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  • #EndSARS: What Happened At The Panels Set Up Across The Country?

    On October 16, 2020, the National Economic Council recommended that the 36 states of the federation set up judicial panels of inquiry to investigate cases of police brutality by members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). Since then, state governments have established judicial panels to investigate cases of police brutality within their states.

    1. ABIA STATE

    On October 23, the Governor of Abia State, Okezie Ikpeazu, inaugurated a 17-man judicial panel of inquiry to investigate allegations of extrajudicial killings and brutality by security agents in the state. The chairman of the panel was Justice Sunday Imo, who was a retired Chief Judge of Abia State.

    The Governor said that the panel should investigate killings of extrajudicial killings by the men and members of the Police Force and those of other security agencies, from 2015 to date; investigate all forms of police brutality, extortion and intimidation from 2015 to date; ascertain the immediate and remote causes of #EndSARS protest and other grievances associated with it.

    The Governor mandated the panel to submit its report within 12 weeks. On July 6, the Abia State Judicial panel of inquiry submitted its 5-volume reports to the Governor of Abia State. The panel recommended over #511 million as compensation to victims of police brutality. Justice Imo declared that the panel received 86 petitions and 46 went through full hearing while the remaining were struck out.

    2. ADAMAWA STATE

    On October 20, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri Adamawa state approved the establishment of the eleven-member judicial panel to look into the alleged brutality by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in Adamawa State.

    The Judicial Panel of Inquiry was headed by Justice Adamu Hobon (Rtd), and members of the panel constituted members of the judiciary, civil society organisations, security, youth and religious and student organisations.

    The panel’s job was to receive and investigate complaints on police brutality or related extrajudicial killings, evaluate evidence and establish the nature of the abuses. The panel was also to establish whether there are people wrongly charged with crimes currently in custody, find out the reasons why they are in custody, find out whether they have been arraigned in court and establish how many have died in custody.

    3. AKWA IBOM STATE

    On October 20, the Akwa Ibom State Government set up a judicial panel to investigate complaints of police brutality, human rights violations and extrajudicial killings in Akwa Ibom state.

    The panel was created after the State Executive Council meeting and was headed by Justice Ifiok Ukana (Rtd) and was made up of other youth representatives, student leaders, and other members from the Ministry of Justice, human rights commission and civil society organisations.

    The panel received 143 petitions, and 28 were about extrajudicial killings and complete disappearance of suspects and death of persons in custody and 22 showed neglected litigations. 85 cases were on human rights cases and over 380 people testified at the panel. The panel submitted a report on 23rd July and its report was in four volumes.

    3. ANAMBRA STATE

    On October 16, 2020, the Anambra State Governor, Willie Obiano, set up a judicial panel of inquiry to investigate the allegations of human rights abuses by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state. The panel was headed by retired Justice V.N Umeh, and it was made up of 20 members. The panel was expected to submit its report within 30 days.

    On February 13, 2021, five youth members of the judicial panel of inquiry resigned, claiming that the Anambra State Government had totally ignored the panel and the government had no regard for the victims of human rights violations, police brutality, extortion and extrajudicial killings in the state. The resigning members claimed that infamous SARS units like the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, Awkuzu and numerous other police outfits were still operating in the state.

    The police officers of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad shunned the invitations of the Anambra State Judicial Panel, even though many petitioners complained of police brutality.

    4. BAUCHI STATE

    On October 28, 2020, the Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed, inaugurated a 17-man panel of inquiry into alleged human rights violations by officers of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad of the Nigerian Police Force. At the inauguration, the governor stated that the panel was set up to address the violation of citizens’ rights in the state by receiving complaints and petitions from the public, identifying the culprits and proffering recommendations to the government.

    The panel was headed by Justice Habibu Idris and the panel was mandated to submit its report within six months.

    5. BAYELSA STATE

    On October 21, 2020, the Governor of Bayelsa State, Duoye Diri, constituted a judicial panel of inquiry through a state radio broadcast. The Bayelsa State Government set up the panel in response to the demands of the #EndSARS protesters in the state.

    The Bayelsa State panel of Inquiry was headed by Retired Justice Y.B. Ogola and the panel were given six months to complete its assignment.

    The panel received 50 petitions and it recommended the prosecution of 11 police officers, the demotion of four police officers and the demotion of one police officer. The panel also awarded ₦21 billion as compensation to the victims of police brutality in the state. Eight cases were struck out at the panel and two were adjourned.

    6. BENUE STATE

    On October 21, 2020, the Benue State Government set up a judicial panel of inquiry to investigate cases of human rights violations, police brutality and extrajudicial killings in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Adam Onum, and the governor declared that the panel was to submit its report within six months.

    The panel entertained many petitions including that of a 34-year old man, Terfa Gundu, who alleged that the police poured petrol on him.

    The panel has not submitted its report to the Benue State Governor.

    7. BORNO STATE

    Borno state did not set up a judicial panel of inquiry in the state. Officials of the state claimed there were no cases of police brutality in the state.

    8. CROSS RIVER STATE

    On October 22, 2020, the Cross River State Government set up a judicial panel of inquiry to investigate the allegations of police brutality by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. The panel was headed by Hon. Justice Michael Edem.

    However, just a few days after the composition of the panel, members of the civil society in Cross River State complained about the composition of the panel, stating that the panel was not diverse enough. Many observers concluded that the panel was cherry-picked and the selection process was not transparent.

    On November 11, 2020, the Cross River State panel adjourned due to “technicalities” about whether the panel had the power to investigate the police. The panel had received 39 petitions by the time it adjourned.

    9. DELTA STATE

    On October 19, 2020, the Delta State government formally inaugurated an eight-member panel of inquiry to investigate the allegations of police brutality and extra-judicial killings in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Celestina Ogisi (Rtd) and Omamuzo Erebe was the panel’s secretary.

    On July 9, 2021, the Governor of Delta State, Sen. (Dr) Ifeanyi Okowa received the panel’s report. The Governor said that the Delta State Government will consider and implement the decisions of the panel, and that the state would do its best to support victims of police brutality and extra-judicial killings in the state.

    The Delta State judicial panel of Inquiry received 86 petitions and it heard 49 cases while 37 were struck out. The panel recommended the payment of compensation to victims of police brutality in the state.

    However, some human rights activists in Delta State claim that the Delta State government has not implemented the report and that there would be a procession to mark the one year anniversary of the #EndSARS protests if the government did not implement the report.

    10.  EBONYI STATE

    On October 20, 2020, the Ebonyi State government set up an eight-member judicial panel of inquiry against police brutality, extra-judicial killings and human rights abuses in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Alloy Nwankwo.

    The panel received 71 petitions and recommended the payment of ₦189 million to victims of extrajudicial killings in the state. The chairman of the panel also stated that security agencies involved in extrajudicial killings in the state were recommended for sanctions.

    11.  EDO STATE

    On October 19, 2020, the Edo State government set up a 12-man judicial panel of inquiry to receive complaints from the public about police brutality in the state and to recommend measures for compensation of victims of police brutality in the state. The panel was given 90 days to complete its assignment and the chairperson of the panel was Hon. Justice Ada Ehigiamusoe.

    After nine months, the Edo State Judicial Panel of Inquiry on Police Brutality submitted its report. The panel received 170 petitions, and it recommended the payment of compensation to the victims of police brutality in the state.

    12.  EKITI STATE

    On October 19, 2020, the Ekiti State government set up a 10-member judicial panel to look into cases of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Cornelius Akintayo.

    Three months after the panel was set up, the panel recommended over ₦1.5 million as compensation to six petitioners, including four policemen whose properties were violated during the #EndSARS protests.

    In March 2021, the Ekiti State government presented ₦7.4 million to victims of police brutality in Ekiti State, following the recommendations of the Ekiti State Judicial Panel on Police Brutality.

    The Ekiti State government formally received the report of the panel, and it promised to pay another ₦13.8 million to 28 victims of police brutality in the state. The Governor also promised to implement the recommendations of the Ekiti State panel Judicial Panel of Inquiry into allegations of human rights abuses by police officers in the state.

    EndSARS protesters occupy Lagos State House of Assembly, Alausa, Ikeja, Lagos, Nigeria on Friday, October 9, 2020. The protesters are calling for the scrapping of police unit, known as Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) over the squads incessant harassment and brutality of innocent Nigerians. (Photo by Adekunle Ajayi/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

    13.  ENUGU STATE

    On October 27, 2020, the Governor of Enugu State, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, constituted a nine-member Administrative Panel of Inquiry to look into cases of police brutality in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Frederick Obieze and it was mandated to conclude and submit its report within sixty days.

    In March 2021, the panel submitted its report to the Enugu State Governor, and the governor stated that the government would implement the recommendations of the panel.

    14.  GOMBE STATE

    On 31 October 2020, the Gombe State Governor, Inuwa Yahaya, inaugurated an 11-member commission to investigate cases of police brutality by members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.

    As of November 2020, the Commission claimed that it had not received any petition yet.

    15.  IMO STATE

    On October 19, 2020, the Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodinma, set up a 17-member Judicial Commission to investigate and make recommendations on cases of human rights violations and extra-judicial killings by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Florence Duruoha-Igwe.

    In June 2021, the Imo State government received the report of the panel of the Judicial Commission on Police Brutality and Related Matters and the commission recommended that ₦770 million should be paid as compensation to victims of police brutality in the state.

    On receiving the report, the Governor stated that the report would effectively guide the state government in tackling issues related to police brutality.

    16.  JIGAWA STATE

    Jigawa State did not set up a Judicial Panel of Inquiry into human rights abuses by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.

    17.  KADUNA STATE

    On October 19, 2020, the Kaduna State government inaugurated a judicial panel to investigate human rights violations and police brutality in the state. The panel was headed by Justice David Wyom.

    The panel held its inaugural meeting in December, 2020, and it stated that it had received a total of 28 petitions from the public as at then.

    In June 2021, nine months after its inauguration, the panel concluded its public hearing on police brutality in the state, stating that it entertained 69 petitions throughout the period it sat.

    18.  KANO STATE

    Kano State did not set up a Judicial Panel of Inquiry into human rights abuses by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.

    19.  KATSINA STATE

    The Kaduna State Judicial Panel of Inquiry received 61 petitions related to police brutality, human rights abuses and extrajudicial killings by members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).

    The panel was headed by Justice Abbas Bawale and it commenced hearings on November 23, 2020. Most of the petitions to the panel came from the Funtua zone of the state. Other petitions came from the Daura and Katsina zones of the state.

    20.  KEBBI STATE

    Kebbi State did not set up a Judicial Panel of Inquiry into human rights abuses by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.

    21.  KOGI STATE

    The Kogi State Governor inaugurated a 10-member panel of enquiry consisting of personnel from the police, State Security Service, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Ministry of Justice and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). The Kogi State government codenamed the panel Human Rights Special Intervention Group (HRSIG).

    The chairman of the panel was Ibrahim Alhassan. He claimed that the panel received six petitions and that one of the petitioners claimed that his cow was detained in a police station since 2016.

    The Kogi State Human Rights Special Investigation Group has not released a report of its panel hearings.

    22.  KWARA STATE

    On October 20, 2020, the Kwara State government set up a 10-man judicial panel to look into the complaints of police brutality in the state. The panel was set up to investigate complaints of human rights abuses and extra-judicial killings by the #EndSARS protesters.

    Justice Tunde Garba was announced as the chairman of the panel and the panel included representatives of the civil society organisations, youths, human rights organisations, the state Ministry of Justice.

    In February 2021, the Kwara State Government received a three-volume report of the panel and he promised to implement the recommendations of the committee.

    23.  LAGOS STATE

    On October 19, 2020, the Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu inaugurated a 8-man Judicial Panel of Inquiry to investigate the alleged cases of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in Lagos State. The panel was headed by Justice Doris Okuwobi and the two youth representatives on the panel were Rinu Oduala and Majekodunmi Temitope.

    The panel was mandated to six months and its job was to determine the causes of police brutality in the state, investigate the cases of police brutality, recommend compensations for the victims of police brutality and recommend the prosecution of culpable SARS officers.

    The Lagos Panel received 230 petitions and it awarded ₦262 million to 19 petitioners,  including to one Charles Otoo, a petitioner who claimed that he was shot by police officers the Ojodu Police Division on the evening October 21, 2020.

    At the Lagos Panel, the Nigerian Army admitted to firing live rounds at “hoodlums” around the Lekki toll-gate protest ground. The panel has promised to submit its report to the Lagos State Governor very soon.

    24.  NASARAWA STATE

    On October 27, 2020, the Nasarawa State Judicial Panel of Inquiry commenced its judicial hearings. The panel was headed by Justice Badamasi Maina (Rtd) and he told members of the commission to approach the commission with their complaints on police brutality by SARS officers in the state.

    On 29 April 2021, the Nasarawa Panel submitted its report and it recommended ₦480 million as compensation for victims of police brutality in the state.

    25.  NIGER STATE

    On 23rd October 2020, Governor Abubakar Bello of Niger State inaugurated a 14-man judicial panel of inquiry to investigate cases of police brutality and other cases of extrajudicial killings by the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). The chairman of the panel was Ishaku Usman and the secretary of the panel was Abdulrahim Tariq.

    As of January 2021, the panel had concluded its hearings and the panel received 18 petitions. The Niger State Judicial Panel of Inquiry has not submitted its report of the panel hearings.

    26.  OGUN STATE

    On 17th October 2020, the Ogun State Governor, Dapo Abiodun, set up a Judicial Panel of Investigation to investigate cases of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in Ogun State. The Governor appointed Justice Solomon Olugbemi (rtd) as the Chairman of the Judicial Panel.

    The Ogun State government also set up a Victims’ Support Fund of ₦50 million to enable payment of monetary compensation to deserving victims. The Governor also promised that a forensic laboratory will be set up to aid and support police investigations and crime scene management.

    The Governor of Ogun State also announced the setting up of the Ogun State will be establishing a Forensic Laboratory to support police investigations and crime scene management.

    On July 10, 2021, the Ogun State Judicial Panel of Investigation on Police Brutality and Extra-Judicial Killings submitted its report to the state governor, Dapo Abiodun. The Governor recommended over ₦218 million as compensation to 42 victims and families. The panel made recommendations for the investigation and prosecution of deterrent police officers.

    27.  ONDO STATE

    On 19th October 2021, the Ondo State Governor approved the constitution of a Judicial Panel of Inquiry against the alleged illegal activities of the officers of the Nigeria Police Force in Ondo State. The Chairperson of the panel was Hon. Justice Salisu Adesola Sidiq (rtd), and the panel was given six months to complete its assignment.

    The Ondo State Judicial Panel recommended ₦755 million for the compensation of the victims of police brutality and human rights violation by the police in Ondo State.

    The panel received 77 petitions, out of which 14 were criminal matters and 63 were civil cases.

    28.  OSUN STATE

    On October 23, 2020, the Osun State Governor inaugurated a judicial panel of inquiry to investigate the human rights abuses by disbanded members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). The panel was chaired by Akin Oladimeji, a retired judge of the state high court.

