recall he’s an associate of former petroleum minister, Diezani Alison Madueke. The EFCC in 2018 had a dossier on Omokore over the alleged laundering of $1.6 billion from oil proceeds.

    Albert was found guilty of money laundering and for receiving a vehicle worth ₦204 million as a bribe. A bribe he took from Omokore in exchange for offering him a contract worth ₦3 billion.

    The judge sentenced the senator to seven years imprisonment on each of the six counts. The separate sentences will run concurrently which means the governor will be out of prison in seven years.

    Who’s Bassey Albert?

    Senator Albert started his political career as Akwa-Ibom State’s commissioner for finance in 2007. He remained commissioner until 2014 and won his first election to the Nigerian Senate in 2015. Albert won again in 2019 and was a member of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) until July 2022 when he defected to the YPP to contest for governor. 

    Albert has had a series of allegations against him, including being charged by the federal government in 2018 over false declaration of assets.

    So what next?

    No one wants to spend Christmas in prison, so there’s a good chance Senator Albert will fight the judgement all the way to the Supreme Court.  While we can’t predict how that’ll turn out, we do know for sure that his governorship aspirations are not happening anytime soon. All the best, Albert.

  • In November 2022, we reported how the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) made the voters register available online for the first time ever for public reviews.  The review process shut down two weeks later on November 25, 2022.

    In that time, we also highlighted some of the issues observed in the register — underage voters, double registrations and suspicious delisting of voters. With the process concluded, we have some useful ideas on how INEC can sanitise the voters register.

    INEC needs to clean up its own house

    Underage voting remains a criminal offense in Nigeria. Yet, more worrying is that INEC officials allowed these infractions to take place at scale. Even by using the eye test, one can tell if someone is up to the required age of voting which is 18 Nigeria. The officials responsible for registering underaged voters are yet to be prosecuted even though the  mess goes all the way back to 2011. If INEC is really serious about cleaning the voters register, it needs to start by cleaning its own house. Charity begins at home.

    INEC should rely more on technology

    Technology doesn’t solve all problems — even football that introduced the Video Assistant Referee (VAR) to reduce refereeing errors still struggles with controversies. Yet, the benefits outweigh the challenges. For example, we know the extent of the discrepancies in the voters register only because INEC went digital.

    It’s a good step in the right direction, but the commission can do more. At least that’s what the Lawyers for Peter Obi, a group that supports the Labour Party (LP), seem to think. In a statement on December 1, 2022, they urged INEC to employ modern software and artificial intelligence (AI) to help in cleaning up the register. INEC already uses the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) to verify voters’ identity on election day. But it must also explore other options to stop underaged registeration fraud.

    Consolidate database with the NIMC database

    In September 2022, the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) said over 89 million Nigerians had registered for their National Identity Number (NIN). That number is about four million shy of the 93 million voters that INEC has in its register. 

    It might be a good idea to consolidate those two databases into one. One, it would resolve fake identities. Two, it could also be helpful in purging names of deceased people who still exist in the voters register.

    Republish the voter register online more frequently

    Admittedly, this is an issue that goes beyond INEC and may have to be amended in the electoral act. Still, it makes sense for the voters register to be subjected to continuous scrutiny instead of the current two weeks. It improves transparency and extends the time for reviews, claims and objections for a register with over 93 million names.

  • On December 1, 2022, the Labour Party (LP) held a press conference in Abuja to set off enough fireworks to go around. Among the issues raised, the party’s vice presidential candidate, Datti Baba-Ahmed, called out the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its flag bearers, Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) and Kashim Shettima.

    What did Datti say?

    Datti accused BAT of being “indecorous”. That’s a fancy way of saying the BAT lacks class. Here are his words: “A few days ago, the presidential candidate of the APC speaking in Delta State, and referring to our presidential candidate, said it was a disgrace to mention his name. While our candidate is quite comfortable with not being mentioned, it is most unpresidential, indecorous and disrespectful from the candidate who claims his turn at Nigerian Presidency.”

    Datti also had words for Shettima whom he congratulated for improving his dressing but scolded for bringing shame to his heritage. 

    The response was so scathing, it even referenced BAT’s alleged links with narcotics.

    “Little wonder that their vice presidential candidate has consistently put to shame the noble heritage of the great Bornu Empire, in his unguarded and uncultured public pronouncements, which expose his intellectual laziness and discomfort with empirical facts and arguments. 

    “Regular insults, which have now become his trademark, haven’t spared the current vice president whom he directed to go and sell ice cream, or the former vice president whom he described as a pure water seller, a noble venture which serves the populace better than a certain white substance.”

    What else did Datti say?

    Datti accused the APC of promoting falsehood and discrediting the candidacy of Peter Obi by spreading lies about the former governor demolishing mosques, deporting northerners and being against the production of oil in the North. 

    He also took digs at the government whom he accused of abandoning its responsibility to safeguard the lives of citizens. Datti referenced the recent assassination of Victoria Chintex, an LP women leader in Kaduna State. He also spoke against the alleged battery and arrest of a student, Aminu Mohammed, over a social media post directed at the first lady, Aisha Buhari.

    Has the APC responded?

    Not yet. The APC has most recently been on a campaign trail in Bayelsa State. But they’re probably cooking their response. If we know anything about the APC, it’s that they don’t believe in turning the other cheek.

    What should we expect?

    More fireworks, obviously. Nobody cares that we’re approaching the festive season as things will only get more intense with the February 2023 election looming. We only hope all the dogs in this fight reserve some respect for the peace accord they signed. Political banter is unavoidable but it should only be that — banter. Otherwise, Nigeria could be teetering on the brink of electoral violence. And we definitely don’t want that.

  • This week’s subject of Navigating Nigeria is Mike, a serving corps member in Rivers State. He spoke to Citizen about his camping experience in Yobe State, and the twists and turns are straight out of a Nollywood film.

    Walk us through the moments leading up to NYSC

    I was supposed to graduate in 2019 but had school issues . Then 2020 came and COVID-19 struck which meant another year wasted. Eventually, I graduated from the University of Lagos in 2021. The Senate published the call-up list and that’s when I knew I’d be a part of Batch A2 for NYSC. 

    You know how the process for NYSC is na — printing letters, photocards, this document and that. Everything was quite stressful because I was already working at the time. Taking permission from work was a big issue and I really had no idea how to go about the registration process. 

    Mad

    I resigned from work two weeks before my resumption to NYSC camp. One of my brothers was staying around UNILAG so I stayed at his place. I went to the cafes around and thankfully those guys knew everything about what was needed for registration. After they were done they gave me a printout and asked me to wait a few days to know where I’d be posted. Oh my God, I was so nervous. 

    What was the problem?

    On one hand I’m an adventurous guy, yet on the other I was praying, “God, don’t let them carry me to Jigawa, or Borno or Benue”. Still I made up my mind that wherever I was posted I wouldn’t redeploy because that’s where God wanted me to be.

    I remember the day I got the posting. March 12, 2022. I wasn’t online. I was playing at home when my phone rang. “Guy, how far, you don see your call-up”? Omo, that’s when I turned on my data. First place I checked was the WhatsApp group chat. I saw people wailing. They were lamenting about being posted to places like Gombe, Jigawa and so on.

    I had issues with accessing the site. The tension was mad. To calm myself down, I just told myself I’d go do something else. I was supposed to pick up my statement of result and some other documents  from UNILAG, so I took a cab there. When I tried to visit the NYSC portal again, it asked me if I wanted to download my call-up letter. I clicked yes. As I opened it, what did I see? “You’ve been posted to Yobe State”. I shouted “Jesus”.

    Lmao

    I just kept shouting Jesus inside the cab. The driver was asking what was going on? I was asking him “How would they carry me to Yobe”, as if he could fix the issue. It was crazy. I know I said I wasn’t going to redeploy but when I saw the posting, there was just no way on earth I would do my youth service there.

    The first person I called was my mum and she too screamed. I have three older brothers who have served and I called them too. They told me I had to go to the camp, and could only redeploy after I’d completed the three-week camping.