    On August 5, 2021, the Osun State Governor received a report of the Judicial Panel, and he promised that the government will implement the recommendations of the panel.

    For a long time, the report of the Osun State panel remained inconclusive. Seven out of the 13 members of the panel disowned a report of the panel allegedly submitted to the governor by other members of the panel.

    29.  OYO STATE

    On November 10, 2020, the Oyo State Government inaugurated a Judicial Panel of Inquiry to investigate cases of extrajudicial killings and police brutality in Oyo State. The panel was headed by Justice Bolajoko Adeniyi and the panel had eleven members.

    On July 14, 2021, the Oyo State Judicial Panel concluded its panel hearings. The panel received 163 petitions and the panel promised that it would submit its recommendations.

    30.  PLATEAU STATE

    On 17 November 2020, Plateau State Governor Simon Bako set up the Plateau State Judicial Panel of Inquiry to look into police brutality and extrajudicial killings in the state.

    The panel was headed by Justice Philomina Lot and the panel was given six months to complete the assignment.

    31.  RIVERS STATE

    On November 24, 2020, the Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, inaugurated a Judicial Panel of Inquiry to look into the cases of police brutality by operatives of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in Rivers State.

    The panel was headed by Justice Chukwunenye I. Uriri (Rtd) and the panel’s job was to identify victims of police brutality in Rivers State and recommend punishments for perpetrators of police brutality in the state.

    On 19 February 2021, the Rivers State Governor received the panel’s report  and he said the state’s panel received 190 petitions. Governor Wolf said the state would produce a white paper and present it to the Inspector General of Police (IGP).

    32.  SOKOTO STATE

    Sokoto State did not set up an #EndSARS Judicial Panel of Inquiry.

    33.  TARABA STATE

    On October 22, 2020, the Taraba State Governor, Darius Ishaku, set up a 10-man Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution for victims of police brutality and extrajudicial killings by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.

    The panel was headed by Justice Christopher Awubra and it said it had received 11 petitions by November 9, 2020.

    On 17 May, 2021, the Taraba State Judicial Panel concluded its hearings but no compensation was awarded to any individual. The panek received 34 petitions throughout the times that it sat.

    34.  YOBE STATE

    Yobe State did not set up an #EndSARS Judicial Panel of Inquiry.

    35.  ZAMFARA STATE

    Zamfara State did not set up an #EndSARS Judicial Panel of Inquiry.

  • Nigeria’s 2022 Budget Is Debt and Vibes

    Running a country, like most things in life, requires a budget. On Thursday, October 7, 2021, the country got a presentation from Buhari on what it would cost to keep Nigeria ‘working’ in 2022. 

    The presentation was tagged a “Budget of Economic Growth and Sustainability.” According to the president, this budget is meant to diversify Nigeria’s economy, develop infrastructure, improve security and do so many other great things you’ve probably heard before.

    But something you’ve definitely not heard is the content of this particular budget. In 2022, Nigeria plans to spend ₦16.3 trillion naira, even though it plans to make only ₦10.1 trillion. 

    To achieve this already suspect plan, the government will have to borrow about ₦5 trillion. Nigeria currently has a public debt of over ₦33.1 trillion. 

    There are so many other things in the 2022 budget, but all we’re thinking of now is how much each of us will have to pay when our debtors come to collect.

    Budget breakdown

    A budget usually contains how much you make and how much you plan to spend. In Nigeria’s budget, our earnings are classified as “revenue” while our spendings is called”expenditure”. The difference between how much we make and how much we earn is the “budget deficit”.

    This is what Nigeria’s 2022 budget looks like:

    Revenue – 

    In 2022, Nigeria plans to make ₦10.1 trillion. 

    The federal government wants to make ₦5.3 trillion from oil sales and value added tax, while government enterprises like the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) are supposed to make ₦1.7 trillion. 

    The government wants to make ₦1.8 trillion from other taxes. Dividends from the Bank of Industry (BOI) should come from ₦195 billion and ₦300 billion should come from special funds. 

    The government also wants to earn ₦63 billion from foreign aid and ₦710 billion will come from other sources.

    Expenditure –

    In 2022, Nigeria wants to spend ₦16.3 trillion. ₦6.8 trillion will be to pay for expenses like salaries while ₦4.8 trillion will be to build roads and other infrastructure. Nigeria will use ₦3.9 trillion to pay back debts while ₦768.2 billion will be used to pay for some very important things like pensions.

    Deficit – 

    Nigeria needs ₦6.2 trillion to complete its budget. The government will borrow ₦5 trillion. ₦1.1 trillion will come from loans tied to projects and ₦90 billion will come from the sale of some assets.

    Remember, this is a budget, and it is only a plan. Nigeria may not make or spend up to the amount in this budget. But anything you see, just try to take it like that. 

  • Real Juju: How Petrol Subsidy Works In Nigeria

    Petrol subsidy is an important issue in Nigeria. It affects the cost of fuel, transportation, food items and many other things. 

    Every month, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) pays up to ₦150 billion in petrol subsidy.

    But what is a petrol subsidy?

    Petrol subsidy is money a government pays for petrol so that it is affordable for the people. 

    The government, through the NNPC, currently pays about ₦30 for every litre of petrol Nigeria imports. This payment from the government allows Nigerians by fuel at about ₦165.

    “You mean the government still pays?”

    You bet. Petrol subsidy is a reason Nigeria has one of the cheapest petrol prices in the world, just behind Venezuela, Iran, Angola, Kuwait, Sudan, Kazakhstan, Qatar and Turkmenistan.

    But petrol in Nigeria used to be a lot cheaper. As of June 8, 2000, a litre of petrol in Nigeria was ₦22. And in 2007, a litre of petrol was ₦65. Fast forward to 2021, and a litre of petrol costs ₦165. 

    “Wait, who did Nigerians offend?”

    We’re not sure who we offended, but there is a reason why the petrol price keeps rising even though there’s a subsidy.

    Rising Petrol Prices

    The Obasanjo, Jonathan and Buhari governments have all reduced the petrol subsidy in their time. They claimed that the government pays a lot of money in petrol subsidy, but that Nigerians don’t enjoy the benefits of the subsidy because rich people use the most petrol, oil importers lie about how much petrol they import into Nigeria, and the money for fuel subsidy can be spent on other important things like healthcare and education.

    But many Nigerians argue that the price of things will skyrocket once petrol prices increase.

    Think about the nearest bakery to you that uses a generator or the average Danfo driver. All of those people will jack up their prices once petrol prices go up.

    And Nigerians don’t hide their anger about the issue. Remember the Occupy Nigeria protests of 2012? Yeah, it was people expressing their anger about the removal of the petrol subsidy.

    In that year, Goodluck Jonathan removed the petrol subsidy by increasing the petrol price from ₦65 to ₦141. He later reduced the fuel price to ₦97 and then ₦87. 

    In 2016, the Buhari government claimed to have fully removed the petrol subsidy, and this increased the petrol price from ₦86 to ₦145.

    In September 2020, the Buhari government again claimed to have finally removed the fuel subsidy, and the fuel price increased from ₦145 per litre to ₦160 per litre.

    However, in March 2021, as global oil prices went up, the same government started paying the petrol subsidy again.

    NNPC and Petrol Subsidy

    The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) has become the only petrol importer into Nigeria because other petrol importers cannot afford the high cost of dollars needed to import petrol. 

    The government has directed the NNPC not to sell petrol above a regulated price of ₦162. This means that even if importers try to import petrol, they won’t be able to make a profit because of the existing price limit.

    So, the high dollar to naira exchange rate is the major reason why the price of imported petrol keeps increasing in Nigeria, and the subsidy is to prevent the petrol price from getting to ₦234 per litre or ₦1,000 per litre like some other people claim.

    Regardless of what the government says about subsidy removal — even if it has been said thrice — the reality is that the government still plays a part in petrol prices in Nigeria. 

    But at what point will they really stop and what does that mean for you when next you are craving bread or trying to jump a Danfo bus? Time, and your pocket, will tell.

    Read: Meet “NNPC”, Nigeria’s Real Oil Baron

  • How The New eNaira Will Affect You

    When the naira is not losing value in its spare time, it’s getting a digital facelift called the “eNaira”.

    Remember that just a few weeks ago, the Central Bank Governor, Meffy, told the owners and supporters of AbokiFX, a website that publishes the exchange rate of the naira, to come to the CBN headquarters for tea a fight.

    Well, non-violent developments are still happening for the CBN — and the naira. On October 4, 2021, the CBN will begin “Project Giant”, the first phase of the Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC) project named “eNaira”. 

    In essence, the CBN wants to make a digital version of the naira.

    What Is A Digital Currency?

    Digital currency is any type of money that is purely electronic. So if you can touch it and spray it on your friend at their wedding, then it’s not a digital currency.

    Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies are good examples of digital currencies.

    Why Did The CBN Decide To Make A Digital Naira?

    In 2017, the CBN decided to make a digital version of the naira after concluding its research. Because a lot of people now pay for things online through their mobile phones, the CBN felt a digital currency was the way forward.

    The CBN is not alone in this decision. The central banks of about 80 countries also have plans to create digital versions of their currencies.

    Bitt Inc, a Barbados based financial software company, was chosen to develop the eNaira system and the eNaira will be built on the Hyperledger Fabric Blockchain Technology.

    It is believed that with the adoption of the eNaira, Nigerians will be able to send money, receive money and make payments faster, easier and with lower costs. 

    What Is The Purpose of The eNaira?

    The CBN says that the eNaira will help do these many things:

    • Increase international trade;
    • Bring more people into the financial system;
    • Allow people to send money to Nigeria faster and cheaper;
    • Allow the government to pay poor people easily;
    • Allow the CBN to make better policies to help the naira;
    • Allow people to make payments easily;
    • Allow the naira become more secure; 
    • Allow the government to collect taxes better.

    How Will The eNaira Work?

    The eNaira is a digital version of the naira, and the eNaira will have the same value as the naira.

    Nigerians will be able to download the eNaira app from the GooglePlay Store and the Apple App store from October 4, 2021. People can fund their eNaira wallets directly through their bank accounts or a registered agent at a physical location.

    The eNaira has three different tiers; tier one is for customers without an existing bank account, tier two is for customers who plan to do minimal spending and tier three is for customers who plan to spend regularly.

    You don’t need to have an existing bank account if you want to purchase eNaira of just ₦50,000 in a day. All you need do to fund your wallet is to provide your National Identity Number (NIN) verified phone number. 

    If you want to fund your eNaira wallet with more than ₦200,000 in a day, then you will need to provide your Bank Verification Number (BVN) along with a valid means of identification. If you want to fund your eNaira wallet with more than ₦1 million in a day, then you will have to provide a public utility receipt like your electricity bill.

    All the naira you have will be stored on the eNaira wallet which comes when you download the eNaira app. The wallet generates a security token every time you want to make a payment through it so that your transactions are secure.

    Already, there have been over one million impressions on the eNaira website within the 24 hours that it was launched.

    The naira is surely having an interesting time at the moment. Perhaps Meffy will be in a better mood and we won’t have any fights.

  • Meffy vs Aboki Wire: Why The CBN Is After AbokiFX

    On Friday, September 17, 2021, a video of the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) governor, Godwin Emefiele – lovingly called Meffy by the interwebs – went viral. In it, Meffy was calling out abokiFX — a website popular for publishing currency exchange rates. While speaking to journalists, he said that abokiFX engages in “foreign exchange manipulation and speculation”, and that Olumide Oniwinde, the owner of abokiFX, is an illegal foreign exchange dealer. 

    Meffy also warned that “those who feel they want to support him (abokiFX) to fight me, come out, let’s fight”. 

    So basically this was Meffy that day:

    Why Is The CBN After abokiFX?

    abokiFX posts information about the exchange rate of the naira. The website provides official Bureau De Change (BDC) and black market rates of the naira, including other forex information. 

    But the Central Bank is not convinced that publishing information is all abokiFX or its owner does. According to Meffy, the owner of abokiFX, Olumide Oniwinde, directly benefits from the rates he quotes daily on his website.

    At the press conference, Meffy questioned the operations of abokiFX:

    • Have Nigerians ever asked how abokiFX collects its data?
    • How many BDCs have seen staff of abokiFX come in to ask for daily rates?
    • How many BDCs send daily returns on exchange rate to abokiFX?
    • How does abokiFX determine what the FX rate is?
    • How does abokiFX collect its data?
    • How can an unlicensed single person be the one that sets exchange rates in a country?
    • Why is abokiFX setting the exchange rate in Nigeria?
    • Why is Olumide Oniwinde targeting Nigeria?

    The CBN is concerned about how abokiFX comes about the exchange rate information it displays on its website. The CBN believes that abokiFX is setting the price of the naira out of its own imagination so that its owner can benefit from the fake rates by selling naira at unnecessarily high prices.

    Section 2 of the CBN Act gives the CBN the power to ensure price stability of the naira. By looking at the activities of abokiFX, the CBN is exercising this power.

    What Is The Real Forex Rate of the Naira?

    The official exchange rate to the dollar is ₦410.60. The CBN says this rate is the genuine rate and that it has enough dollars to meet the needs of every Nigerian who needs dollars to import goods, pay international school fees or do other things.

    The CBN claims that every Nigerian can buy dollars and other foreign currencies they need at the official rate and that banks will attend to Nigerians even if their dollar needs are more than the recommended amount.

    But some Nigerians don’t believe this. They say that the exchange rate to the dollar at the BDC and parallel market is still at ₦570 and Bureau De Change operators and black market operators are still relevant in the forex market.

    https://twitter.com/Ambrosia_Ijebu/status/1440631952336252938?s=19

    Why Do Nigerians Buy Forex From Black Market Operators?

    The reason why many Nigerians patronise BDC operators and black market forex dealers aka “Aboki Wire” is because of the lack of access to foreign currency at the banks. Some Nigerians claim that bank officials keep forex while others claim that banks won’t sell dollars or other foreign currencies to them to pay for visas and other personal things.

    According to a comment from a Nairametrics article:

    Since 2015, the CBN has banned 41 items including rice, furniture and textiles from access to forex so as to “help conserve foreign reserves”. The CBN also banned the sale of forex to Bureau De Change operators to help stop illegal activities. But these moves may be part of the reasons why the unofficial rate of the naira to the dollar and other currencies keeps increasing.

    At the moment, the price you have to pay to get dollars may just depend on who you believe more — Meffy or Aboki Wire.

  • #BorrowBorrow: How Much Does Nigeria Really Owe?

    Nigeria is currently in a lot of debt and Nigerians are stressed out — with good reason.

    A recent cause for this stress is the news that President Muhammadu Buhari has asked the National Assembly to approve his plan to borrow over $4 billion and €710 million from international organisations to finance projects in the 2021 budget. 

    The President also asked the National Assembly to allow him to seek $125 million in grants for special projects.

    Buhari practically said:

    The new loan request is coming just four months after the President requested that the National Assembly approve his plan to borrow over $8.3 billion and €490 million from various international organizations. This request was approved.

    In March 2021, the National Assembly also approved the President’s plan to borrow $22.7 billion for “infrastructure development”.

    But Exactly How Much Is Nigeria Owing?

    You may want to sit down for this next part. As of March 31, 2021, Nigeria’s total public debt stood at over $87.2 billion which is about ₦33.1 trillion.

    Of that debt, $43.5 billion is to be paid by the federal government while the state governments and the Federal Capital Territory owe $10.8 billion.

    At the time, Nigeria also owed a total of $32.8 billion or ₦12.4 trillion foreign debts while we owed $54.3 billion or ₦20.6 trillion domestic debts.

    Be honest, this is what you thought when you saw what “we” owed:

    These numbers are just from March and they don’t include the recent May and September loan requests by the Federal Government or any of the new loan plans by the 36 state governments. The foreign exchange rate was also different at the time of calculation.

    Who Is Nigeria Owing?

    As of March 31, 2021, these are the people Nigeria owes abroad:

    • International Monetary Fund – $3.44 billion
    • International Development Association – $11.09 billion 
    • International Bank for Reconstruction and Development – $410 million
    • African Development Bank – $1.59 billion
    • African Growing Together Fund – $210,000 
    • African Development Fund – $942 million
    • Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa – $5.88 million
    • European Development Fund – $51.3 million
    • Islamic Development Fund – $29.7 million
    • International Fund for Agricultural Development – $223 million
    • Exim Bank of China – $3.4 billion
    • Agence Française Development – $486 million
    • Japan International Cooperation Agency – $74.6 million
    • Exim Bank of India – $34.5 million
    • Kreditanstalt Fur Wiederaufbau – $183.7 million
    • Eurobonds – $10.3 billion
    • Diaspora Fund – $300 million
    • Promissory notes – $179.5 million

    Nigeria owes a total foreign debt of $32.8 billion as of March 31, 2021.

    Nigeria Can Pay This Money Back, Right??

    Borrowing money is not a bad idea if you can pay it back. But Nigeria is currently swimming in so much debt, and it is not making enough money to justify taking on more debts.

    This year alone, Nigeria will be paying back ₦3.12 trillion in debts. On top of that, Nigeria plans to borrow another ₦5.6 trillion.

    These debts are unsustainable because the government wants to spend ₦13.5 trillion yet Nigeria plans to make only ₦7.99 trillion, and we have not made more money since the ₦10 trillion we made in 2014.

    South Africa, for instance, wants to spend R2 trillion in 2021, but the country makes R1.36 and will be borrowing R689 trillion. South Africa will also be paying back debts of R232 billion, but it has a very good tax system that can help it to generate revenues easily.

    Economists say that Nigeria’s “debt to GDP ratio” (that is Nigeria’s total debt compared to Nigeria’s total productivity) currently stands at about 32% and apparently, that is still low and in line with the World Bank’s recommendations.

    But economists also agree that Nigeria’s “debt to revenue ratio” (that is Nigeria’s total debt compared to how much Nigeria actually makes) is becoming a concern. 

    Nigeria must reduce its debts and start making more money if it does not want to be caught in a debt trap.

  • Who Let The Cows Out: What The Anti-Open Grazing Laws Mean

    On Friday, September 10, 2021, the Lagos State House of Assembly passed two bills to be signed into law by the governor: a bill on the collection of Value Added Tax (VAT) in Lagos state and a bill on the prohibition of open grazing in Lagos State.

    The anti-open grazing bill follows an agreement by the 17 governors of the southern states in Nigeria, who met in Asaba, Delta state on May 16, 2021. They agreed to sign laws prohibiting the open grazing of cattle in their states and the movement of cattle by foot across the southern region of Nigeria by September 1, 2021.

    Since the meeting, ten southern states have passed anti-open grazing laws in their states, namely: Bayelsa, Rivers, Oyo, Ekiti, Enugu, Lagos, Ondo, Akwa Ibom and Osun States. Abia and Ebonyi states say that they already have similar laws in place, while the Ogun State Governor is yet to sign the bill into law.

    Delta state is still working on its anti-open grazing bill, while Imo, Edo, Anambra and Cross River States are not currently working on any anti-open grazing law.

    What Is “Open Grazing”?

    Open grazing is when cattle and other domestic animals are allowed to roam freely and consume grass or plants on whatever lands they come across.

    In Nigeria, up to 2,000 people die every year due to deadly clashes between farmers and cattle herders over rights to openly and freely graze. These clashes made about 62,000 people homeless between 2015 and 2017.

    There is usually disagreement over land or water when herders allow their cattle to roam into farmers’ lands. At other times, conflict happens because the livestock of the herder has either been stolen or farmers have prevented herders from grazing on their land.

    Will The Anti-Open Grazing Laws Stop The Deadly Clashes?

    The anti-open grazing laws in southern Nigeria are supposed to stop cattle herders from allowing their livestock to graze anywhere in public. This is supposed to prevent any more opportunities for farmers and cattle herders to clash. But it is not that simple.

    Saleh Alhassan, the National Secretary of Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore — an association for cattle herders, has described the law as “satanic and empty”, and that members won’t obey the anti-open grazing laws. The association has also claimed that its members have freedom of movement as guaranteed by Section 41 of the constitution, even though lawyers are quick to point out that the constitution means free movement should be enjoyed by humans and not cattle.

    The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association (MACBAN), another association for cattle herders, has warned that the price of a cow may cost ₦2 million if the Lagos State government passes the anti-open grazing law because it will be expensive to rear cattle in the state.

    Now that some southern states have begun passing the anti-open grazing laws, cattle herders will have to breed their cattle in enclosed spaces like ranches or grazing reserves if they do not want to run afoul of the law. Already, President Muhammadu Buhari has approved the review of 368 grazing reserves in 25 states in Nigeria, and some states like Zamfara and Gombe have begun plans to establish ranches for cattle herders.

    The frequent clashes in Nigeria between farmers and cattle herders is a situation that is not going away anytime soon because it borders on the tough questions concerning the right to movement and the right to property. A lot of careful laws and policies will have to be employed to address the situation. For now, we will have to wait and see what happens next.

  • Rivers State Tax: VAT The Hell Is Going On?

    Rivers VAT not for Abuja people, I don’t care if heaven falls!”, Wike insists. 

    If you’re wondering why governors seem to be in a stand-off with the federal government, we have the tea. The situation is about a type of tax called Value Added Tax (VAT) and which level of government has the power to collect it — the Federal Government of Nigeria or the state governments.

    Whoever wins this battle is certainly going to get richer by about ₦1.5 trillion.

    The Federal High Court Ruling

    On August 10, 2021, in a lawsuit marked FHC/PH/CS/149/2020, Justice Stephen Dalyop Pam of the Federal High Court ruled that it is the Rivers State Government, not the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), that should collect Value Added Tax (VAT) and Personal Income Tax (PIT) in Rivers state.

    The judge granted all of Rivers State’s requests over the matter, and it agreed with the state’s argument that the Federal Government of Nigeria, through the FIRS, cannot collect VAT because it does not have the power to do so under items 58 and 59 of the “Exclusive Legislative List” of the Constitution and items 7 and 8 of the “Concurrent Legislative List” of the Constitution.

    The Federal Government of Nigeria has been collecting VAT across Nigeria since 1993, but Rivers State has basically said “enough”.

    What Is VAT?

    The Value Added Tax is a tax that is collected at every stage of production of an item or service, from the beginning of production to when the item or service is finally sold. 

    In Nigeria, VAT is charged on all goods and services except on medical products, basic food items, books and educational materials, baby products, fertilizers, farming machinery, medical services and a few other goods and services in the first schedule of the VAT Act.

    Nigerians pay a 7.5% VAT on everything we buy, including recharge cards, wines, cars and many other things.

    What This Means

    VAT is the second-highest generating tax in Nigeria after the Companies Income Tax, and Nigeria made about ₦1.5 trillion from VAT in 2020 alone. But it is not the amount of money that is provoking emotions, it is the way the money is shared.

    Under Section 40 of the VAT Act, 15% of the VAT pool must go to the Federal Government, 50% to the states and 35% to the Local Government. 20% of the entire money must also be shared according to where they are gotten from.

    But Rivers State is not happy with this arrangement. According to the governor, Nyesom Wike, the state generated ₦15 billion from VAT in June 2021 but only got ₦4.7 billion when the VAT pool was shared according to the current sharing formula, whereas Kano State generated ₦2.8 billion naira from VAT in June 2021 and got the same ₦2.8 billion naira it made.

    If states begin to collect their own VAT following the new court ruling, it would mean that every state in Nigeria gets to keep the VAT money it makes, and states like Lagos, Rivers, Oyo, Kaduna, Delta and Katsina where up to 80% of VAT is collected will get to keep their fair share without giving it to the federal government.

    Rivers State, for instance, would be able to keep its VAT money and use it to develop the state, something in the range of the ₦15 billion it generated from VAT in June 2021 alone. Already, Lagos State House of Assembly has passed the state’s VAT law to ensure that it starts keeping the VAT money it makes.

    But there’s also a downside to it. Many states who don’t make as much money from VAT rely on the national sharing pool. Because Nigeria’s 36 states and 774 local governments all share 85% of the total VAT money, it means that many states get allocation from the VAT pool even though they contribute less than 20% to it. This is the reason why Gombe’s governor has pleaded with other states to be their “brother’s keeper,” because if each state begins to collect its own VAT, about 30 states in Nigeria will suffer a significant decline in their revenue. And this is because there is little production and consumption activity going on in those 30 states, so there’s only a little VAT to collect.

    The Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), the agency that collects taxes on behalf of the federal government, has already filed an appeal to overturn the judgement of the Federal High Court. We’ll have to wait and see where this case leads. But one thing is certain: the question about who has the power to collect VAT in Nigeria is far from over.

  • Meet “NNPC”, Nigeria’s Real Oil Baron

    On Thursday August 26, 2021, President Muhammadu Buhari declared in a statement that the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) made a profit of ₦287 billion in 2020. 

    The President claimed that it was the first time the NNPC was declaring a profit since it was established on April 1, 1977.

    While there are reports that the President’s claim is false, it doesn’t take away the fact that the NNPC itself is a very important corporation ― that made a ton of money in 2020.

    How NNPC Works

    The NNPC is responsible for carrying out commercial activities in oil and gas in Nigeria for the government of Nigeria. This is according to the preamble of the NNPC Act of 1990.

    This means that the NNPC looks for crude oil, refines crude oil, buys and sells petroleum and other petroleum products, operates pipelines for the transportation of natural gas and does all other activities related to oil and gas in Nigeria, for the government of Nigeria.

    Basically, the NNPC is Nigeria’s oil company.

    NNPC Leadership 

    Currently, The NNPC’s Group Managing Director is Mallam Mele Kyari. He was appointed by President Muhammadu Buhari on July 7, 2019.

    Mr Mele Kyari replaced Maikanti Baru as NNPC GMD. Maikanti Baru served as the Group Managing Director of the NNPC from July 2016 to July 2019. 

    NNPC’s Group Executive Director for exploring crude oil or “upstream” activities is Adokiye Tombomeiye. The Group Executive Director for Gas and Power is AbdulKabir M. Ahmed and the Group Executive Director for petroleum refining is Mustapha Y. Yakubu.

    The NNPC Group Executive Director for selling petroleum products or “downstream” activities is Adeyemi Adetunji, and the Group Executive Director for Finance and Accounts is Umar I. Ajiya. 

    Aisha Ahmadu Katagum is the NNPC’s Group Executive Director for Corporate Services and Hadiza Y. Coomasie is the NNPC’s Secretary and Legal Adviser.

    You can read more about the management of the NNPC here.

    Financial Accounts of the NNPC

    Since 1977, the NNPC has been inconsistent with opening its account and disclosing whether it was making a profit or not. It wasn’t until October 2015 that the corporation announced that it would commit to making its financial account public.

    Since then, we’ve been privy to information like the NNPC’s ₦308 billion loss in 2018 and ₦1.7 billion loss in 2019.

    You can read more about the NNPC’s audited account of 2020 here.

    “NNPC Limited”

    On August 20, 2021, President Muhammadu Buhari signed a new Petroleum Industry Act that will regulate oil and gas operations in Nigeria.

    Under this new act, the NNPC will be replaced by “NNPC Limited”. NNPC Limited must make a profit and its shares can be sold to Nigerians through an open and transparent process ― like at the Nigerian stock exchange.

    With this new law, the NNPC should perform better, and it should start declaring profits as a company engaging in oil and gas activities on behalf of Nigeria.

    But things may just remain the same. After all, this is Nigeria.

  • “Aired Dfkm”: How To Collect Your Debt Legally In Nigeria

    Nigeria is tough and the people who refuse to pay up their debt don’t make living here any easier. If you’ve been aired or blocked by someone you lent money to, here’s a guide on how you can legally get your money back.

    The first thing you need to know is that if anyone in Nigeria owes you a debt, you have to act fast. If you try to get the money through a law court after six years, the court won’t answer you — and that’s according to Section 21(1) (a) of the Statute of Limitation Law.

    Also, when trying to get back your debt, avoid sending any threatening or intimidating messages to your debtor. While we know that being owed can get you very angry, you also don’t want those threats of violence to backfire into a criminal case against you. So please, no violence.

    And most importantly, do not involve the police in a debt recovery case in Nigeria as the police are meant to fight criminal issues, not issues between normal people. Involving a lawyer from the start is a better option.

    Now, Time To Get Your Money Back

    Do you have an agreement in writing with the person you lent money to about the steps you can take to recover your debt if they don’t pay up, like selling a property? If yes, then good for you. You can simply follow the steps in that agreement to recover your debt.

    If you don’t, that is still alright. There’s no need to escalate things. You can try sending them a message reminding them of their debt. Sometimes that’s all you need to do.

    But if all else fails, here’s how you can “gently” get your money back:

    Send The Person A Letter of Reminder:

    You can send your debtor a “letter of reminder”. This letter should be written by your lawyer, and it should remind the person owing you that you will take the case to court if they fail to pay up your money.

    Try Mediation and Arbitration:

    To get back your money, you can involve third parties — if the other party is willing to discuss it with you, of course. In mediation, a third party can help you and your debtor reach an amicable settlement. 

    In arbitration, you and the other person must follow the final agreement reached by the arbitrator, and the decision can be enforced in court because it is legal. But there must have been an agreement that you and your debtor will use arbitration to settle matters in the original loan agreement.

    Write The Person A “Letter of Demand”:

    If you are getting uneasy and your debtor is still unwilling to pay up, then you can employ the services of a lawyer to draw up a “letter of demand”, warning the person of the things that will happen if they do not pay back your debt within a period.

    The letter of demand usually confirms the exact money you are owed, a clear time when the debt should be paid back and the legal consequences of failure to pay back the debt.

    A letter of demand usually serves as a good notice to the debtor before you take matters to court.

    Try Taking Legal Action –

    Finally, in the case where the debtor has failed to pay up even if you have sent them letters and tried to be reasonable with them, then you should take the matter to court. 

    The court will enforce a decision for your debtor to pay you back your money, after hearing the facts of the case.