    Yeah, you can’t skip that

    I was so sad. Anyway I started planning to travel. I went to the market to shop. I had grown so big, the items I bought didn’t even fit but I took them with me anyway. After much debate with my family, I eventually took a cross country bus that had nine other prospective corp members going to Yobe.

    At first everyone kept to themselves and some were pressing their phones. I brought three novels with me and my power bank in anticipation of boredom. It was about an hour into the journey that we loosened up and started making friends. It was the longest journey of my life. We were on the road from 7 a.m. till we got to Abuja around 11 p.m. where we had to stop for the night. 

    I wanted to stay at a hotel but it was a Friday night and the one I saw was fully booked. So I settled for the bus park. We resumed our journey the next morning. and arrived in Yobe around 10 p.m. We were searched and cleared and eventually settled in the camp.

    How was the experience at the NYSC camp?

    The first thing that surprised me about camp was people wearing their whites even late at night. Apparently there was strong enforcement of the rule against mufti. Then lights out was also a thing. They’d turn off the lights and it would be pitch black. 

    Camp was fun. I was assigned to a platoon. I ran from parade duty at first because Yobe was so hot. It was like the state was the headquarters of the sun. But seeing the soldiers parading was beautiful. After a while I took interest in it. It was a good way to shed some weight. 

    But there were three things I disliked about camp. One was the skills acquisition programme run by the Skills Acquisition and Entrepreneurship Department (SAED). The programme bored me to death. I still hate it, till now. 

    Another was being woken up by the annoying bugle at 4:30 a.m. I used to silently curse the soldiers, “Una no dey sleep”?

    I also didn’t like the food. Maybe I ate camp food only four or five times. I sorted myself at the mammy market. I made a wealthy friend who used to take me and a couple of other ladies on spending sprees at the market.

    Must be nice

    My platoon was mid and always finished in sixth or seventh positions at competitions. But we won the Macho competition and finished second at the march past. 

    That’s something. Were there other good times?

    Well, the weather during the morning parades was so cold. There was this babe who couldn’t stand it and would come and hold me tight to keep herself warm. Ah, camp was sweet. In those moments all my troubles would disappear. 

    The three weeks went by quickly and we had our passing out parade. Everyone was sad at this point because we’d bonded. We said our salutes to the state coordinator and then it was time to get to the real thing.

    Which was?

    During camp, we were told that anyone interested in relocating from Yobe State should fill a form. I didn’t have to pay anybody. When I heard this I told myself, “Forget the promise you made to God that you’ll stay here. Wetin you dey find for Yobe?” 

    I filled the form and thought that was done but I found out later from my platoon leader that my application wasn’t submitted for some weird reason. I was worried. The government really wanted me to stay in Yobe. I’d given up hope but another opportunity came up, thank God. 

    Apparently, a lot of other corp members had failed redeployment requests so they had to do another round of applications.  This time I ensured it was properly submitted and I noted I would stay anywhere but the North. I chose Rivers State for a funny reason. I’m a good chess player and I knew Rivers had the strongest chess players in the country after Lagos. 

    Check

    I wasn’t sure the request would be successful. My folks at home were already thinking I’d remain in Yobe and were suggesting I sit out service year and try again another year. But I’d lost enough time. My mates had served in 2020 already.

    On the final day at camp, I got my letter. I had been posted to a polytechnic in Potiskum. 

    Wow

    There were lots of tears that day. Some corps members had paid money but got postings to remote villages. Among those of us that didn’t have success with our earlier relocation applications, I was congratulated because Potiskum is the largest city in Yobe.

    Almost everyone had left the camp, and there were just five or so left. I decided to stay back a bit and relax before heading to my place of primary assignment (PPA) to secure accommodation and other documents. I left to take my bath and before I got back, my school bag had disappeared.

    Ah

    I was just away for like six or so minutes and that was all the time needed for this bag to find legs. I went around looking for it. It had a distinct red and yellow colour and had all my documents in it. Omo, where didn’t I search? 

    It was getting lonely so I just went with the rest of my stuff to my PPA. When I got there, they had closed for the day. This was just around 1 p.m. or so, and that’s when I learnt it was a Muslim state and they don’t work long hours there. I went to a nearby market to try and replace a few of the items stolen from my bag, like toiletries and my charger. It shocked me to discover how very cheap things were. Afterwards, I had to stay the night at the corpers’ lodge. 

    I was going to resume the PPA for documentation the next morning when one spirit told me to check the NYSC portal again. That was when I clicked the relocation option and downloaded a document. That was when I shouted “Jesus” again, but this time it was good news. My redeployment was successful, I had been moved to Rivers State. 

    Checkmate!

    I was so happy, but also a bit sad because I’d already made friends at the corpers’ lodge. They had this Calabar market they took me to where we had fun. Potiskum wasn’t a bad place after all. I was introduced to some of the beautiful ladies there — I still remember Jumai who was so, so lovely. 

    I was having second thoughts about staying back but when I called my mum and told her the relocation process worked, she talked sense into me like an African mum would and told me to get set to leave. From Yobe, I said my goodbyes reluctantly and took a bus to Kano where I arrived around 9 p.m. 

    I didn’t want to risk traveling at night so I had to lodge in Kano. I noticed that when I got there almost all the shops and kiosks had shut down. A Lagos boy like me found that very strange because that’s the time nightlife ordinarily begins. It was tough for me because most people didn’t understand the English I was speaking. I was also low on cash at this point. 

    I had to find a nearby NYSC secretariat to spend the night. My phone’s battery was dead, and I couldn’t communicate my whereabouts to my parents.  The next day, I bought a power bank at the park to charge my phone. We left late, at around 1 p.m. and arrived at Port-Harcourt at 10 the next morning. That was how my camping experience was. I’d say those three weeks were a bit of a rollercoaster.

  • The rich also cry and now we have proof. According to a report by Punch, private jet owners are taking the Nigerian government to court. Why? The government is asking them to cough up a whopping ₦30 billion as taxes. That’s just the right amount of money to bankrupt Davido and his 30BG crew.

    Why’s the government going after private jet owners?

    Jets are very fanciful things to have, but quite costly to maintain. In November 2021, the federal government approved the decision of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) to ground 91 private jets belonging to some wealthy Nigerians over their alleged refusal to pay import duties running into over ₦30 billion.

    At the time, the NCS issued a letter to the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA), the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), and the Nigerian Airspace Management Agency (NAMA) to ground the jets. But those ones were having family issues so they couldn’t enforce it.

    Now though, it looks like everyone’s settled their beef and going after their money. It’s not a great time to be a Nigerian jet owner.

    Who are those affected?

    Most of the affected are foreign companies of Nigerian jet owners. 17 of them filed a suit in court challenging the government over the tax. The complainants include Aircraft Trust and Financing Corp Trustee, UAML Corp, Bank of Utah Trustee, Masterjet AVIACAO Executive SA, and Osa Aviation Limited, among others. 

    They want the court to determine whether it’s lawful for them to pay the controversial import duty on their private jets or not.

    How’s it playing out?

    The court is yet to fix a date to hear the case but the NCS remains adamant the jet owners must pay the import duties whether they like it or not. The association of private jet owners has said the government needs to be transparent about the affair. Most of these jets are registered offshore and as such might be paying  double taxes especially when they’re not fully imported to Nigeria.

    While the parties await a court date, the NCS has other private jets owners on its list who have failed to appear for verification and asked the aviation agencies to ground them. 

    The owners of these jets include senior pastors of some popular pentecostal churches, some tier-1 banks and the CEOs of some indigenous oil companies. If the NCS follows up on this, we should expect more rich people to cry.

  • Kogi State is in the news again. Still reeling from the aftermath of a severe flooding crisis, the state government has signed an agreement with a Chinese firm, Hytera. The agreement is worth an eye-watering $60 million for a security project in the state.

    What’s the project exactly?

    According to the state government, the project involves the use of digital technology for real-time surveillance to prevent attacks. However, there are worries that the government plans to snoop on its residents. And if you think people are overreacting, then it’s because a Kogi State official, Abdulkareem Siyaka, said this about the project, “We’re putting the whole state on the map — real-time, virtual, audio and visual. The idea is that the moment you come into the state, we’ll see you; if you’re driving, walking or talking, we’ll be able to pick it. If you do something wrong, we’ll be able to intercept you using our field personnel on the ground.”

    How’s Kogi State justifying this expense?

    The Kogi government believes it needs to beef up security because it shares borders with 11 other states it has no control over. The government also expects the project to create over 685,000 jobs and attract over ₦‎591 billion annual investment. How it came about these figures remains a mystery.

    How is Kogi funding this project?

    The simple answer is debt. The state’s budget for the 2022 fiscal year was ₦145.8 billion. According to a breakdown of its security budget, ₦4,182,038,000 is marked for special security expenses, ₦9,548,000 for the purchase of security equipment, ₦90,048,000 for the purchase of security gadgets,  ₦25,000,000 for federal and state security, ₦4,111,000,000 for security votes, ₦397,103,885 for security services and ₦666,429,214 in the state security trust fund. 

    It’s important to note that some of these funds aren’t for the benefit of everyone in the state. For example, out of the over ₦90 million allocated for security gadgets, ₦80 million of that is for high ranking members of the government.

    The Hytera project costs close to ₦27 billion, when converted at the official rate, even though the state’s security allocation isn’t up to ₦10 billion. So assuming in good faith that they do spend everything in the budget allocated for security, there’s still a ₦17 billion shortfall that can only be covered by debt. And Kogi State has lots of that already with a domestic debt stock that stands at over ₦70 billion.

    What have reactions been like?

    Not everyone’s sold on the idea apparently.

    And there’s some satire too.

    Ultimately though, the Kogi State governor is answerable to the Kogi people. If they’re fine with this project, all we can do is observe and hope that it delivers on its fantastic promises.

  • Just weeks to the 2019 general elections, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Walter Onnoghen, was removed from office over corruption allegations he was later convicted for.

    Now, three months to the 2023 general elections, the current CJN, Olukayode Ariwoola, is sweating because some Nigerians are asking him to step down from office. But it has nothing to do with corruption this time.

    What did the CJN do?

    While speaking at a state banquet hosted in his honour by the Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike, on November 24, 2022, the CJN praised the Integrity Group of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) known as the G5

    He said, “I’m happy my own governor is among them because he’ll try to imitate his friend and in-law (Wike).”

    For context, the CJN is from Oyo State and the governor he’s referring to is his state governor, Seyi Makinde.

    How are Nigerians reacting?

    The PDP already has enough on its plate especially with the G5’s troublemaking. Evidently, the party is pouring out its frustrations on Ariwoola. The party issued a strongly worded statement and warned the CJN to stop undermining the integrity of the judiciary. The PDP said his action is unacceptable and basically told him to keep shut about politics.

    The Supreme Court tried to control the damage by claiming the CJN didn’t say what everyone saw in the video and was only making a joke during other remarks. We saw that video, and the CJN is definitely not Basketmouth.

    Why does this matter?

    The PDP seems to be the only ones up in arms about the CJN’s remarks. The party’s concern is understandable because the CJN isn’t expected to hold partisan views for obvious reasons.

    The results of presidential elections usually end up at the Supreme Court for final judgement. The PDP doesn’t want to face a biased referee. Although the PDP’s demand for the CJN’s resignation is a pipe dream, this episode will be revisited if the result of the 2023 presidential election ends up on his table. 

    ALSO READ: Who Are the PDP G5 Blocking Atiku’s Presidential Ambition?

  • Have you ever heard of the Nigerian National Order of Merit (NNOM) award? We’d probably have overlooked it too if something extraordinary hadn’t happened on November 28, 2022.

    The Nigerian National Merit Award (NNMA), is the body that awards the NNOM. It announced that none of the Nigerians nominated this year were found worthy of it.

    What’s the NNOM about?

    The NNOM is an academic award conferred on distinguished academicians and intellectuals who have made outstanding contributions to the growth and development of Nigeria.

    The NNMA was established by Act no. 53 of 1979 of the military regime of Olusegun Obasanjo and amended by Act 96 of 1992 (now known as CAP122 LFN) by General Ibrahim Babangida. 

    Why’s no one getting an award in 2022?

    The NNMA received 32 nominations for the NNOM award for 2022. Four of the nominations were in science, nine in medicine, five in engineering technology and 14 in the humanities. The NNMA board chairman, Shekarau Aku, announced that none of them stood out.

    The NNMA’s surprising decision made us curious enough to look at the list of past winners and we found something interesting. The board started dishing out the award in 1979, 76 people have won including names like Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe. 

    In that time, only four women have ever won it. The NNMA’s governing board is populated by men and its chairpersons have always been men. A better name for the NNOM is “Nigerian National Order of Men.”

    More Nigerian women definitely should have won the award. We made a list of some notable names.

    Molara Ogundipe

    Molara Ogundipe [The Nation]

    She was a Nigerian poet, critic, editor, feminist and activist. Molara Ogundipe taught English Studies, Writing, Comparative Literature and Gender. She was also a Professor of English and Comparative Literature at the University of Port Harcourt.

    She’s a foremost writer in African feminism and championed “Stiwanism” which is Social Transformation in Africa Including Women. She died in 2019 and would’ve been a worthy winner.

    Dora Akunyili

    Dora Akunyili [ICIR Nigeria]

    The “iron lady” is one of Nigeria’s most celebrated icons. Dora Akunyili was a Nigerian professor remembered for her tenure as the Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC). She waged war on the spread of fake drugs in Nigerian markets. She survived an assassination attempt, and gained international recognition for her work in pharmacology, public health and human rights.

    Akunyili was good enough to earn over 900 awards before her death in 2014. Yet, the cabal of men at the NNMA didn’t look in her direction.

    Buchi Emecheta

    Buchi Emecheta [The Guardian UK]

    She had to fight to get an early education. Buchi Emecheta faced violence from a jealous husband who burnt her first ever manuscript. These challenges didn’t stop her from becoming  a critically acclaimed writer and professor. Emecheta’s magnum opus is The Joys of Motherhood which we all remember her for. She died in 2017 without winning an NNOM.

    Grace Alele-Williams

    Grace Alele-Williams [Punch]

    She was a Nigerian professor of mathematics education. Grace Alele-Williams was the first Nigerian female vice-chancellor at the University of Benin. 

    Alele-Williams earned the Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON) award before her death in March 2022. Yet, the very honour she should have been even more deserving of as a leading academic strangely eluded her. 

    Zulu Sofola

    Zulu Sofola [Zaccheus Onumba]

    She was the first published female Nigerian playwright and dramatist. Sofola was notably the first female professor of theatre arts in Africa. Her work focused on magic, myth and ritual to examine conflicts between traditionalism and modernism in which male supremacy persists. She died in 1995.

  • The governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Godwin “Meffy” Emefiele loves dropping bombshells on Nigerians — from banning crypto trades to redesigning the naira. He dropped  another one at the 57th annual banker’s lecture on November 25, 2022.

    From Emefiele’s revelation, we now know Nigeria no longer earns anything from selling crude oil. It would be so funny if it wasn’t so sad. A country of 200 million people went from being ballers to mechanics in eight years under a government that promised to deliver positive change.

    How did Nigeria get here?

    When Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, the war presented opportunities for other oil-producing countries. With Russia, a major oil producer cut off from the global oil market, other countries could step up and grab the money on the table. Many countries stepped up but Nigeria has proved to be the black sheep of the oil-producing family.

    The signs were already there. In February 2022, Timipre Sylva, the minister of state for petroleum resources, said the increase in prices of global crude oil was bad for Nigeria. When the seller of a product complains that prices are too high, despite the fact that there are willing buyers, you know there’s fire on the mountain.

    In June 2022, Angola surpassed Nigeria for the first time as the biggest oil producer in Africa. It’s even worse that this happened at a time when Angola was reporting declining figures.

    So why’s Nigeria not earning from oil?

    Well, we can think of a few reasons.

    Subsidy

    In September 2022, The Economist wrote a report on how Nigeria was failing badly while its classmates were flying high. The newspaper identified several reasons why Nigeria wasn’t remitting forex earnings from oil.

    A major issue highlighted is what economists describe as “price control”. It’s what happens when instead of allowing the market to dictate the price of a commodity, the government intervenes by introducing price caps. The intervention allows consumers to buy the product at a lesser price than it would ordinarily cost. If that sounds familiar, that’s because it’s what Nigerians know as oil subsidy. 