    The appropriate court to take a case of debt recovery depends on the amount you are owed. But you can recover your debt in a Magistrate Court, State High Court or Federal High Court.

    By involving a lawyer early on, following the relevant procedures and eventually taking the matter to court, you can recover all the debt that is owed to you without breaking a sweat, literally.

  • “Hypocratic Oath”: Why Doctors Are Seriously Tired of Nigeria
    A cross section of the resident doctors in Nigeria
    If you live in Nigeria then you have to be careful because three things can strike at any time — thunder, "ASUU" or doctors.

    Presently, all three of them are in action: It’s the rainy season in Nigeria so of course thunder is present, lecturers under the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) are already threatening to go on another strike and the National Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) have been on strike for more than four weeks now.

    “Thunder and ASUU we know, but who are the resident doctors in Nigeria and why have they gone on strike?”, you ask.

    Well, they are doctors who have graduated from medical school and are taking part in a graduate medical education program by working at hospitals and providing direct care to patients.

    And they are currently on an indefinite strike because of a thing called “salary”. You know, that thing adults are paid at the end of the month to make adulting less… ‘adulterous’. 

    I “NARD” Do Again

    On August 2nd 2021, the Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) embarked on an indefinite industrial action after the National Executive Council (NEC) of the union held a meeting in Umuahia, Abia State.

    Speaking with journalists after the meeting, Dr Okhuaihesuyi Uyilaw, the President of NARD declared that the resident doctors in Nigeria are embarking on a “total and indefinite strike” from August 2nd 2021 because of:

    • The non-regular payment of resident doctors;
    • A lack of payment of “Death in Service” insurance benefits to the next of kin of 19 resident doctors who died while attending to patients during the Covid-19 pandemic;
    • A lack of increase in the hardship allowance (or “hazard allowance”) paid to resident doctors from ₦5,000 to 50% of their basic salaries, and the payment of their Covid-19 allowance;
    • The exorbitant fees (or “bench fees”) resident doctors are forced to pay when they go for further laboratory training in other medical institutions across Nigeria; among many other reasons.

    “I’m In Saudi Arabia Jamming”

    This indefinite strike about the poor welfare conditions of resident doctors in Nigeria is not new. But, it is coming on the back of news that the Saudi Arabia Ministry of Health was conducting a recruitment exercise for Nigerian healthcare specialists in Lagos, Nigeria.

    Already, Nigerian doctors in the United Kingdom, United States of America, Saudi Arabia and many other countries attest to the fact that their living conditions have been significantly better since they left Nigeria.

    “While I was in Nigeria, my salary was ₦113,450”, a Nigerian doctor in Saudi Arabia told Punch. Adding that “now I earn way more than I did in Nigeria. I enjoy 36-day paid leave, good working conditions and my flight ticket was paid by Saudi Arabia”.

    Another Nigerian doctor in Saudi Arabia remarked that “my salary as a doctor in Nigeria combining two jobs was less than ₦120,000. In Saudi Arabia, I earn around 10 times that amount”. He concluded that Saudi Arabia had less workload, amazing state-of-the-art facilities, good hospital management systems, health insurance, paid leave and free tickets for holidays.

    The Sad Reality 

    In Nigeria, one doctor attends to about 3,806 patients which is against the World Health Organisation recommendation of one doctor to 1,000 patients at most. Also, according to Afriacheck, Nigeria loses an average of 12 doctors every week to the United Kingdom.

    Nigeria must address these challenges and begin to treat its doctors better because they are probably the last functioning parts of an already rickety health sector.

    Gifs sourced from memes.zikoko.com

  • We Bet You Didn’t Know The NURTW Was This Powerful

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    So you’ve probably seen members of the Nigerian Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) in action. Usually sporting their white and green uniforms, they are the independent union behind the drivers of commercial buses, tricycles and motorcycles — danfos, kekes, and okadas as they are fondly known. But what you might not know is how much the NURTW makes daily, monthly, and yearly.

    According to the International Center for Investigative Report, the Lagos State chapter of the NURTW made roughly ₦121.392 billion in 2020 alone. Yeah, e shock you. 

    Broda Shaggi - New Year Resolution - NaijaRemix

    In statements from 50 danfo drivers in 21 out of the 37 Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs) in Lagos State, NURTW’s ticket collectors, not so fondly referred to as Agberos, collect at least ₦3,000 from about 75,000 of these drivers in Lagos state alone, every day. This means that the union makes up to ₦225 million per day, ₦6.75 billion per month and roughly ₦81 billion from danfos per year.

    You’d think they’d go easier on the kekes but nope. According to the Lagos State Maritime and Transport Agency (LAMATA), there are 50,000 kekes in Lagos State. The keke riders say that the union charges them at least ₦1,800 per day. 

    Some quick maths shows us that the union makes up to ₦90 million per day, ₦2.7 billion per month and roughly ₦32.4 billion from kekes per year.

    Then there’s Okadas. There are about 37,000 okada riders in Lagos. They each pay an average of ₦600 every day to the NURTW, enriching the union with about ₦22.2 million per day, ₦666 million per month and ₦7.992 billion per year.

    So you see how we finally arrive at ₦121.392 billion in a year of Lagos State levies alone. There are some other undocumented levies from taxis, tankers and trailers, but the main gist is these people are collecting serious money

    But Is The NURTW Even Relevant?

    A union is supposed to protect the interests of its members, but it seems that may not be the case with the NURTW. When asked by Al Jazeera if a union executive protected him from police harassment, Yusuf, a keke driver in Lagos replied, “Which union? The executive was only there to talk to the policemen to negotiate the bribe. His presence only helped to reduce it.”

    In another interview with Al Jazeera, Afeez, a danfo driver in Lagos recalled that he once fought with a ticketing rep from the union who stabbed his conductor in the eye with a key because the conductor had refused to pay the “afternoon due”. 

    Professor Gbadebo Odewumi, a professor of transport at the Lagos State University concludes that “the union leaders just reap from the chaos of the system and enrich themselves”.

    What Can Be Done About The NURTW?

    The union was established in 1978 and is supposed to fight for the welfare of Nigerian drivers and road transport workers who constantly suffer abuse from security personnel like the police, traffic management and vehicle inspection officers. 

    Ideally, they should work with the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) to fight economic issues that seriously affect drivers like sudden fuel price hikes or bad roads. The dues the union collects should also be used to support its members.

    Sadly, the NURTW has been riddled with corruption, bribery, nepotism and violence ever since. 

    State governments can suspend the activities of the NURTW if they violate the rights of citizens. But there are reports that politicians use NURTW ticket reps as thugs to fight opponents and manipulate elections, and this is the reason why the NURTW remains ‘untouchable’ in many states. Some states like Oyo have already banned the union because of the frequent violence and factional clashes by its members. 

    Clearly, there’s work to be done about some of the NURTW’s activities. Unions like these must do the work they were originally created for. But until the issues are fixed, we assume the ‘fees’ will continue being collected and bus fares will continue to rise. Sorry guys.

    Image source: Unsplash

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

  • Border Closure: These Are All The Seized Items

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    On August 20th, 2019, the Federal Government of Nigeria introduced “Operation Ex-Swift Response”. The goal of the operation was to reduce insecurity through a complete closure of Nigeria’s land borders.

    In the operation, the Nigerian Customs Service (NCS), the Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS), the Armed Forces of Nigeria (AFN) the Nigerian Police Force (NPF), and the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), came together to tackle terrorism, armed banditry, smuggling, the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and other things.

    Over a year later, the Federal Government of Nigeria has now called off the operation and has consequently reopened four of Nigeria’s land borders – Seme, Illela, Maigatari and Mfun.

    Read: Border Crossings In Africa Ranked From Most To Least Stressful

    According to the Nigerian Customs Service, these are the illegal items that were seized during the course of the operation:

    1) 134,042 bags of parboiled foreign rice

    2) 9,600 bags of NPK fertilizer

    3) 1,791 vehicles

    4) 3,565,461.9 litres of petrol

    5) 5,007 drums filled with petrol

    6) 68,436.3 jerrycans of petrol

    7) 130 engine boats

    8) 847 motorcycles

    9) 17,212.6 jerrycans of vegetable oil

    10) 813 packs of Tramadol

    11) 274 bags of cannabis

    The Nigerian Customs Service also put the value of these items seized at ₦11,030,062,952.50 naira.

    Read: “Border Closure Is Only Enriching People: A Week In The Life Of A Smuggler”

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Who Are The Hisbah Corps?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    On Tuesday, December 8th 2020, Nigeria became the first democratic country to be included in the United State’s official list of Countries of Particular Concern (CPC) for 2020 — a list that curates the countries that do not allow religious freedom and expression.

    In the CPC list for 2020, Nigeria, alongsides Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, the Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK), Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan were alleged to have been engaging in “systematic, ongoing, egregious religious freedom violations”.

    Now, while this recent CPC list by the US State Department may or may not be a true picture of religious activities in Nigeria, it is important to know about some of the prominent religious institutions in Nigeria — including the hisbah corps.

    First created in Kano State, in 2003, the Hisbah Corps are now present in other Nigerian states, with many Nigerians curious about their true functions.

    The Kano State Hisbah Corps

    Hisbah is an Islamic doctrine which means “accountability”. Under Shari’ah law, Hisbah is also a collective duty which means: “to enjoin good and forbid wrong”.

    In Nigeria, the Kano State Hisbah Board Law No. 4 of 2003 and Kano State Hisbah (Amendment) Law No. 6 of 2005 established the first hisbah board in Kano State, Nigeria. 

    The general function of the Kano State Hisbah Corps, as established by the hisbah board, is to be a local and vigilante police force which will enforce obedience to Shari’ah.

    The Kano State Hisbah Corps is regulated by the hisbah board, which is composed of government officials, secular police officers, and religious leaders. The board is also made up of local units supervised by committees composed of officials and citizens in the communities in which they operate.

    The Kano State Hisbah Board started operation on the 7th November, 2003, and is composed of:

    • A representative of the state shari’ah commission;
    • A representative of state zakkah and hubusi commission;
    • A representative of the state emirate council;
    • A representative of the state civil defense corps;
    • A representative of the ministry of justice;
    • The state hisbah commander;
    • A representative of the police;
    • A representative of the office of the secretary to the state government; and
    • Four other members who are part-time members.

    What Do The Hisbah Corps Do?

    In Attorney General of Kano State v. Attorney General of the Federation (2006), a very important court case over whether the Kano State government had the power to create the hisbah board and the hisbah corps, Justice Umaru Atu Kalgo, a Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria (as at the time), stated that some of the most important duties of the Hisbah Corps include:

    (i)  rendering necessary assistance to the police and other security agencies especially in the areas of prevention, detention and reporting of offences;

    (ii) Handling non-fire-arms for self defence like batons, and other non-lethal civil defence instruments; 

    (iii)  Assisting in traffic control; and

    (xiii) Assisting in any other situation that will require the involvement of hisbah, be it preventive or detective.

    However, other duties of the Hisbah Corps include resolving disputes, condemning violators of Shari’ah, maintaining order at religious celebrations, and assisting with disaster response operations.

    The Hisbah Corps do not have authority to execute arrests and officers are armed only with weapons for self-defense, such as batons. Hisbah officers who observe violations of Shari’ah are also expected to simply alert the Nigeria Police Force. 

    Recent Controversies Trailing The Hisbah Corps

    In November 2013, the Kano State Hisbah Corps, also known as the Shari’ah police, confiscated and destroyed over 240,000 bottles of beer and alcoholic drinks, to the consternation of many alcohol retailers and distributors in the state.

    In November 2020, the Kano State Hisbah Board wrote to Cool FM, a radio station, warning it to desist from embarking on a proposed “Black Friday” sale, given that the majority of Kano state residents are muslims who consider Fridays as a holy day, and that it is a gross disrespect to the religion to tag their day of worship as “Black”.

    A few weeks ago, the Kano State hisbah board also conducted a door-to-door search of “sinners” in the state, and the board has now placed a ban on things like “stylish haircuts”, sagging of trousers, playing music at events by disk jockeys (DJs), and seizing tricycles adorned with images that are deemed un-Islamic.

    Two women are also banned from sitting on the same motorcycle.

    The Nigerian Constitution

    Section 10 of Nigeria’s constitution states that the government of the federation or of any state must not adopt any religion as state religion.

    Section 38 of the constitution also guarantees a Nigerian’s freedom of religion, including the fact that a person can change their religion at any time, and a person is entitled to engage in their religion both publicly and privately, anywhere in Nigeria.

    However, since 1999, 12 states in Nigeria have instituted the Shari’ah, or Islamic law, as the main body of their civil and criminal laws.

    It remains to be seen how Nigeria balances non-religious and religious laws in different states of the country.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Why Is Nigeria In The US’ CPC List?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    The United States government has designated Nigeria as a “country of particular concern” (CPC), for engaging in “systematic, ongoing, egregious, religious freedom violations”.

    Under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, the US can add a country that it believes engages in religious intolerance or does not allow religious freedom.

    Other countries on the “country of particular concern” list include Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan.

    Last year, Nigeria was added to the US State Department’s “Special Watch List (SWL)”, a list that is directly below the  “for governments that have engaged in or tolerated in severe violations of religious freedom.”

    Nigeria is the first democracy to be labeled a CPC for “particularly severe” violations of religious freedom, a designation that opens it up to economic sanctions.

    Special Watchlist (SWL)

    In 2019, the US State department renewed the placement of Comoros, Russia, and Uzbekistan on a Special Watch List (SWL) for governments that have engaged in or tolerated “severe violations of religious freedom,” and added Cuba, Nicaragua, Nigeria, and Sudan to this list.

    Nigeria has now been added to the “Countries of Particular Concern” (CPC) list, a list that is a bigger indicator of religious intolerance than the “Special Watchlist” (SWL) list.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Who Is Lawal Adijat of the NNPP?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Lawal Adijat Opeyemi of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) will be contesting in the Lagos East Senatorial by-elections which is scheduled to hold this Saturday, December 5, 2020.

    The by-election became a necessity after the death of Senator Bayo Osinowo earlier this year, who represented Lagos East Senatorial district, following a brief illness.

    A by-election is an election that is held to fill a vacant legislative seat when a member of the legislature has resigned or died, and their seat has been declared vacant.

    The New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) will be represented in the Lagos-East senatorial by-election by Lawal Adijat Opeyemi, who will be joined by 11 other senatorial aspirants.

    Read: Everything You Need To Know About The Upcoming By-elections

    Lawal Adijat Opeyemi

    A cursory glance at Adijat Lawal’s social media platforms highlight her plans as a Senatorial candidate.

    According to her: “Our nation needs a change in governance. She needs the forward thinking generation who are willing to follow through with their words and promises by taking positive steps towards achieving a unified goal”.

    She has also said that, if elected into office, her Senatorial office will run an open policy where citizens have access to her.

    She adds that empowering women and youths is a promise she’ll deliver on once she gets into office, and that “moving forward together is our utmost purpose”.

    Lawal Adijat Opeyemi’s Manifesto

    Lawal Adijat’s manifesto is based on two key points of: value and accomplishments.