    The NNPC pays the difference from its profits and sends whatever’s left to the government as remittance. So zero remittance means there’s nothing to declare because subsidy has gulped everything and subsidy is a glutton. By next year, subsidy payments by the Buhari administration since 2015 would hit ₦‎11 trillion.

    Oil theft

    You could write 1,000 books about the scale of oil theft in Nigeria and they wouldn’t cover the depths of the problem. The unending large-scale theft of oil has gone on for decades in Nigeria and depleted our output. Between January and July 2022, for instance, Nigeria lost $10 billion to oil thieves. The reason Angola can buga for us is because we’ve not been shining our eyes. As a result, we’re not producing enough to meet our quota and be profitable.

    Cash shortage

    Everyone knows you need money to make money. But the NNPC is so short of cash after paying for subsidies that it struggles to cover production costs for pumping crude oil. Remember that our oil refineries don’t work, so the cost of refining our oil is also part of what gulps money and ensures that the CBN’s vault remains cold and lonely.

    What can be done about this?

    The buck stops at Buhari’s table. It doesn’t look like he has the will to solve the crisis as he’s already decided to unlook the current fuel scarcity that has seen marketers sell petrol at wild prices. 

    Clearly, leakages need to be plugged and we have to come to terms with the fact that subsidies are unsustainable. Already, the Buhari administration has announced the move to end subsidy payments by June 2023 — when it would no longer be in power. Things could get very tough before they get better.

    ALSO READ: Nigerians Cry About Another Fuel Scarcity but Buhari Unlooks

  • How do you deal with a fuel scarcity problem that rears its ugly head every time? One way would be to identify its underlying causes and address them, another would be to at least try to calm the public and assure them something’s being done about the problem.

    Of course, there’s the special Nigerian option: unlook and pretend there’s no fuel scarcity and count on vibes and inshallah to resolve it. 

    On November 28, 2022, Punch reported that over 30,000 filling stations nationwide have been affected by the latest fuel shortage. The Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) complained that its members have paid the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) more than ₦1 billion without receiving supply. 

    The NNPC and the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), which regulates the downstream oil sector, have kept quiet on the matter.

    Citizen spoke to some  Nigerians to understand how the ongoing fuel scarcity affects them.

    Tunde — Oyo

    I run a logistics business in Ibadan with two motorcycles and we definitely need fuel. My riders have to queue for long periods to get it at ₦220 or ₦230 per litre in some places. Only a few places like the NNPC and Mobil are selling at ₦185.

    The long queues mean our deliveries to customers are delayed. The fuel hike also means we’ll increase our delivery fees and this may affect the way customers patronise us. Personally, the cost of transport when I move around has also increased. A trip that used to cost ₦100 is ₦150 and what was ₦150 is now ₦200. It’s frustrating.

    Patricia — Lagos

    I’m a writer and I find it impossible to work at home due to this fuel scarcity. It affects my productivity and I have to transport myself to a workspace to work. Even the one I used to visit has now closed due to the fuel scarcity and I’m currently looking for any workspace I can use. NEPA isn’t helping matters with the poor electricity supply.

    Emmanuel — Benue

    I live in an agricultural town in Benue State. There’s only one motorable road in this town and we get light for about 10 hours a week. This means we have to resort to generators or charging devices outside. 

    The price of fuel before this current scarcity was around ₦240, so it’s fascinating to hear people in Lagos say it was around ₦170. Fuel is very scarce now and you’d have to join very long queues to buy as there are no more than eight filling stations here. 

    We now get fuel at ₦280 or ₦290 per litre and there are rumours it’ll reach ₦300 or above by the festive season. The rumour is what’s making filling stations hoard the little they have, driving the price even higher. The scarcity is affecting the farmers who have to transport their goods from the processing sites to the market. Life is now very difficult for everyone.

    Kennedy Cross River

    I’m a student of the University of Calabar but I stay off campus. A trip that used to be ₦50 per drop is now ₦100. Prices for haircuts have increased too and we now pay ₦100 to ₦200 to charge phones and power banks as there hasn’t been power in Calabar South for the past week.

    We queue at fuel stations for over five hours before we get fuel. Some fuel stations are selective in the type of customers they sell to. The whole thing is annoying here.

    ALSO READ: Fuel Scarcity Makes This Filling Station Manager Happy and Sad

  • Unless you’re very new to Nigerian politics, Tompolo is a name that rings many bells. He’s been trending online since the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT), visited him on November 25, 2022. 

    When a frontrunner for the presidency is showing up on your doorsteps then it’s clear you wield some clout. So we need to understand who Tompolo is, and why this visit is significant.

    Who’s Tompolo?

    Tompolo’s birth name is Government Ekpemupolo. That’s not a typo, his name is really Government so we aren’t shocked he grew up to become a government unto himself. Tompolo was born in 1971, to a royal family in Okerenkoko, Gbaramatu Kingdom of Warri South Local Government Area in Delta state.

    In 1993, Tompolo dropped out of school to join a resistance group in the Niger Delta. He was a member of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and was later invited to join fellow militant Asari Dokubo’s Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVF). He rose through the ranks to become a high commander at MEND and used his influence and wealth to fund the powerful militant group. 

    Tompolo led several raids against oil facilities in the Niger Delta, blew up pipelines and crippled Nigeria’s oil production in a bid to call the government’s attention to the degradation of the Niger Delta — by degrading the Niger Delta. There’s an expression for this kind of behaviour: “Cutting your nose to spite your face.” 

    Naturally, he caught the attention of the federal government. After negotiations with the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in 2009, Tompolo and other groups agreed to lay down their arms in exchange for amnesty and cash. For the time, the destruction in the region ceased.

    Buhari goes after Tompolo

    After Yar’Adua’s death, Goodluck Jonathan took over as president and the Niger Delta was relatively stable. Jonathan’s loss in 2015 however, upset the status quo. Tompolo became a wanted man again. 

    Remember that Muhammadu Buhari campaigned to fight corruption to a standstill? Tompolo became a priority on his list as he was under a lucrative contract by the previous government to secure pipelines in the Niger Delta. In 2016, the EFCC declared him wanted over the illegal diversion of ₦34 billion belonging to the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA).

    In response to the court warrant for his arrest, Tompolo allegedly blew up more oil installations in the Niger Delta. The battle was on between Government and the federal government.

    Tompolo goes into hiding

    With the full force of the real government bearing down on him, Tompolo went into hiding. In 2016, the Nigerian army raided his village and arrested the traditional ruler. Tompolo cried out from hiding to deny responsibility for the attacks on oil facilities, and blamed another militant group, the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA). 

    In July 2020, a federal high court dismissed all charges against Tompolo. He made his first public appearance after six years in October 2020.

    Why is BAT’s visit significant?

    The same man who was declared wanted under the administration of the APC has now become the beautiful bride. BAT’s campaigner, Festus Keyamo, who was the prosecutor in the case against Tompolo, embraced him warmly during the visit.

    The BAT also visited the traditional ruler of Gbaramatu. He bagged a chieftaincy title and promised the kingdom a deep sea port, university and industrial park.

    If Tompolo’s story points to anything, it’s that there are no permanent enemies in Nigerian politics, only permanent interests. Whether this visit will translate to sizable votes for Tinubu in the South-South remains to be seen. For now, let’s just sit back and watch Nigeria’s political drama unfold.

  • It really shouldn’t be news that Nigerian politicians aren’t the best group of people in the world. Their public service contributions span from the unbelievable to the wickedly outrageous. Take your pick from the hoarding of COVID-19 palliatives to blaming monkeys for missing funds.

    With the 2023 elections looming on the horizon, many elected officials are starting to pack their bags to leave office.  But there are some governors already doing suspicious things on their way out. Let’s take a look at three of the weirdest ones on our radar.

    Badaru Abubakar — Jigawa State

    In October 2022, a governorship candidate, Mustapha Lamido, accused current Jigawa State governor, Badaru Abubakar, of making deceptive appointments. 

    He said, “I wonder how on earth a government that has only five months to pack off will resort to deceiving its citizens by making appointments that were supposed to have been done seven years ago.”

    Wait until Lamido finds out what’s happening in Osun State.

    Gboyega Oyetola — Osun State

    There were scenes in Osun State when the outgoing governor, Gboyega Oyetola, appointed 30 civil servants as permanent secretaries on November 24, 2022. It’s not just the fact that he did this after losing out on a second term, it’s also the timing. The governor announced the appointments three days before his handover to the new governor, Ademola Adeleke.

    Adeleke has warned the appointees to reject the promotion and threatened to throw them out to follow Oyetola.

    Nyesom Wike — Rivers State

    Earlier in November, the outgoing governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, made a public spectacle out of the appointment 100,000 special assistants on “political unit affairs”. And they were only the first batch, so we should expect another batch before he leaves office in May 2023

    Wike’s critics have pointed out that he’s trying to set up a vote-buying team in disguise but he doesn’t care.  If the alleged vote-buying scheme fails, we recommend Wike should convert them to backup singers for his live band.

  • In January 2022, Muhammadu Buhari said during an NTA interview he was tired of being Nigeria’s president

    He said “I see my colleagues, they’re now resting, and I assure you I look forward to the next 17 months when I too will be less busy. The age is telling on me — working now for six, seven to eight hours per day in the office is no joke.”

    Buhari may be complaining about all the hard work he has to do as president, but he can’t deny he’s looking forward to the benefits waiting for him after May 29, 2023.

    If you have no idea what we’re talking about, allow us explain.

    What law guides the perks ex-presidents enjoy?

    That would be the Remuneration of Former Presidents and Heads Of State (and Other Ancillary Matters) Act of 2004. The Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) determines the benefits package for former presidents and former vice-presidents.

    What are these benefits?

    We know that’s what you’re really after, so here’s a list of the major perks former presidents and vice-presidents receive:

    1. ₦‎350,000 monthly allowance for ex-presidents and ₦‎250,000 monthly for ex-VPs. 
    1. The families of deceased former heads of state are entitled to ₦1 million per annum, paid ₦250,000 per quarter. The families of deceased ex-VPs get ₦750,000 per annum, paid ₦187,500 per quarter.
    1. Upkeep of the spouses and education of the children of deceased ex-presidents and deceased ex-VPs up to the university level.
    1. Three to four armed policemen for security.
    1. One State Security Service (SSS) officer not below grade level 10 as an aide-de-camp to be attached for life.
    1. Three vehicles for ex-presidents and two vehicles for ex-VPs, replaceable every four years. 
    1. Drivers.
    1. An officer not below the rank of a chief administrative officer and a personal secretary not below grade level 12.
    1. Diplomatic passport for life.
    1. Free medical treatment for ex-presidents and ex-VPs and their immediate family within Nigeria.
    1.  Treatment abroad for ex-presidents and ex-VPs and their immediate family where necessary.
    1.  30 days annual vacation in Nigeria or abroad.
    1.  A well-furnished and equipped office in any location of choice within Nigeria.
    1.  A well-furnished five-bedroom house in any location within Nigeria. An ex-VP gets a three-bedroom house.

    Look at that list again and ask yourself why you aren’t running for president.

    Oh, one other thing: the spouses of deceased leaders stop receiving their benefits if they remarry so it’s beyond till death do us part. 

    When did ex-presidents start receiving a pension?

    Former leaders enjoying these perks today have one man to thank: General Sani Abacha. It was during his administration Nigeria started thinking about providing pensions for living presidents and their families. Bad belle people would say Abacha was looking out for himself and the irony is he wasn’t around to enjoy it.

    Is this practice normal?

    Former leaders around the world like in the United States and the United Kingdom receive allowances and extra benefits after leaving office. But trust Nigeria to push things to the extreme.

    In 2016, the secretary to the government of the federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal, lamented that the government couldn’t pay the salaries of past presidents due to lack of funds. Between 2018 and 2021 alone, the perks that ex-presidents and ex-VPs received cost Nigerian taxpayers ₦9.2 billion. In October 2022, findings revealed ex-presidents, ex-VPs and other appointees would receive ₦63 billion in pension in 2023.

    Clearly, the benefits package for former leaders needs to be revisited as the cost is becoming too unbearable for a country already burdened by debt. But knowing Nigerian leaders, don’t hold your breath on things changing anytime soon.

  • The man whom we all love to hate, Godwin “Meffy” Emefiele, can’t stay out of news headlines. Between his announcement that our big boy naira notes will get a facelift and the actual reveal which turned out to be not what we ordered, the interest rate also rose from 15.5% to 16.5%.

    Without mincing words, that’s not great news. 

    What’s the interest rate and how does it work?

    You know how people say, “Time is money”? The idea behind that saying is the value of money you hold today is different from the one you hold tomorrow. 

    To illustrate this, think of 10 or so years ago when ₦‎100 could buy you enough chow to fill your belly. To get that same quantity of food today, you’d have to spend at least ₦‎500. The quantity of food is constant, but the value of money has depreciated over time because of inflation.

    Inflation is when there’s a rise in prices which can be translated as the decline of purchasing power over time because your pocket can’t catch up.

    To account for this inflation, people who lend money like to charge what’s known as interest. And the biggest lenders in any economy are the banks. The grandfather of all commercial banks in Nigeria is the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and it’s the one that determines the interest rate. That’s where this guy comes in.

    ALSO READ: Meffy Has Launched New Naira Banknotes and We Have Questions

    The interest rate is the amount banks charge borrowers and is a percentage of the amount loaned. Using Nigeria’s example, with the interest rate at 16.5%, it means anyone who borrows ₦1 million from the bank will have to pay back the original ₦1 million loan plus ₦‎165,000 as interest at the end of the year. That means the cost of borrowing is quite high. But that’s not just what’s messed up about this.

    Nigeria’s inflation rate rose to 21.09% in October 2022. This means even at the high cost of borrowing, anyone lending money will still be doing it at a loss because the inflation rate exceeds the interest rate.

    Wow. But why’s the CBN raising the interest rate?

    That’s a good question and the answer may surprise you. The reason the CBN is raising the interest rate is to…fight inflation. In fact, this is the fourth time in a row it has raised the interest rate, yet inflation is still doing agidi

    It’s a circular problem. The government wants to mop up excess money in circulation and has been trying various moves. It introduced the Snapchat naira notes and has been raising interest rates while confidence in the naira remains low. 

    One of the key reasons for the persistent inflation is our foreign exchange (forex) which is highly volatile. We already did a story explaining how the EFCC is going after bureau de change (BDC) operators who the government keeps blaming for causing the naira to depreciate in value. 

    Another important component of our inflation is food inflation. With the rising cost of obtaining agricultural produce particularly with floods ravaging farmlands, our situation is pretty bad.

    How does this affect you?

    If you’ve been following so far, you can already see how the interest rate and inflation rate are connected and how it affects the cost of food you get at the market. But it goes even beyond that.

    Experts have warned that factories will likely shut down which obviously means more unemployment. There’s also what’s known as nonperforming loans (NPL), or simply bad loans. Imagine borrowing ₦10 billion and having to repay that, along with ₦1.65 billion as interest in an economy where everything is upside down. Most businesses will find it hard to repay and that just keeps domestic debts mounting. Already, the manufacturing sector is indebted to the tune of ₦5.1 trillion to Nigerian banks. So don’t expect inflation to ease off anytime soon.

    What can be done?

    Fixing this challenge requires attending to the fundamentals which includes the government providing more support for farmers. If they can get special interventions and exceptions from the high interest rates, they can get cheap loans that can help them with farming and producing more crops. This can address food inflation.

    The CBN can also restore some confidence in the economy by easing off a bit on the interest rate. It’s clear that the continuous hike is hurting more people than it’s helping. We can only hope that whoever comes in by 2023 has a better handle on this issue.

    ALSO READ: Nigeria May Be Moonwalking Into a Debt Trap

  • This week’s subject of Navigating Nigeria is Matilda*, a 24-year old author who spoke to Citizen on her failed japa attempts, switching passions and churches, and the harsh reality of getting a job in Nigeria even with a first class degree.

    Growing up, what did you want to be?