    According to her, she values people and resources, and that she intends on making the best use of people and resources.

    On accomplishments, she says she will develop community connections, work closely with leaders and youths, and work hard at empowering and developing women, who make up 60% of her electorates. This includes market women, widows, and elderly women.

    You can keep up with Lawal Adijat Opeyemi’s campaign promises and activities on Twitter and on Instagram.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • How Does “Operation Safe Corridor” Work?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    On Sunday, November 30th, 2020, many Nigerians woke up to the sad news that over 43 rice farmers in communities near Borno State, Nigeria, had been killed by Boko Haram insurgents.

    While the government has claimed that Boko Haram has been “technically defeated”, the group continues to carry out terrorist attacks, especially in the northeastern parts of Nigeria.

    But, as the Nigerian armed forces continue to fight the insurgent group, it is important to look at some of the policies that the government has employed in the fight against Boko Haram, including the Nigerian military’s “Operation Safe Corridor (OSC)”.

    Operation Safe Corridor

    In October 2015, the Federal Government of Nigeria, through the Defence Headquarters, announced the implementation of “Operation Safe Corridor” (OSC).

    The goal of the programme was to rehabilitate Boko Haram militants and reintegrate them back into the society as law-abiding and productive citizens.

    The programme employs the tools disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) in incorporating Boko Haram militants back into the society.

    What Is DDR?

    Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) activities are part of the United Nations’ approach to peace building, disaster management and reconstruction.

    According to the UN, the DDR is a formal peace building plan for countries emerging from armed conflict, and it is implemented so that different fighting sides can build confidence and security, which is important before recovery activities can begin.

    In the case of Boko Haram, DDR was employed so as to ensure peace between the Nigerian military and the Boko Haram insurgents. 

    How Does “Operation Safe Corridor” Work?

    “Operation Safe Corridor” was created similarly to the Niger Delta Amnesty programme launched by the Nigerian government in 2009, and it involved the setting up of a special facility where repentant terrorists who surrender their arms can get rehabilitated. 

    The programme promised to offer numerous opportunities and participants were scheduled for vocational training to ease their reintegration into the society.  

    Ultimately, Operation Safe Corridor promised de-radicalization, rehabilitation, and reintegration of repentant insurgents. 

    In March 2020, it was reported that over 606 Boko Haram members were ongoing rehabilitation through the “Operation Safe Corridor” programme. In January 2018, 95 Boko Haram terrorists were also reported to have been rehabilitated and reintegrated into the society.

    In 2019, over 150 Boko Haram terrorists were also reported to be re-integrated into society and we’re being taught vocational skills.

    The Effectiveness of “Operation Safe Corridor”

    Under the Niger Delta Amnesty Programme, militants were given 60 days to lay down their arms, after which they would receive employment, monthly stipends, vocational training, and they would be re-integrated into the society.

    Over 30,000 militants and agitators gave up their weapons and were reintegrated back into the society through this program.

    But “Operation Safe Corridor” seems not to have recorded the same level of success that the Niger Delta Presidential Amnesty Programme recorded in restoring peace to the community.

    How Can “Operation Safe Corridor” Be Implemented?

    Many stakeholders have given their opinions on how the government can implement  “Operation Safe Corridor”. Some of these include:

    • The roadmap for integrating defecting Boko Haram members must include all stakeholders like the government, NGOs, religious and traditional institutions and the the military.
    • An effective communication system must be put in place between the communities, the government and the security agencies.
    • Other perpetrators of violence and Boko Haram insurgents must be brought to justice. The program must not overshadow the fight against Boko Haram.
    • The programme must emphasise community building, and the traditional institutions in the affected communities must be strengthened.

    At the end of it all, it remains to be seen how effective “Operation Safe Corridor” will be in the fight against Boko Haram, given that terrorist attacks continue to happen in Nigeria.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Who Is Adeoye Mercy Abosede of The AAC?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Adeoye Mercy Abosede of the African Action Congress will be contesting in the Lagos East Senatorial bye-elections which is scheduled to hold this Saturday, December 5, 2020.

    The by-election became a necessity after Senator Bayo Osinowo, who represented Lagos East Senatorial district at the senatedied died following a brief illness.

    A by-election is an election that is held to fill a vacant legislative seat when a member of the legislature has resigned or died, and their seat has been declared vacant.

    The African Action Congress will be represented in the Lagos-East senatorial by-election by Adeoye Mercy Abosede, who will be joined by 11 other senatorial aspirants.

    Read: Everything You Need To Know About The Upcoming By-elections

    Adeoye Mercy Abosede of the AAC

    Adeoye Mercy Abosede’s short biography on Twitter says that she is “a vibrant teacher, public spirited, compassionate, humble and a God fearing politician”.

    A cursory glance of her timeline on the social networking site also shows that she is passionate about “gender-equality and an all-inclusive legislative process”, which she says will guarantee equity and fairness.

    She also concludes she is an “ambassador of trust” who is campaigning on the platform of the African Action Congress, and that a vote for her is a vote for the youths. No

    You can watch an extensive interview on the role of women and youths in Nigerian politics here:

    Read: All The Candidates In The Bayelsa By-election

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • 7 Buhari Campaign Videos That Will Vex You

    President Muhammadu Buhari rode to office on the major campaign promise that his administration will put a final end to the Boko Haram insurgency. However, on Sunday, November 9th 2020, many Nigerians woke up to the news that suspected Boko Haram insurgents had killed more than 43 rice farmers in Garin Kwashebe, a rice farming community in Borno State, Nigeria.

    If anything, Nigerians are tired and want to see a fulfilment of those campaign promises, even after the presidency and many other political leaders have issued a plethora of statements condemning the brazen murder.

    In this article, we curated 7 of President Buhari’s campaign promises about fighting Boko Haram and wonder why none of it has been fulfilled. Truly, men lie, politicians lie a lot, but men who are politicians are better liars than Lucifer.

    1. #CrushBH

    It’s the fist that became a thumb for me.

    2. “Allow Me Prove To You”

    “My lord, please may I? If I may, my lord”.

    3. “The Biggest Sponsor of Boko Haram Is The Federal Government Itself”

    https://twitter.com/Imran_Tela/status/1333349093184253952

    Hmm…

    4. “Shall We Continue In This Situation?”

    https://twitter.com/Kenny2kool2/status/1333237061730578432

    Nobody:

    Me: Dear Google, are we still continuing in that situation?

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    5. “I Will Not Allow Problems To Irresponsibly Fester”

    Omo x 1 billion zillion

    6. “How Can We Allow The Cowards of Boko Haram To Take Over Any Part of This Country?”

    Hmmm…

    7. This Is The Real Video Vexing Me!

    …and who owns that baritone voice used in the voice over?! Draft him to Borno State, now!

    Read: The Soldier Fighting For Country At ₦250k/Month

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • #EndSARS: What The Nigerian Army’s Testimony Means

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    The Nigerian Army has shared their testimony twice at the Lagos State Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses.

    At Zikoko Citizen, we have been following the “Lagos SARS panel” ever since the panel was inaugurated, and we have also been present at the panel hearing on the two occasions that the Nigerian Army has testified.

    In this article, we will explain what exactly the Army’s new testimonies mean, including the impact of these testimonies for those who seek justice for victims of the #LekkiMassacre.

    Read: The Nigerian Military Has A History of Killing Unarmed Civilians

    November 14, 2020 – Day 1

    The first time a representative of the Nigerian Army was called to testify at the Lagos State Panel on Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses was on November 14, 2020.

    On that day, Brigadier-General Ahmed Ibrahim Taiwo, the Director of Information testified on behalf of the Nigerian Army to the proceedings of the night of 20th October, 2020.

    He began by stating that it is unfortunate that the unrest that has happened in Lagos since the #EndSARS protests has been limited to the Lekki events. He added that the Army decided to intervene in the protests because hoodlums had hijacked the protests in many parts of Nigeria, killing policemen and burning police stations, and even resorting to cannibalism.

    He stated that the situation was like the Liberian civil war where different forces were resorting to force were bandits and warring parties where total chaos had descended on the society and warring parties were burning and killing themselves.

    He stated that it is this terrible situation of things that prompted the Lagos State government to call the Armed Forces by 12pm on 20th October 2020 to intervene in the situation in Lagos.

    He continued, saying that the critical situation made the Governor of Lagos State, Babajide Sanwo-Olu to impose a curfew in Lagos, starting by 4pm, so that the streets would be free of hoodlums.

    He stated that when the governor changed the curfew time from 4pm to 9pm, he did not communicate it to the Nigerian Army.

    On the night of 20th October 2020, Brigadier Taiwo stated that the Nigerian Army officers of the 65 battalions joined with the officers of the 85 division garrison to secure Epe, Badore, Sangotedo and Lekki axis.

    He maintained that the Nigerian Army did not use live rounds against peaceful protesters.

    November 21, 2020 – Day 2

    On this day, The panel hearing for the testimony of the Nigerian Army continued.

    The hearing on this day focused on the video footage of the events of the night of 20th October, 2020, as provided by the Lekki Concession Company (LCC).

    The LCC video is played, but the video has no audio. The video showed how the Nigerian Army arrived at the scene of the protests.

    Lawyers to the Lagos State government take turns in cross-examining the Brigadier-General Taiwo of the Nigerian Army, who maintains that the Nigerian Army did not fire live rounds at protesters even after video evidence of people talking about the Army firing bullets at protesters was played to him.

    The panel sitting eventually adjourned with the panel promising to summon other officers of the Nigerian Army if need be.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • All The Candidates In The Cross River By-Election

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    There will be by-elections in Cross River and some states other in Nigeria on December 5, 2020, and we’re counting down to the elections. We have written about everything you need to know about the by-elections and all the candidates in the Bayelsa West and Central Senatorial by-election.

    In Cross River state, the death of Senator Rose Oko, who represented Cross River North Senatorial District, on March 24th 2020, meant that there was the need for a by-election to fill her vacant seat. This article is a curation of all the candidates who will be battling to fill her seat in the Cross River North Senatorial by-election.

    Read: Everything You Need To Know About The Upcoming By-Elections

    1) Liop Ebbi Kenneth – Action Alliance (AA)

    2) Aduma Ohutu Sunday – African Action Congress (AAC)

    3) Gregory Agam – African Democratic Congress (ADC)

    Deacon Gregory Agam was voted in through a delegates primary election to represent African Democratic Congress in the Cross River North Senatorial by-election scheduled for December 5, 2020.

    He has been described as a man of great integrity and love for his people

    4) Joey Odey Agi – All Progressives Congress (APC)

    Joe Odey Agi is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) who will be representing the All Progressives Congress in the forthcoming senatorial by-election in Cross River

    Agi scored 113,229 votes to emerge winner of the primary election and defeat his closest rival, Professor Zana Akpagu, who scored 8,635 votes.

    5) Ogbeche Rock Ongro – Allied People’s Movement (APM)

    6) Beatrice Ekpeh Edrah – New Nigeria People’s Party (NPP)

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    7) Stephen Adi Odey – People’s Democratic Party (PDP)

    Stephen Odey is the chairman of the Cross River State Universal Basic Education Board. He won 450 votes at the PDP primary election to emerge flagbearer of the party, over Honourable Jarigbe Agom who scored 90 votes.

    8) Gabriel Abbas Abuashe – Social Democratic Party (SDP)

    This is the concluding part of an article endorsing him on Facebook:

    Abuashe is representing Cross River North in the red chamber and we must all come together and vote for him come October 31. With Abuashe, sanity will return to Cross River State politics: they will be free scholarship for our teaming youths who have lost their hopes of furthering their education to tertiary institutions: they will be women empowerment scheme for both young and old: they will be quick intervention on the rehabilitation of our educational and health facilities across the northern senatorial districts and they shall be grass-root and participatory governance.Vote Abuashe! Vote Performance!! Vote SDP!!!

    9) Francis Agaba – Young Progressive Party (YPP)

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • All The Candidates In The Bayelsa By-Election

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    A few weeks, ago we wrote about the by-elections that will be taking place on December 5, 2020, including the most important things you need to know.

    In addition to that, we will be writing about the candidates in the Bayelsa West and Bayelsa Central senatorial by-elections. This is because it is important for you to have a good knowledge of the candidates in the forthcoming by-election in Bayelsa state, so that you can vote more wisely.

    Read: Everything You Need To Know About The Upcoming By-Elections

    1) Bayelsa Central Senatorial Election Final List of Candidates

    This is the final list of candidates for the Bayelsa Central senatorial election:

    1. Lokoja James Pere of the Accord Party (AP)
    2. Franklin Bodiseowei of the Action Alliance (AA)
    3. Azi Flint Munanyo of the African Democratic Congress (ADC)
    4. Abel Ebi Femowei of the All Progressives Congress (APC)
    5. Abson Abalaba of the Allied People’s Movement (APM)
    6. Preye Watson Kosuowei of the All People’s Party (APP)
    7. Efamughe Tunimibofa of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP)
    8. Bolere Elizabeth Ketebu of the National Rescue Movement (NRM)
    9. Cleopas Moses Zuwoghe of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)
    10. Dauzuo Fawei Young of the Social Democratic Party (SDP)
    11. Ayah Enetimi of the Young Progressive Party (YPP)
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    2) Bayelsa West Senatorial By-Election Final List of Candidates

    1. Pereabe Tonbra of the Accord Party (AP)
    2. Omulala Pius of the Action Alliance (AA)
    3. Paleowei Ezebri William of the African Action Congress (AAC)
    4. Paleowei Eretonghan Famous of the African Democratic Congress (ADC)
    5. Oweifabo Felix Ebikemefa of the African Democratic Party (ADP)
    6. Peremobowe I Ebebi of the All Progressives Congress (APC)
    7. Dennis Enebi Micheal of the Allied People’s Movement (APM)
    8. Orlando Salo of the All People’s Party (APP)
    9. Hawkins T Numofe of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP)
    10. Amgbare Kenewenemo R Kenny of the National Rescue Movement (NRM)
    11. Henry Seriake Dickson of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)
    12. Ariweriyai Tokoni Sylvester of the Social Democratic Party (SDP)
    13. Sunny Pere Agadabiri of the Young Progressive Party (YDP)

    3) How can you find your polling unit in the by-elections?

    A polling unit is where a person can register to vote, or is registered to vote. 

    You can locate your polling unit using INEC’s Polling Unit Locator Tool.

    It is advisable that your polling unit is very near to your residence because of the restricted movement on election days. 

    If you have also relocated to another place outside the where you initially registered, you will have to transfer your registration to a polling unit within your new area of residence as you cannot vote in a polling unit without prior registration.

    You can transfer your registration by following the guidelines on the INEC website. However, you must do so at least 60 days before an election.

    Read: The Zikoko Guide To Getting Your PVC

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • How The UK Human Rights Regulation Works

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Yesterday, November 24th 2020, the UK parliament, at the Westminister Hall debated e-petition 554150, relating to Nigeria and the sanctions regime. The debate was led by Theresa Villiers MP, and it suggested sanctions for members of the Nigerian Government and police officers who have been involved in human rights abuses.