    I’ve always felt from a young age I was meant to study medicine. When I was in primary school, my father brought home a calendar that had cartoon characters with different professions. There was a lawyer, engineer, accountant and doctor. I didn’t like the first three characters, only the doctor. And that was it.

    Just like that

    Yeah. Going forward from that point though, I had to really convince myself I wanted to become a doctor till it became an obsession. In secondary school, I was adamant I would study medicine or nothing. Anyway, JAMB happened and you know how that usually is. I had to find another way to study medicine so I chose to go through the direct entry format by doing a diploma at the University of Lagos (UNILAG).

    That’s a familiar story

    Midway through my diploma, I was tempted to change to physiotherapy. It wasn’t too much of a departure from medicine and it had a lower cutoff mark. But I eventually decided to stick with medicine because I was too lazy to go through the stress of changing courses. 

    Lol 

    Diploma was such a trying time for me. I stayed in a bad hostel with six other people who weren’t supposed to be there. My roommates had squatters and it was so congested. This made me uncomfortable because I cherish my privacy. And then there was terrible power supply, it was so bad. 

    To make matters worse, some road workers broke a connecting pipe that delivered water to the hostel. So we had gutter water flowing through the pipes. Everywhere stank. I had to go fetch water from two streets away which was a struggle. All of that contributed to emotional stress for me. In the end, I finished with 13 points out of 16 in my diploma. It was a good result, but not enough to get me into medicine.

    Yikes, sorry

    I was lowkey happy. I was sad small o, but not that sad. At that point, I didn’t want to spend seven years in school anymore. It was just a lot of work I didn’t think I was willing to go through. I’m not about that life.

    When I tried to change my course of study to cell biology, UNILAG  gave me botany instead. And I was like, “Fine, I’ll do it like that.” 

    I figured that without doing a medicine-related course, it would be harder to get a good job in this country. So, my sole focus was finishing with a first class. I worked really hard and did side jobs tutoring people. But even that sef, na wa because people don’t pay tutors that well. I was also a mentor to some students. There was this programme in school that allowed us to teach students for a semester which I participated in. In the end, I finished with a first class.

    Oshey

    I enjoyed botany even though Nigeria doesn’t give a hoot about it. The reality is a good job for a botanist is hard to come by here. There’s an expectation that everything will be smooth once you get a first class. I thought I’d apply to different schools overseas and further my education. But that didn’t happen because UNILAG kept messing with my transcript.

    Ah

    I don’t know how they kept fumbling it. In 2019, I got admitted into the University of Westminster but it didn’t come with a scholarship so I had to leave it. I applied to the University of Alabama but I didn’t get sufficient funding so I had to let that one go too. I applied and got a scholarship to the University of Illinois, but UNILAG didn’t send my transcript on time so I missed that opportunity. 

    In 2020, I applied to four Swedish universities that offered scholarships. I personally went to the transcript office this time to follow things all the way. I explained the urgency of the situation and paid all the fees that were required. Still, they never delivered it. I think they sent it to the wrong institutions or so.

    Sigh. What options did you explore?

    There’s this thing called World Education Services (WES) where you can send your transcript when you want to apply to foreign universities. But to do that, your school has to send the transcript directly to WES. 

    There are backdoor payments to expedite the process, but even that didn’t work out for me. I didn’t have any legal steps I could take because this problem affects almost everyone. I went to the department of student records to get it fixed but it wasn’t, even till today. You could submit an unofficial transcript at the beginning but you’d still need the official one to process your admission.

    Wahala. How did that make you feel?

    I was mentally exhausted and really fixated on leaving the country because I believed everything about my life would be fine when I did. I have this nerve illness I’ve been battling that subjects me to episodes of extreme pain. It makes it very difficult to eat, drink or even touch my face.

    I was hoping I’d be able to treat myself better if I left Nigeria. Instead, I was left frustrated when that didn’t happen. I also come from a deeply religious background, one of the firebrand churches I won’t name. I started having this mentality that this was the work of village people. It seems like a joke now but it was a serious issue then. I was getting panic attacks and anxiety because of the pressure from my church that felt my whole situation was a spiritual problem.

    How are things for you now?

    I had to tell my mum I wanted to switch churches but she was against it. It was when I broke down in tears and told her I really had to leave that she understood the gravity of the situation. 

    The new church made me see things from a new perspective. My pastor made me understand everything happening was just “life, lifing”. From then on, I started having more peace. I got a better job and my mindset changed. I was no longer pressed to japa — it’ll happen when it’s supposed to happen. Before, when I’d see stories of people who have japaed, I’d be a bit sad. But now, I’m just happy for them. And I finally feel like I’m moving forward with my own life too.

    What lessons do you take away from your experience?

    Basically, you shouldn’t just do things for the sole purpose of pleasing your parents. I chose medicine partly due to pressure as a first child and because of the prestige that comes with being a doctor. My parents sacrificed a lot to send me to school so it felt like a great way to repay them. It was also a primary motivation for wanting to travel out, to make money and provide for them. 

    When I really think about it, if I had pursued botany to the fullest I’d have been a researcher or lecturer and I really don’t want to get stuck in a lab for the rest of my life. I’d be bored. 

    That’s a valid fear

    But I have peace now as a writer. I tell stories that matter and do things that give me a sense of achievement. When I see my stories out there, I feel proud that I’ve done this. I’ve always admired writers from afar, like, “How are you able to express all these beautiful things from your head?” I do that now and it makes me feel accomplished.

    *Name changed to protect their identity

  • For day five, “The Candidates” presidential town hall series hosted Kola Abiola of the People’s Redemption Party (PRP), and his running mate, Haro Haruna Zego.

    The PRP was formed in 1978 by Aminu Kano after his withdrawal from the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and is the oldest of all the 18 parties on the ballot for the 2023 general elections.

    At the two-hour session on November 22, 2022, Abiola and Zego faced questions from the host, Kadaria Ahmed, and the studio audience. 

    Here are the interesting bits from the town hall.

    What key areas did they focus on?

    On why he’s taking part in the presidential race, Abiola said it would take more than the two biggest parties to change Nigeria. “I believe in positively disrupting the electoral process. Our party is fielding 711 candidates and is the oldest in Nigeria. We have representation.”

    He said what sets his party apart from the rest is its focus on the people. Party tickets, according to him, are easy to get and godfatherism doesn’t exist unlike in the established parties. 

    He spoke on addressing the oil subsidy issue and blamed the government for always “kicking the can down the road”. 

    “If the government is serious about removing subsidy, it should do it today.” He added, “What we would rather do is cut off the subsidy and go for cost of living adjustment. You do away with subsidy and that money can go into something else.”

    What interesting things did he say?

    Kola was asked how he would marry the contradiction between his background as the son of one of Nigeria’s richest men, and being the candidate of a party that’s historically socialist in nature. 

    He responded that unlike what many people think, he started from humble beginnings. “I am someone who grew up from humble beginnings. That’s English for someone who comes from the bottom, bottom background. I’ve never forgotten that.”

    He believes the PRP is undergoing a revolution and that despite the system it adopts, be it socialist-oriented or a free market ideology, the guiding goal is that it works for the people. “We’ve always done what’s in the best interest for the majority first.”

    He spoke extensively about continuing his father’s legacy and how he has worked at the grassroots to get young people’s careers going. He also spoke on his philanthropy. “I annually pay fees for WAEC exams at state and federal level. I don’t know how to blow my horn.”

    Any controversy?

    There wasn’t much by way of controversy as the conversation was largely civil. However, Abiola appeared to take shots at you-know-who when he said he had a history, unlike some of the other candidates. 

    Abiola also responded to personal questions from the host about internal family rifts and how he hopes to unite Nigeria if things aren’t fine on the home front. Kola responded candidly here. 

    He said his dad died when he was 36, leaving him head of a family that had over 50 children from different mothers. Abiola admitted he may not have been perfect, but that the fact he was able to hold things down for as long as he did should earn him some credit.

    Abiola also spoke about having to fight with the government. “I’ve taken the federal government on and survived it. That’s an experience I wish no one ever goes through”.

    What were the reactions like?

    Speaking on Kola’s strength going into the election, Ikechukwu Amaechi, a pundit, said the party’s longevity could count for something at least regarding structure. 