    The parliamentary debate has generated a lot of of controversy in Nigeria, especially given the way and manner that the Nigerian government and the Nigerian Army have gone about debunking their involvement in the shootings at Lekki, Lagos on the night of 20th October, 2020.

    Read: Lekki Massacre: What CNN’s New Report Means

    Given the highly charged nature of the recent EndSARS protests and the latest involvement of the UK government in the human rights abuses that continue to happen in Nigeria, we decided to explain how the UK Human Rights Sanctions Regulations actually works.

    The UK Global Human Rights Sanctions Regulations

    The UK Global Human Rights Sanctions Regulations was established on July 6, 2020. The sanctions in the regulations are supposed to provide accountability for activities which amounts to serious violations of human rights.

    The sanctions apply to people who acted by or on behalf of a country, within the territory of that country. These people will be listed and their accounts could be frozen or a travel ban could be imposed on them, in a bid to promote accountability.

    How Do The Regulations Work?

    1. Activity

    Section 4 of the Regulation provides that the regulation is to deter and provide accountability for actions falling within Paragraph 2.

    The activity covered under paragraph 2 include actions that deny another person’s:

    • Right to life
    • Right not to be subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment,
    • Right to be free from slavery, not to be held in servitude or required to perform forced or compulsory labour, whether or not the activity is carried out by or on behalf a State.

    Under, Section 4(3), an activity falls within paragraph 2 if it is carried out –

    • outside the United Kingdom by any person;
    • In the United Kingdom by a person who is not a United Kingdom person.
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    2. Designation

    Under the regulation, the Secretary of State may designate a person for the purpose of asset freeze or immigration ban.

    For the UK Secretary of State to designate a person, there must be reasonable ground to believe that the person is involved in the activities which the UK is trying to prohibit.

    An involved person is someone who has been involved in the activity that is prohibited or is owned or controlled directly by a person who has been involved, or is associated with a person who has been involved.

    Also, an involved person can either be responsible for such activity, promote such activity, hide evidence of such activity, provide financial support to people involved in such activity or assists in a way to the carrying out of such activity.

    3. Asset Freeze

    Section 11 of the Regulations talks about asset freeze.

    Under it, no person must deal with funds or economic resources owned, held or controlled by a designated person if the person knows that a designated person is dealing in such funds or economic resources.

    A person who goes ahead to deal with such funds is guilty of a crime and commits an offence.

    This means that people who are listed will not have access to their funds or economic resources in the UK.

    4. Immigration

    Under Section 17 of the Act, a person who is designated under Section 5 of the Regulations, by the Secretary of State is excluded for the purposes of immigration to the United Kingdom, under Section 8b of the Immigration Act of 1973.

    In all, it is clear that human rights violations in Nigeria are fast gaining global attention. Recall that just last week, the CNN released a report that detailed happenings at the #LekkiMassacre on the night of 20th October 2020, using time stamps and data location pulled from the videos earlier sent to it.

    We can only hope that justice is served with regards to every case of police brutality and human rights abuses in Nigeria. After all, we are tired.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Why Is Nigeria In A Recession?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Recession, palliative, ad-hoc committee, ultra-modern, bistro — you can’t claim to be a Nigerian if you’ve never heard these words. They are so popular, we wrote about them.

    Speaking of recession, on Saturday, November 22nd, 2020, the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics reported that Nigeria’s GDP (Gross Domestic Product) reduced by 3.62% from September to October 2020 (Q3 2020). The economy had reduced by 6.10% from April to June 2020 (in Q2 2020), all of which led to the report that Nigeria is now in an economic recession.

    A recession is a decline in economic activity for a few months. Usually, when many businesses in a country lose money instead of make profits for six months, economists declare that the country is in a recession. In Nigeria’s case, our trade, financial and manufacturing activity have reduced in six months — which means that the country is officially in a recession.

    It is usually rare for a country’s economy to decline for two or more consecutive quarters, or over six months, but since 1960, Nigeria has entered into recessions only four times — in 1983, 1987, 2016 and 2020.

    The curious thing, though, is that most of these recessions are usually linked to the low oil prices. Because 90% of Nigeria’s foreign revenue is gotten from oil, 80% of our export is crude oil and over 50% of all the money the federal government makes is also gotten from oil, any time the price of oil reduces, it badly affects Nigeria’s economy.

    In 2020, COVID-19 has affected economic activity badly. For instance, China, Nigeria’s biggest oil importer, implemented large scale lockdowns in January, 2020. This meant that Chinese factories were not working, neither was any travel or economic activity that seriously required crude oil happening in China. Meaning that China had no need to import Nigeria’s crude oil.

    Because of the low demand of crude oil from China and many other countries, oil prices fell to $28, and even less —  some of the lowest oil prices in history. All of which meant that Nigeria’s federal government had less revenue to balance the budget and pay for critical development activities. 

    Worse, because oil sales are conducted in dollars, low oil prices also meant that Nigeria could not generate enough foreign currency, which ended up affecting Nigerian business people who wanted to import goods from other countries. This meant a higher cost of importing goods into Nigeria, which led to a higher price of goods or “inflation“.

    Read: Nigeria’s Economy Shrank 6% From April To June. What Does That Mean?

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    Nigeria’s Recession In The 1980s

    Again, it is important to note that this is Nigeria’s economic fourth recession since 1960, most of which is usually inextricably tied, one way or the other, to globally low oil prices.

    In 1980, global oil prices collapsed as it has in 2020, and because the Nigerian government was spending lavishly in the 1970s, the oil price fall of the 1980s affected the government’s revenues.

    With the fall in oil price, Nigeria quickly entered into a recession. The government was making little money and there was no foreign exchange to pay for Nigeria’s imports. All of this led to an economic crisis, which included high unemployment, the government’s inability to pay its debts, a foreign exchange shortage, and so on.

    In 1986, General Ibrahim Babangida’s government decided to reject an IMF (International Monetary Fund) loan proposal. Instead, he adopted a modified variant of the transitional Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), which was designed and implemented by Nigerians. The World Bank also supported the policy with a $450 million trade and export diversification loan.

    The objectives of this modified Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) was to:

    • Restructure and diversify the productive base of Nigeria’s economy so as to reduce dependency on the oil sector;
    • Reduce the amount Nigeria paid for imports while increasing how much we exported;
    • Reduce inflation in the country i.e the high cost of prices of goods.

    The GDP growth objectives for 1987 was set at 3-4%, while inflation was supposed to reduce to 9%. 

    The government decided to go about this modified Structural Adjustment Programme by:

    • Adopting measures to boost domestic production of goods;
    • Setting up of a “Second-Tier Foreign Exchange Market” where foreign exchange would be traded without government control;
    • Eliminating price control and commodity boards;
    • Reducing control of interest rates;
    • Reducing public sector enterprises and reducing public sector workers.

    The government also introduced “relief packages” like the Urban Mass Transit Programme of 1988, the People’s and Community Banks of 1989, the Directorate of Food, Road and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI), the Better Life for Rural Dwellers Programme of 1989, amongst others.

    However, as of 1995, the modified Structural Adjustment Programme showed mixed results. The programme was shown to have brought few tangible results to the people, and the poor implementation and execution of the programme meant that it did not achieve what it set out to achieve.

    Nigeria’s 2020 recession

    Nigeria’s 2020 recession is not unconnected from the impact of the COVID-19 lockdowns that have reduced economic activity for a considerable part of the year.

    Several countries are currently facing economic recessions because of COVID-19 and the consequent lockdowns. 

    However, one way to reduce Nigeria’s exposure to recession is to reduce the overdependence on crude oil sales, which currently accounts for over 65% of our revenue and over 90% of our foreign exchange earnings. The Structural Adjustment Programme of the 1980s set out to achieve this independence from oil sales and “structurally adjust” the economy of the country, but it achieved mixed results, at best.

    Going forward, Nigeria must diversify its economy from crude oil sales. By growing other sectors, especially agriculture, information technology, maritime, transportation, aviation, solid minerals and entertainment, Nigeria can withstand economic shocks better. 

    Read: Should Nigeria Keep Paying For Petrol Subsidy?

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • This Is How You Should Be Arrested By The Nigerian Police

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    The Nigerian police is ranked as one of the worst in the world, and the Nigerian society is notable for widespread human rights abuses. In your house or outside it, you’re always a moment away from having your rights abused by the police in Nigeria.

    After the #EndSARS protests, the Nigerian police have ramped up arrests of people who are perceived to be the arrowheads of the protests. Typically, the Nigerian police round people up through whatever means necessary and then whisk a person off to a far-away place where they have no access to their friends, family or lawyer.

    Here, we explain the relevant law in criminal administration in Nigeria, the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (2015), and the important things the Nigerian police should do when they arrest you or want to have you arrested. 

    Of course, whether the Nigerian police actually does these things is another matter entirely.

    You:

    Nigerian police:

    Here are 11 rights the Nigerian police must consider when they have you arrested as enshrined in the law :

    1) Use of handcuffs 

    You cannot be handcuffed unless you have attempted to escape or it is necessary to handcuff you for your safety, or by an order of the court. (Section 5)

    2) Notification of arrest

    The police officer or anyone making the arrest must notify you of the reason for your arrest, except you were arrested while committing an offence, after committing an offence or after you escaped from a police custody. (Section 6 (1).

    3) Right to a legal practitioner 

    The police officer making the arrest or the police officer in charge of a police station must inform you of your right to remain silent or to avoid answering any question until after you meet a legal practitioner or anyone of your choice.

    They must also inform you of your right to consult a legal practitioner before making, endorsing or writing any statement or answering any question that has been put to you.

    They must also notify you of free legal representation by the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria, in the case where you are unable to afford a lawyer.

    Also, the police or security authorities who are in charge of the custody where you have been arrested must notify your next of kin or relative of your arrest, and you don’t have to pay anything for this service. Section 6 (2).

    4) Arresting another person

    Nobody can be arrested in place of another suspect. 

    This means that the police cannot arrest your friend or family member cannot be arrested in your place. (Section 7).

    5) Treatment with dignity

    You must be treated with dignity and humanely while in the custody of the police or whoever has arrested you. Section 8 (1)

    This means that you must be treated with respect as a human being, and not as a slave or a property.

    6) Arrest for a civil wrong

    You cannot be arrested by the police for a civil wrong or a breach of contract. Section 8 (2).

    A civil wrong is something that you have done to someone else that affects their rights, like noise pollution. 

    A breach of contract is when you fail to fulfill your end of a bargain with another person.

    7) Arraignment or release

    You must be brought to court in accordance with the provisions of the law or be released conditionally or unconditionally. Section 8 (3).

    8) Search of an arrested suspect

    In the case that you have been arrested, whoever is arresting you may search you using the force that is necessary, but the person must safely keep all the properties found on you, except the clothes you’re wearing. (Section 9).

    The search must also be conducted decently, and it must be done by a person who is of the same sex as you, except where it is urgent to conduct the search and a person of your gender is not around.

    9. An inventory of everything recovered from you

    Once you have been arrested and the items on you have been taken away by the police, the police must record everything taken away from you in an inventory, and the inventory is not invalidated even if you fail to sign it.

    You can direct that your lawyer or any other person should be given a copy of the inventory, and the police can release your properties to you before you are charged to court.

    The police must also return all your properties to you once they have found that you are not guilty of the offence you were being charged for. (Section 10)

    10. You can only be arrested without a warrant where:

    • a police officer suspects strongly that you have committed an offence against the laws of Nigeria or against the laws of another country.
    • the offence was committed right in the presence of the police officer.
    • you have obstructed a police officer in the conduct of his duty, or you have attempted to escape or have escaped from custody.
    • a stolen property is found on you or a property that may appear as if it was stolen was found on you.
    • a police officer suspects that you ran away as a deserter from one of the armed forces in Nigeria.
    • if a police officer suspects that you have committed a crime outside Nigeria that warrants that you are arrested in Nigeria.
    • you are in a situation where you have to prove that you did not break into a house, steal a car or be in possession of any dangerous weapon.
    • the police officer believes that a court has issued a warrant for your arrest.
    • the police officer believes that you are hiding your identity because you want to commit an offence.
    • your warrant of arrest has been issued, or a Judge, Magistrate or a superior police officer has directed the police officer to arrest you.
    • the police officer believes that you are trying to commit an offence and arresting you without warrant is necessary to prevent you from committing the offence. (Section 18)

    11) Notification of offence and access to communication

    Once you have been arrested, with or without a warrant, the police must take you to a police station and inform you of your crime in the language that you understand.

    The police must also give you reasonable time to obtain legal advice, to communicate with your family and friends on how you can meet the bail conditions and how you can make arrangements for your defence or release. (Section 14)

    12) Recording of arrests

    Within 48 hours of your arrest, whether you have been been arrested with or without a warrant, the police or any other security agency arresting you must take a record of your:

    • alleged offence;
    • the date and circumstance of the arrest;
    • your full name, occupation and residential address;
    • your identification records, which includes your height, your photograph, your full fingerprint impressions, and any other means of identifying you. (Section 15).

    These are just some of the things you must know when the police arrest you. It is important that the police treat you with care and follow the law as you remain innocent until a court of law has proven that you are guilty. Hence, your rights must not be trampled upon.

    For more on the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (2015) and how criminal processes should be embarked upon in Nigeria, read here.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Lekki Massacre: What CNN’s New Report Means

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Some Nigerians were still rolling in their bed this morning, trying to pick up pieces of their lives after the Lekki Massacre, when CNN Africa sent shockwaves through Nigeria’s part of the Internet. 

    In a brilliant collation of all the videos that have trended over the #LekkiMassacre, mixed with excellent investigative reportage that made use of video time stamp and geo-locations, CNN Africa detailed how the Nigerian Army left their base at the Bonny camp at exactly 6:29 pm, before going ahead to shoot live rounds at peaceful protesters who were stationed at the Lekki toll-gate, as opposed to shooting in the air, according to the Nigerian Army’s own accounts.

    https://twitter.com/CNNAfrica/status/1328974584511606789?s=19

    Read: The Nigerian Army Has A History of Killing Unarmed Civilians

    The Importance of CNN Africa’s Report

    The Nigerian Army arriving at the other side of the Lekki toll-gate

    A live round from the Nigerian Army directed at peaceful protesters

    The Nigerian Army and the Lagos State government have maintained different positions during the course of this event.

    On the morning of October 21st, 2020, the Governor called the night of the Lekki shooting the “toughest night of our lives”, and that it was done by “forces beyond our direct control”.

    The governor meant that he didn’t order the shootings, nor did he invite the Nigerian Army to the Lekki toll-gate, the scene of the protests.

    Shortly after, the Nigerian Army tagged the news as fake news, saying that it was not present at the scene.

    At the Lagos State Judicial Panel sitting over the weekend, the Nigerian Army claimed that it was present at the scene but that it only fired blank shots in the air at the Lekki protests, and that it did not fire live rounds at protesters.

    The Army has also claimed that it was invited to the scene of the Lekki protests by the Lagos State governor and that the governor’s continued denial that he did not invite them does not speak well.