    He also noted that Abiola has a strong name, being the son of MKO Abiola who was a popular presidential candidate and the presumed winner of the 1993 election. Amaechi, however, said that Nigeria, unlike other climes, isn’t a place where one can bank on the name of one’s parents to pull massive support.

    Amaechi used the example of Obafemi Awolowo’s daughter, Dosunmu, who couldn’t win elections in her home state despite her father’s considerable clout in the southwest.

    Kola’s claim about coming from humble beginnings stirred mixed reactions on social media.

    This brings us to the end of day five of “The Candidates”. Follow us on Twitter, Instagram, and Tiktok for more coverage of the series. You can also follow Daria Media on Twitter and Facebook and Instagram.

    ALSO READ: What Peter Obi Said About IPOB, Others at “The Candidates”

  • All eyes are set on the 2023 presidential candidates in the race to become Nigeria’s next president and move into Aso Rock Villa. We’ve already profiled the candidates and profiled the wives of the top contenders. But what do we know about their children who could also follow them to Aso Rock Villa next year?

    Bola Tinubu — All Progressives Congress (APC)

    We know Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) has fathered at least six children. They are: Olajide Tinubu (late), Folashade Tinubu-Ojo, Seyi Tinubu, Zainab Tinubu, Habibat Tinubu and Olayinka Tinubu. 

    BAT with his wife and two daughters, Zainab and Habibat. [Daily Post]

    From all indications, only Folashade and Seyi are at the forefront of BAT’s campaign. Seyi, especially, has featured heavily on his father’s campaign trail, most recently in Kano where he led a one-million man march. 

    https://twitter.com/tvcnewsng/status/1594369342652964867

    Seyi describes himself as a serial entrepreneur and happens to have many powerful friends just like his dad.

    Seyi playing with the Oba of Lagos. [Twitter/@BolanleCole]

    With the way he’s moving, Seyi might get an appointment in his father’s administration if he wins. 

    Atiku Abubakar — Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP)

    As the husband to a total of six wives over the years, Atiku Abubakar has fathered enough children to fill two football teams. As at last count, he’s fathered at least 30 children but we certainly won’t be listing all of them here

    Atiku with one of his wives and children. [DNB]

    In the book titled “Atiku – The Story of Atiku Abubakar”, he explains that his choice of polygamy was to expand his family having been born without siblings.

    We’re not aware of any of his children actively involved in his campaign though and who can blame them? The man is on his sixth run for the presidency since he started running back in 1993. If it was you, wouldn’t you be tired?

    Peter Obi — Labour Party (LP)

    Peter Obi of the Labour Party has two children: Gabriella Nwamaka Frances Obi and Gregory Oseloka Obi. As far as we know, Gabriella is a teacher based in Nigeria and Gregory is an actor based in the United Kingdom (UK). 

    Obi with his family and Archbishop Valerian Okeke [DNB]

    Like Atiku, we’re not aware of any of Obi’s children actively involved in his campaign. The one time he spoke of his children publicly was to say his son, who was almost 30, had no car. This caused some funny reactions online

    ALSO READ: One of These Women Is Nigeria’s Next First Lady

  • Day Four of “The Candidates” town hall series for 2023 presidential candidates hosted Peter Obi of the Labour Party and his running mate Datti Baba-Ahmed on November 21, 2022. The duo faced some tough questions from the host of the series, Kadaria Ahmed, and the studio audience. Here are the highlights of the evening.

    Petrol subsidy

    Kadaria asked Obi his plans on how to deal with Nigeria’s budget deficit. This led to a debate on petrol subsidy payments and Obi didn’t mince words. “I believe that subsidy must go. What we have today as subsidy is organised crime.” 

    Obi said petrol subsidy payments have taken a huge chunk of Nigeria’s budget and promised to provide an alternative. He pointed to modular refineries and Aliko Dangote’s refinery as options to explore to reduce the cost of refining oil.

    Foreign exchange rate

    Obi said to solve the exchange rate problem, Nigeria needs to look at its underlying cause. “The naira is weak because we have weak reserves driven by low exports. There aren’t enough exports bringing foreign revenue.” Obi believes that once Nigeria becomes productive, the naira would rebound.

    IPOB

    A couple of tricky questions about the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) surfaced. Kadaria asked Obi about his stance on self-determination and Nigeria’s unity. 

    “Once you do things based on fairness and equity, you’ll see unity. We’ll form a government of national unity.”  

    Obi said he would listen to all agitators and dialogue with them. “There’s nothing wrong with agitation. You can’t attack people for expressing their opinion. People agitate everywhere, even in my house. You sit down and listen to them before you say yes or no.”

    Climate change

    On climate change and Nigeria’s flooding crisis, Obi believes part of the problem is rooted in the management of Rivers Niger and Benue. He said that Egypt’s Nile River, which is much larger, is properly managed. 

    “Over the years, contracts have been awarded to dredge the Niger and Benue. If they’d been doing that, we’d have water transport and (properly) channel the water. Nobody will collect contracts and go away under our government.”

    Pressed on whether he was committing to dredging the rivers, Obi said yes.

    Electricity

    Obi plans to revamp the power sector, despite the cost. “I’ve done the numbers well,” he said, “we can fund the power sector.” His strategy includes varying tariffs which would exist across various bands for low income and high income neighborhoods. Obi wants richer neighborhoods to fund the poorer ones. He says he’ll get subsidised tariffs for them. “I’ll declare war on power,” he added. 

    He said Nigerians will be able to generate up to a certain number of megawatts without license while cutting down on taxes and levies. “There’ll be regulation, but we won’t waste people’s time.”

    Fighting corruption 

    Obi said he’ll bring corruption to a minimum. “I’m not going to fight corruption by being vindictive. We’re going to make sure there are proper investigations and everything. We’ll operate by the rule of law. Where we even need to negotiate, we will. There are other countries who have done it better and I’ve learnt from them.” 

    Folks, that’s Day Four of our coverage of “The Candidates” presidential town hall series. Follow us on Twitter, Instagram, and Tiktok for more coverage of the series. You can also follow Daria Media on Twitter and Facebook and Instagram.

    ALSO READ: Here’s What Rabiu Kwankwaso Wants to Do as Nigeria’s President

  • Unless you’ve been living under a rock, you’d know that the 2023 presidential election is on course to be the tightest race in recent history. Forget the bluster from partisan supporters, no one knows for sure which way it’ll swing.

    At The Candidates town hall series, which we’ve been covering, the presidential candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Rabiu Kwankwaso, on November 19, 2022, said he’s not a spoiler in the presidential race. 

    To substantiate his point, he mentioned a report by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that disclosed that it was printing 187 million ballot papers — twice the number of 93.5 million eligible voters, as it anticipated that the election might go into a runoff. 

    With this background, we’ve decided to break down what a runoff election entails, and what it could mean for voters.

    What is a runoff?

    A runoff describes a voting system that selects a winner after two rounds of voting. It happens when no candidate is able to meet the requirements needed to be president at the first round of balloting. The idea behind it is to ensure that whoever is elected president gets broad acceptance from across the country.

    What laws guide the conduct of a runoff in Nigeria?

    INEC is empowered by the Electoral Act 2022 (as amended) to conduct runoff elections in Nigeria. Section 134 of the Nigerian Constitution explains the conditions for this to occur. 

    To be elected as president, “A candidate for an election to the office of President shall be deemed to have been duly elected where, there being more than two candidates for the election –

    (a) he has the highest number of votes cast at the election;

    and

    (b) he has not less than one-quarter of the votes cast at the election of at least two-thirds of all the states in the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja.”

    The summary of the above is that a candidate needs to get a simple majority of votes, and 25% of votes in 24 states to become president. When this doesn’t happen, we go into a runoff.

    ALSO READ: Do Opinion Polls Matter in Nigerian Presidential Elections?

    Who qualifies for a runoff?

    Section 134, subsection 3 defines who qualifies as, “(a) the candidate who scored the highest number of votes at any election held in accordance with the said subsection (2) of this section; and

    (b) one among the remaining candidates who has a majority of votes in the highest number of states, so however that where there are more than one candidate with majority of votes in the highest number of states, the candidate among them with the highest total of votes cast at the election shall be the second candidate for the election.”