    In all, there has been no consensus on who ordered the shootings, including whether peaceful protesters were truly shot at, until the emergence of CNN Africa’s investigative report.

    This report is very important being that it confirms that live rounds were shot at protesters, and that there were serious casualties by virtue of the indiscriminate and reckless shootings from the Nigerian Army.

    What Is The Next Step?

    There are a couple of investigations that are currently ongoing, are soon to begin, which center around the shootings at the Lekki toll-gate on the night of October 20, 2020.

    The Lagos State Judicial Panel on Inquiry and Restitution for victims of SARS Brutality and the Lekki Toll-gate Incident is currently holding, and it remains to be seen if the Nigerian Army will be found guilty for events at the Lekki toll-gate.

    Also, UK Parliament is set to debate a petition to “Implement sanctions against the Nigerian Government and officials” over events at the Lekki Massacre. 

    https://twitter.com/manmustwack/status/1329008367096967174?s=19

    And, The International Criminal Court (ICC) could still investigate the shootings at the Lekki Massacre.

    Read: Can The International Criminal Court Prosecute The Nigerian Military?

    In all of this, one thing is certain: CNN Africa’s new report has blown open, again, the events of the night of 20th, October 2020, in Lekki, Lagos.

    Let’s hope justice will eventually be served. From somewhere, anywhere.

    Read: All The Times Nigeria Has Killed Peaceful Protesters

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Eromosele “Eromz” Adene’s Case: Everything You Need To Know

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    If you don’t know about Eromosle “Eromz” Adene’s case, well you should. The arrest of the 27-year old musician and philanthropist has generated a lot of controversy across social media, with opinions and counter opinions on how horrible the Nigerian society is, and why the Nigerian government cannot keep abusing human rights while getting away with it.

    In case you need a complete breakdown of when, why and how Eromosele Adene was arrested by Nigeria’s police authorities, this article should be helpful.

    Read: 7 Times Nigeria Has Killed Peaceful Protesters

    November 7, 2020

    On November 10, Eromosele Adene’s sister, Onomene Adene, spoke to ChannelsTv’s Sunrise Daily, where she narrated how her brother was arrested by unnamed policemen.

    She stated that at around 7 am on Saturday 7th November 2020 she received a call from a man who stated that he formerly attended the same church with her and that he had a parcel for her dad, who was the pastor of the church.

    On leaving her house, Eromosele’s sister stated that she realised she didn’t recognise the man and that the “parcel” he claimed he had for her dad was a black nylon bag containing some items, after which she knew something was wrong.

    The man and other policemen, led by one Hamzat who is a Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP) insisted that she should take them to her brother on the claim that they bought commodities from Eromosele Adene, and that he failed to deliver the commodities after they had paid into his Zenith bank account.

    She stated that the policemen took her brother way when they got to him and that they kept claiming the arrest was about a commodities business, even when Eromosele Adene’s lawyer joined them at the house, and that it was not until they got to the police station that the police revealed that the arrest was related to the #EndSARS protests. Some social media users later claimed that he was detained at Area F police station, Ikeja, Lagos.

    November 8, 2020

    On this day, it was revealed that Eromosele Adene was transferred to Area F police station, Ikeja, to the Commissioner of Police’s office in GRA, Ikeja to Panti police station and then back to Area F police station because of space constraints.

    November 9, 2020

    On November 9, it was revealed that Eromosele Adene had been transferred to Abuja.

    In another update given on social media, FK Abudu stated that a group of lawyers were working hard on securing Ermosele Adene’s bail.

    November 15, 2020

    Eromosele Adene was transferred back to Lagos on the night of Sunday, November 15th, 2020, at around 9 pm to the Lagos State Police Command, Ikeja, so that he could appear before a Magistrate Court in Lagos. However, his family and lawyers say that the police did not notify them of the move to transfer Eromosele Adene back to Lagos.

    November 16, 2020

    On this day, Eromosele Adene was finally arraigned at a Magistrate Court in Lagos. He was charged with the offences of: criminal incitement, cyber stalking, provoking breach of public peace, and conduct likely to cause breach of peace.

    The magistrate, O. Salawu, adjourned the hearing till November 17 because she felt threatened by the media.

    November 17, 2020

    On November 17, 2020, Eromosele Adene was arraigned before the Yaba Magistrates Court amidst a heavy police presence.

    His lawyer states that he has been in police detention for 10 days and that his freedom should not depend on the time it takes for the police to investigate him.

    Eromosele Adene was finally granted bail. The bail was set at ₦1 million with two sureties of ₦1 million naira each. One of the sureties must own property and they must both be taxpayers.

    Read: 5 “Normal Things” The Nigerian Police Can Arrest You For

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • What Is The Function of A Local Government In Nigeria?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    A local government is an important part of governance in Nigeria. Local governments supplement the work of the federal government and the 36 state governments by administering a particular area.

    However, many Nigerians always complain about the federal government and state governments while ignoring that there is also a local government.

    In fact, if many local governments in Nigeria do their jobs more effectively, then Nigeria would be a better place. They are the government closest to the people and can ensure the maintenance of many public facilities that are crucial to the lives of the average Nigerian, like public markets and many other public utilities.

    Read: Dino Melaye Wrote A Book About Corruption And We Just Have Some Questions

    Laws Guiding Local Governments In Nigeria 

    Section 1(6) of Nigeria’s constitution states that “There shall be 768 Local Government Areas in Nigeria, and six area councils as shown in Part 2 of that schedule.” This is interpreted to mean that Nigeria has 774 local governments.

    Furthermore, section 8 of the constitution explains that the system of local government councils is guaranteed in Nigeria, and every state in Nigeria must enact a law that provides for the establishment, structure, composition, finance and function of such councils.

    Functions of a Local Government In Nigeria

    Under the fourth schedule of Nigeria’s constitution, the main functions of a local government council in Nigeria include:

    • consideration and the making of a recommendation to the state commission on economic planning, or any other similar body on the economic development of the state as they affect the local government;
    • collection of rates, radio and television licences;
    • establishment and maintenance of cemeteries, burial grounds and homes for the homeless or sick;
    • licensing of bicycles, trucks, canoes, wheel-barrows and carts;
    • establishment, maintenance and regulation of slaughter-houses, slaughter slabs, markets, motor parks and public conveniences;
    • construction and maintenance of roads, street lightings, drains and other public highways, gardens, open spaces or such other public facilities as prescribed from time to time by the House of Assembly of a state;
    • The naming of roads and streets and numbering of houses;
    • provision and maintenance of public conveniences, sewage and refuse disposal facilities;
    • registration of all births, deaths and marriages;
    • assessment of privately owned houses for property taxes and for other purposes as may the prescribed by the House of Assembly of a state;
    • control and regulation of:
    • outdoor advertising and hoarding;
    • movement and keeping of pets of all description;
    • shops and kiosks;
    • restaurants, bakeries and other places for sale of food to the public;
    • laundries; and
    • licensing, regulation and control of the sale of liquor.

    Furthermore, section 2 of the fourth schedule of the constitution describes the general functions of a local government in partnership with the state government to include:

    • provision and maintenance of primary, adult and vocational education;
    • development of agriculture and natural resources, except the exploitation of mineral resources;
    • provision and maintenance of health services; and
    • other functions that may be given to it by the House of Assembly of a state.

    Read: What Is Your Local Government Chairman’s Name?

    Some Facts About Local Governments In Nigeria

    Obio-Akpor local government in Rivers State is described as the richest local government in Nigeria, followed by Ikeja local government area in Lagos State. Obio-Akpor is one of the leading economic zones in Nigeria with a huge deposit of oil, gas and mineral resources, while Ikeja local government in Lagos state is home to one of Nigeria’s biggest international airport and the largest shopping mall in Lagos – the Ikeja City Mall.

    Other notable local governments in Nigeria are the Lagos Island local government, the Bonny Island local government and the Abuja municipal local government.

    Also, local governments in Nigeria are funded through the Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) disbursement, which is shared monthly to the federal, state and local governments in Nigeria. 

    However, many local governments in Nigeria are still non-functional, and it hard to really feel their impact on the day-to-day lives of many Nigerians.

    Going by this, it is clear that a local government plays a very important role in governance in Nigeria. If local governments in Nigeria are efficient, then there is no doubt that life will get better for the average Nigerian. Nigerians must therefore pay attention to reforming local government and voting in the best local government administrators so that public infrastructure can improve and quality of life for the average Nigerian can also improve.

    Quiz: What Do You Know About Local Government In Nigeria?

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • 5 “Normal Things” The Nigerian Police Can Arrest You For

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    “Park! You’re guilty of reckless carriage of a heavy load condensed as two trunks right in between your back and your legs, something like an ukwu!”

    Okay, the Nigerian police shouldn’t arrest you for that. But these are 5 things that can actually land you in court:

    1. Witchcraft

    E shock you? You didn’t know witchcraft is a crime in a country that sucks your blood? LMAO.

    Well, according to Nigeria’s criminal code, a person who presents themself as a witch either through their statements or their actions is guilty of a misdemeanour and is liable to an imprisonment term of 2 years.

    Wahala, truly, is a Christmas gift in the form of a bicycle.

    2. Jacitation of Marriage

    Jacitation of marriage is an old action in English law where a person can obtain a court order to stop another person from falsely claiming that they are married to them.

    Well, Nigeria’s Matrimonial Causes Act recognises it, too. If someone falsely claims that they are married to another person, they are actually guilty of this civil offence.

    I wonder how many Yoruba men are licking their lips at this law.

    3. Breach of Promise of Marriage

    Still on marriage. Do you know that if you promise to marry someone and you eventually fail to, the person can has reasonable grounds to sue you to court for “breach of promise of marriage”?

    I’m not making it up. In Ezeanah v. Atta, the court said that once there is the promise of marriage and a party fails to fulfil it, the person is guilty of civil wrong.

    Quiz: Are You Marriage Material?

    4. Painting Your Car In “Army Green”

    Painting your car in “army green” is an offence punishable with 6 months imprisonment in Nigeria. This is a law stated in the Army Colour (Prohibition) Act.

    5. Murder

    This is not an offence but an exception. You cannot be found guilty of the death of a person if the death occurred after a year and a day of your action, as stated in the criminal code act.

    Why? The logic is that whatever you did to kill someone must have expired after one year and a day of your action.

    Read: If How To Get Away With Murder Were A Nigerian Show

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Let Us Explain Blaid Construction Ltd v. Access Bank

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Access bank is no stranger to court cases relating to “Post No Debit” (PND) orders, and we will explain so in this article.

    On November 4, 2020, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) obtained an order from a Federal High Court in Abuja that empowered it to freeze the bank accounts of 20 individuals and organisations linked to the #EndSARS protests, stating that the court that the bank accounts might be operated by terrorists.

    But, while the order and the subsequent action by the commercial banks, including Access Bank, to freeze the respective bank accounts has stirred a lot of controversies, including a boycott of the “Lagos Judicial Panel on Inquiry and Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses and Lekki Toll Gate Incident” that held last Saturday, 7th November 2020, there are newer cases brewing.

    What Should Have Happened?

    The ideal story should be that the CBN obtained an ex-parte order from a Federal High Court in Abuja to “freeze” the accounts of 20 individuals and organizations linked to the #EndSARS protests, after which it showed this order to the commercial banks – Access Bank, Fidelity Bank, First Bank, Guaranty Trust Bank, United Bank for Africa and Zenith Bank, who then proceeded to block financial transactions on the respective bank accounts.

    Think of it like an SS3 school prefect getting a written order from the school principal to punish all SS2 students. The school prefect then goes ahead to present this order to the class captains of all the SS2 classes. This is because the school prefect must derive her authority from somewhere, in this case, the school principal.

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    But what if the school prefect did not get an order from the principal before telling class prefects to punish SS2 students? Or, what if the CBN did not get a court order before telling commercial banks to freeze the accounts of these #EndSARS protesters?

    Read: What Is An Ex Parte Order?

    Blaid Construction Ltd v. Access Bank

    In Blaid Construction Ltd v. Access Bank, a 2017 case, Access Bank, placed a “post-no-debit” order on the accounts of Blaid Construction Limited and Blaid Properties Limited, after a letter from the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) directed it to. Also, the EFCC obtained an order before a Federal High Court in which the bank was also instructed to place a post-no-debit alert on accounts held by the Blaid Construction. Both orders were meant to last for three months: from 1st July 2016 to 30th September 2016.

    However, after three months, the post-no-debit order continued. So, in 2017, Blaid Construction took Access Bank to court, arguing that Access Bank’s denial of their right to operate their bank account was illegal and unlawful, and that access bank should pay them ₦500 million as damages for violating bank and customer relationship, among other things.

    In its own defence, Access Bank argued that the post-no-debit alert was placed on the Blaid Construction’s accounts because it was complying with the ICPC’s letter.

    Delivering a judgement that favoured Blaid Construction Ltd, the court stated that ICPC lacked the power to place a post-no-debit alert on bank accounts without first obtaining an order from the court and that the conduct of Access ban to “unilaterally” freeze the account of Blaid Construction Ltd is illegal.

    The court then ordered Access Bank to pay ₦5 million as damages to Blaid Construction Limited.

    What Is Going On In This Present Case?

    A post-no-debit order is an order that prevents all transactions from taking place on a bank account, either through ATMs, credit cards, cheques, or any other means. And from the case, we have seen, a court order must be gotten before a post-no-debit can be placed on bank accounts, or an account can be “freezed”.

    But new facts now show that the CBN did not obtain a post-no-debit order before directing banks to freeze the bank accounts of #EndSARS protesters.

    In a letter obtained by People’s Gazette, a news website, details show that Access Bank was communicating with Gatefield Nigeria Limited, one of the companies who were affected by the CBN’s post-no-debit order, since as far back as 26th October, more than a week before the post-no-debit order was approved the court.

    And Access Bank have also explained on Twitter that they are “compelled” to comply with regulatory directives.

    But we have explained that all post-no-debit orders must be approved by the court, Gatefield Limited is having none of this. The company has gone ahead to sue Access Bank to court for “unilaterally” freezing its bank account, and it all really looks like the 2017 case, all over again.

    Read: 17 Things Only People Who Have Been To A Nigerian Bank Will Understand

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • What Is An Ex Parte Order?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Lately, Nigerian courts seem to be issuing a lot of ex parte orders. On November 6, the Central Bank of Nigeria obtained an ex parte court order freezing the accounts of 20 individuals and public affairs companies linked to the #EndSARS protests.

    The CBN was able to freeze the accounts of 20 #EndSARS campaigners after a written address to a Federal High Court in Abuja stating that the funds in their accounts might have been linked to terrorist activities.

    Afterwards, Justice Ahmed Mohammed froze the accounts for 180 days subject to renewal, but said anyone who was not satisfied with the ruling was free to challenge it.

    Also, on November 9, 2020, one Kenechukwu Okeke filed an ex-parte motion against 50 #EndSARS “riots promoters”, stating that they breached public defence, public safety and public order.

    Read: Who Has Powers Over The Nigerian Police?