    The summary here is that two candidates will go into the runoff. One is the candidate with the highest number of votes in the first round. The other candidate is the person among the rest that wins the most states. If more than one candidate in this group has won an equal number of states, then the tiebreaker is the candidate who won more votes.

    Could the 2023 election go into a runoff?

    There’s a possibility that a runoff might happen given the respective strengths of the four leading candidates. Different election polls have shown that they all possess strong support bases. INEC spokesman, Festus Okoye, said printing extra ballots has been a tradition of the commission since 1999.

    How soon after the main election can we expect a runoff?

    The Electoral Act gives INEC a maximum of 21 days to conduct a runoff. The timing is not unusual. INEC has said it’s a logistical nightmare printing another 93.5 million ballots within three weeks, hence the proactive move.

    What could it mean for voters?

    If you’re unlucky and one of your faves doesn’t make it to the next round, you may find yourself having to vote for a “lesser of two evils”. This often means that the candidates who scale through will do some serious mobilisation and have to reach out to fringe voters to gain their support. 

    Overall, this is very good for democracy. It leads to robust coalitions and helps keep candidates on their toes. For Nigeria with a history of poor leadership, a runoff, even though expensive, might be a small price to pay for good governance.

    ALSO READ: It’s 100 Days Until the 2023 Elections. What Has Happened?

  • Quick Facts

    For day three, The Candidates hosted Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), and his running mate, Isaac Idahosa.

    One of the important goals of the NNPP is to build an expansive security outfit for Nigeria. The party’s manifesto titled, “My Pledges To You”, has promised to recruit 750 thousand people into the armed forces and increase the police force to one million people.

    At the two-hour session on Saturday, both of them were interviewed by Kadaria Ahmed. 

    Here are the interesting bits of what they said, as promised.

    What key areas did they focus on?

    Kwankwaso started off by reeling out his achievements. He’s a two-term governor of Kano state, a former senator, and former Minister of Defense. He spoke about his record in education which saw him provide scholarships for thousands of Kano students. 

    He also mentioned that his government provided free education for doctors. In one instance, he said his administration awarded 300 doctors a scholarship, noting that only 45 of them were male, highlighting his commitment to giving women more opportunities.

    He said he was proud of having been in government for many years without a scandal to his name which he said others couldn’t boast of and claimed that he ran his government without accumulating debts or borrowing any money.

    What interesting things did he say?

    Kwankwaso spoke on his role in Nigerian politics, having aspired to the presidency under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC). “I was a founding father of the APC”, he said. He added, “When we started PDP, we wanted to bring many people on board”. 

    On the NNPP’s ideology, his response was vague. He said,  “We want to see how to make Nigeria a better place for everybody”. He highlighted two issues he says are troubling the economy. How to make money into the treasury, and how to spend it.

    On restructuring, he said that while he believes in it, he also believes that the reason people are clamouring for it is due to “system failures”. He hopes to address these once elected. If people still want things like state police after he assumes office, he says he’ll listen.

    Kwankwaso said the number of police officers in Nigeria is too small and he wants to expand it to one million. The host, Kadaria responded that doing that would cost the government trillions of naira and asked how he planned to fund it. 

    His response was that he would plug the gaps in Nigeria’s oil earnings and noted that Nigeria’s oil quota has dropped from 2.2 million barrels per day (bpd), to around one million. He plans to fix that and use the money to fund security.

    He added that he also wants to ensure free education, mopping out the 20 million out-of-school children from the streets. 

    Any controversy?

    Kwankwaso was careful to stay off any controversial issues. For example, he didn’t touch on the farmer-herder clashes. He was asked about the right to self-determination and whether he would free Nnamdi Kanu. Kwankwaso said he won’t speak on it as the matter is in court.

    He also wasn’t clear on whether he would remove the petrol subsidy. Kwankwaso has said in the past that he will “review” it.

    Kwankwaso was pressed on allegations by current Kano governor, Abdullahi Ganduje that his scholarship scheme was fraudulent. He was also quizzed about leaving heavy debts for his successor. Kwankwaso denied those claims, saying he paid scholarships in advance and asked anyone with proof otherwise to come see him.

    Kwankwaso was asked to comment on statements he made about Igbo people that were found belittling. He appeared to laugh them off as though he was misquoted. 

    An important question of whether he was a spoiler in the 2023 race was raised. His response was that INEC already announced plans of a runoff (a second election when the first one provides no clear winner) which showed his party was a force. 

    His words: “Give us till January next year then you will see the real party in the game. The so-called three big parties are losing ground and there’s absolutely nothing they can do to stop this trend.”

    What were reactions like?

    His supporters in the audience said Kwankwaso gave a good showing. One of them, Abubakar told me, “I hope you’re now convinced about Kwankwaso”. 

    Pundits on the show had varied reactions. Professor Ladi Adamu said the strength of Kwankwaso’s candidacy was that he had no certificate issues — ouch — and that his choice of running mate was well balanced. 

    Emeka Madunagu, a journalist, praised Kwankwaso’s experience in politics. He however, called his manifesto vague and unclear on issues like the exchange rate regime. 

    For Gbolahan Olojede, a public affairs analyst, he liked that Kwankwaso’s manifesto had special focus on the environment, something he said other manifestos didn’t dwell much on. He however faulted Kwankwaso’s plan on education subsidy. He said, “Subsidy should be targeted at the right people. Free education will overburden the government. Let those who can afford to, pay for their education.”

    This brings us to the end of day three of ‘The Candidates’. If you’d like to learn more about ‘The Candidates’, Citizen will be providing exclusive coverage for the duration of the town halls.

    Follow us on Twitter, Instagram, and Tiktok for more information. You can also follow @TheDariaMedia on Twitter and Facebook and @dariamediang on Instagram.

  • For day two of The Candidates, Omoyele Sowore and his running mate, Haruna Magashi contesting under the African Action Congress (AAC) took centre stage. Trust Sowore to carry the aluta spirit to a town hall discourse. 

    We know you’re dying to hear the things he said and as promised, here are the highlights of his conversation on Friday, November 18, 2022. 

    On CBN. 

    Sowore didn’t hide his annoyance for the central bank run by Godwin “Meffy” Emefiele. Speaking to the town hall  host, Kadaria Ahmed, he said: “One of the first things I will do as president is ensure that we do not have a Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) that is a glorified bureau de change.” Na wa ooo.

    On former presidents.

    One thing you can expect in these town halls is that a lot of former presidents will chop cane. Sowore came for government officials, first and said, “The biggest insecurity (challenge) facing Nigeria is government officials who are fueling poverty and engaging in corruption”. 

    He later attacked former presidents Goodluck Jonathan (GEJ) and Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ) over their failure to implement a new constitution. He said GEJ failed at it because he was interested in using it to push for a single seven-year tenure for himself while OBJ wanted to use it to push for a third term in office . “The reason a new constitution didn’t come to existence is because they wanted it for personal interests.”

    On Ike Ekweremadu.

    Even though he wasn’t mentioned by name, former deputy senate president, Ike Ekweremadu, got hit by a bullet  and it wasn’t a stray one — it was live. In a direct diss to Ekweremadu, who is currently detained in the United Kingdom over an alleged organ trafficking, Sowore said,  “The guy in charge of the amendment of the Nigerian Constitution is the same person they caught in London trying to get a kidney.”

    On Aso Rock. 

    The seat of power got its own share of cane from Sowore. Here’s what he said on the cost of governance. “I agree with you that the cost of governance is too much and it includes the presidency. I wonder why our president has Aso Rock when it could be turned into a children’s hospital. Aso Rock is a zoo.”

    Sowore may have won that round but we all know that the real fight lies ahead, in 2023 at the polls. Hopefully, our comrade is still smiling by then.

    Folks, that’s day two of ‘The Candidates’. Follow us on Twitter, Instagram, and Tiktok for more exclusive coverage of the town hall series. You can also follow @TheDariaMedia on Twitter and Facebook and @dariamediang on Instagram.

    ALSO READ: See Five of Our Favourite Disses from Day One of ‘The Candidates’