    What Is An Ex Parte Order?

    Ex parte is a Latin term that is gotten from the phrase from “one side to a dispute”. In law, an ex parte motion means that a party to a case wants a court order carried out without hearing from the other party, so as to preserve the important things in a case.

    So, in the CBN’s case, for instance, the motion was sought and the court order were carried out without the presence of the other parties i.e. the 20 accused people whose bank accounts were allegedly used in carrying out terrorist activities.

    What Is The Purpose Of An Ex Parte Order?

    If Mr A and Mrs B are in dispute over ownership claims on a portion of land and Mr A wants to sell the disputed land to Mr C, who is an innocent third party, Mrs B can seek an order of ex parte order of interim injunction from the court so that Mr A will be unable to sell the land to Mr B.

    If the law does not allow Mrs B seek this order, Mr A might sell a land that is still does not belong to him, a situation that will be very hard to reverse.

    So, the purpose of an ex parte order is to protect the main issue in a matter like land or money, before both sides begin their case in court.

    Read: How Is A Law Passed In Nigeria?

    Are Nigerians Officials Abusing Ex Parte Processes?

    Ex parte orders are supposed to be temporary and are not to last more than 14 days.

    Section 12 (1) of the Federal High Court (Civil Procedure Rules) 2000 states that “no order made on motion ex parte shall last for more than 14 days…or last for another 14 days after application to vary or discharge it has been argued”.

    In other words, ex parte orders are not supposed to last more than 28 days, even if they are extended. This is because, by nature, they are only supposed to be temporary.

    Unfortunately, Nigerian courts now generally issue ex parte orders for 90 days and up to 180 days, in the case of an extension.

    One can only hope that court processes are not abused in Nigeria.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Nigerians And Asylum: How It Works

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Did you know that 16,925 sought asylum from Nigeria to Europe in 2019 alone, making Nigeria the country with the 8th most asylum seekers to Europe?

    After news broke that DJ Switch, the disc jockey who filmed shootings at the #LekkiMassacre and shared live on Instagram, had been granted asylum to Canada, we decided to explain the right of asylum and the asylum process.

    Read: 7 Times Nigeria Has Killed Peaceful Protesters

    What Is The Right of Asylum?

    The right of asylum is an ancient judicial right in which a person that is persecuted by their own country may be protected by another authority, such as a church or a country. This right was recognised by Egyptians, Greeks and Hebrews before it was adopted into modern tradition.

    If a person in Nigeria is being harrassed, violated or persecuted because of their race, nationality, sexual orientation, political opinion or tribe, they can seek asylum to another country.

    How Do Modern Political Asylums Work?

    Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution”.

    The United Nations 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1961 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees guides national legislation concerning political asylum.

    Under these agreements, a refugee is a person who is outside that person’s own country because of fear of persecution on “protected grounds”.

    Since the 1990s, victims of sexual persecution on the basis of their domestic sexual violence or their sexual orientation have been protected in other countries, if the person can prove that their country does not protect them.

    Asylum Laws In Different Countries:

    Different countries in the world have laws regulating asylums.

    1. France 

    In France, the right of asylum is guaranteed under the 1958 constitution. This constitution draws from France’s 1946 and 1783 constitution which guaranteed the right of asylum to “anyone persecuted because of his action for freedom”, and who is unable to seek protection in his own country.

    France also follows international agreements on the right of asylum such as the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.

    2. United States

    The United States recognises the right of asylum of individuals as specified by international and federal law.

    Since 1980, over 2 million refugees have arrived in the United States. 

    3. European Union

    The European Union welcomes asylum seekers, known as asylees. 

    However, the Dublin convention of 1990, the Eurodac regulation and the Dublin regulation of 2003 regulate how member countries of the European Union can take in asylum seekers.

    Read: We Asked 7 Nigerians The Worst Parts About Living Abroad

    Asylum Process To Canada

    Asylum processes are different from country to country. This is how an asylum process to Canada works:

    • Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act requires that every person seeking to enter Canada must appear for an examination at a port of entry to determine whether the person has a right to enter Canada or may become authorised to enter and remain in Canada.
    • A port of entry is a place where a person can lawfully enter a country. It can be an airport, a seaport or a land border.
    • Individuals can make an asylum claim in Canada at a port of entry or at an office of the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) or at the Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) office. CBSA or IRCC officials will determine if an individual is eligible to make a claim. 
    • Factors determining an individual’s eligibility to make a refugee claim include whether the claimant has committed a serious crime made a previous claim in Canada or received protection in another country.
    • All eligible refugee claimants receive a fair hearing at the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB), an independent tribunal. Each case is decided on its merits, based on the evidence and arguments presented.
    • In making its decisions, the IRB considers whether the claimant meets the United Nations (UN) definition of a convention refugee, which has been adopted into Canadian law or is a person in need of protection. 
    • The UN defines Convention refugees as people who have a well-founded fear of persecution based on race, religion, political opinion, nationality or membership in a particular social group. 
    • Under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, a person in need of protection is a person in Canada who would be subjected personally to a danger of torture, a risk to their life or a risk of cruel and unusual treatment or punishment if they were returned to their home country.

    A lot of Nigerians seek asylum yearly, and this is worrying, as it shows that a high level of injustice is being done to many Nigerians on the basis of their religion, tribe, political opinion or sexual orientation.

    Nigeria must work harder at becoming a safer country for everyone.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • How Is A Law Passed In Nigeria?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    A law is a system of rules that regulates how people in a society behave.

    Once a bill becomes a law, any action against the law is deemed illegal and carries a punishment if a person is found guilty by the court of law. This is why it is important to know how a bill becomes a law.

    Read: Nigerians React To The Social Media Bill Proposed By The Senate

    Stage 1: Origin of a bill

    A bill is a draft of a proposed law that is presented by a lawmaker before the legislature for deliberation before passage into law.

    A bill must be presented on the floor of the senate, house of representatives or a house of assembly before it can be passed into law.

    Section 76 of the senate standing orders (2015) as amended provides that there are three classes of bills: executive bills, member’s bills and private bills.

    An executive bill is a bill from any arm or member of the executive, like the president, a minister, or an agency of government.

    An executive bill has to be sent to the speaker of the house of reps and the senate president with a cover letter personally signed the president.

    A member’s bill is a bill that is from any member of the house of assembly, or a group of members.

    A member’s bill has to be sent to the senate president or the speaker of the house of representatives before it is read and discussed on the floor of the senate.

    A private bill is any bill that is not an executive bill or a member’s bill.

    A private bill has to be sent to the speaker of the house of representatives or the senate president before it can be read and discussed on the floor of any house of assembly.

    Stage 2: Initial Review of the Bill

    Once a bill is received on the floor of the senate or the house of representatives, the senate president or the speaker of the house of representatives forwards the bill to the senate committee on rules and procedure or to the house of representatives committee on rules and business for a review of the bill.

    These committees are committees of the national assembly, and their job is to publish the bill in the schedule of bills and register it in the register of bills. They will also review if the bill is well written and then determine when the bill can be presented on the floor of the senate or house of representatives.

    If the bill is not well written, it is forwarded to the legal department of the national assembly so it can be re-drafted. Once this is done, the committee will send a printed copy of the bill to every house member, and then determine when the bill can be read for the first time on the floor of the senate or the house of representatives.

    Stage 3: Gazetting of the bill

    The next process after a review of the bill is to put the bill in an official gazette.

    A gazette is an official and legal newspaper of a country that publishes the new laws and official notices from the government.

    It is important to gazette a bill so that members of the public can be aware that the senate or house of representatives is considering passing a new bill into law.

    The public can also give their opinions and recommendations on the bill by writing to the senate or house of representatives.

    Step 4: First reading of the bill

    Once a bill has been gazetted, the bill is read on the floor of the house of representatives or senate by the clerk.

    The clerk will read a short title of the bill and present it to the senate president or the speaker of the house of representatives.

    At this stage, there is no debate or discussion over the bill, as the purpose of the presentation is to inform the lawmakers that a new bill has been introduced.

    Step 5: Second reading of the bill

    This is when a bill is debated on the floor of the legislative chamber.

    If the bill is a senate bill or a house bill, the sponsor of the bill will move a motion that the bill should be read a second time. The legislator will also talk about the purpose of the bill, including the objectives, benefits and general principles behind the bill.

    If the bill is an executive bill, a motion will be moved by the senate president or the speaker of the house of representatives, who will talk about the purpose, objectives, benefits and general principles behind the bill.

    A motion is a formal proposal for a discussion or a conclusion on the floor of the legislative chamber.

    After this introduction, a motion that supports the initial motion must be moved by another lawmaker if the bill is a senate or house bill, or by a member of the president’s party, if the bill is an executive bill. Before the bill can be read a second time.

    If no motion seconds the first motion, the bill cannot be read a second time.

    Once a second motion is moved, the chamber goes ahead to debate the bill. The bill is then put to a vote on whether it should be moved to the committee stage. If a majority of lawmakers vote for the bill to move to the committee stage, then the bill moves to the committee stage. If not, the bill ends at this point.

    If the bill moves to the committee stage, the senate president or speaker of the house of representatives must determine the relevant committee to oversee the bill.

    Step 6: Committee stage

    There are currently 57 standing committees in the senate and 89 standing committees in the house of representatives. Each committee considers all the issues that concern a subject e.g a health committee will be concerned about all health issues.

    When a bill moves to the committee stage, the committee examines the bill thoroughly.

    The committee is also expected to organise a public hearing for the bill, where members of the public can attend and debate the bill.

    A member of the public can make suggestions on any aspect of the bill, but only a member of the committee can make an amendment to the bill.

    However, all amendments that are made to the bill must be in line with the initial objectives and purpose of the bill.

    Step 7: Committee report

    Once the public hearing is concluded, the committee must make a report of its work. The chairperson of the committee must submit a report of the committee’s work to the senate or the house of representatives.

    After the report of the committee, the house will decide, via a motion, whether the bill should be read a third time, either immediately or later.

    Step 8: Third reading

    The third reading of a bill is the last time the bill can be read, and no amendments can be made to the bill again after it has passed the third reading stage.

    However, if a legislator wishes to amend a bill before it passes the third reading stage, the person must move a motion that the bill should be taken back to the committee stage.

    If the motion is agreed upon, the house of representatives or the senate will discuss the bill and recommend amendments. After this, the assembly will move the bill to the third reading stage.

    Step 9: A clean copy of the bill

    After the bill passes the third reading stage, a clean copy of the bill, which is signed by the clerk and endorsed by the senate president or the speaker of the house of representatives, is printed.

    The clean copy will then be sent to the clerk of the other house of assembly, with a message requiring the agreement of the other chamber.

    Step 10: Concurrence

    Nigeria operates a bicameral legislature, courtesy of section 4 of the constitution. This means that the two houses of assembly i.e. the senate and the house of representatives must pass a bill into law.

    The other house of assembly sends the bill to the clerk of the national assembly if it agrees to the bill.

    However, if the other house of assembly does not agree with some parts of the bill, it may make adjustments to the bill before sending it to the clerk of the national assembly.

    If the house of assembly that first passed the bill does not agree with the new amendments, then both houses of assembly will set up a “conference committee” where they will work together on the amendments.

    If the joint committees come out with a report and send it to the houses of assembly, which is then accepted, then the bill is sent to the clerk of the originating house of assembly and a clean bill is sent to the clerk of the national assembly.

    Step 11: Assent of the president

    Once there is concurrence on a law, then the clerk of the national assembly will “enrol” the bill for the president’s signature.

    Enrolment is when the clerk of the national assembly produces a clean copy of the bill, certifies it and then forwards it to the president for the president’s assent.

    Courtesy of section 58 (4) of Nigeria’s constitution, the president has only 30 days to give his approval to a bill or not, and the bill cannot become a law until the president signs it into law.

    If the president does not sign the bill within 30 days, he has vetoed the bill, and it cannot become a law. Also, if the president would like some amendments to the bill, the bill can be withdrawn from him and the national assembly can make the necessary amendments to the bill.

    However, if the national assembly does not agree with the president’s veto, it has the power to pass the bill into law.

    The two chambers will simply recall the bill sent to the president, and if a two-third majority (i.e 73 members in the Senate and 240 members in the house of representatives) vote for the bill to become a law, then the bill becomes a law even without the signature of the president.

    Notes on the social media bill

    The social media bill is currently at the committee stage.

    On March 9, 2020, the senate committee on judiciary and legal matters, led by senator Opeyemi Bamidele, held a public hearing on the “Protection From Internet Falsehood and Manipulations Bill, 2019”.

    At the public hearing, the bill drew sharp criticism from many civil society organisations, including media regulators like the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON). However, the senate committee on judiciary and legal matters has yet to submit its report from the public hearing to the senate.

    It is after the committee makes this report publicly available and presents it on the floor of the senate that the general public can have a good idea of what the committee thinks about the bill, and whether the Senate will go ahead on passing the bill into law.

    Read: A Brief Timeline of The Social Media Bill

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • Can The Police Stop A Protest In Nigeria?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    The Nigerian police are always averse to protests. But things took a different turn earlier today when the Lagos State government, through its official Twitter account, stated that the Lagos State police command has vowed to resist any protests in Lagos State, under any guise or “nomenclature”.

    As expected, a lot of social media users were angry at the declaration. Many people referred to the constitution as supporting the rights of citizens to protests, and they went on about how the police and the Lagos State government were trying to stifle the rights of displeased Nigerian or protesters.

    Curiously, we decided to look at the laws that guide assembly in Nigeria, including if and when the Nigerian police can put an end to protests in Nigeria. Just maybe the police and the Lagos State government were seeing some things we weren’t.

    Read: Who Has Powers Over The Nigeria Police Force?

    1. Section 40 of the Constition

    The most important position of the law for anyone who wants to understand the position of Nigerian laws on protests is Section 39 and 40 of Nigeria’s 1999 constitution.

    Section 39 of the constitution guarantees free speech while Section 40 of Nigeria’s 1999 the constitution states that:

    Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular, he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or association for the protection of his interests.

    This provision states simply that everyone is entitled to assembly freely and associate with other people.

    However, Section 45 of the constitution states that any law against section 40 is valid if it is in the interest of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health, or in the interest of protecting the freedom of other people.

    So, the only thing that can affect the right to hold a peaceful protest is if the government makes a law that restricts movement in the interest of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health or in the interest of protecting the freedom of other people.

    But the laws on assembly are not finished.

    2. Public Order Act of 2004

    The “Public Order Act” was enacted in 2004.

    Section 1(1) of the act gives a governor of a state the power to direct the conduct of any assembly on a public road or all public places of resort in the state, and prescribe the route any procession may pass.

    Section 1 (2) also states that anyone who wants to convene any assembly or meeting or of forming any procession in Nigeria must have a licence to do so.

    The person must first make an application for a licence to the governor not less than 48 hours before the assembly, and if the governor is satisfied that the assembly is not likely to cause a breach of the peace, he must direct any superior police officer to issue a licence, not less than 24 hours to the assembly, specifying the name of the licensee and defining the conditions on which the assembly to take place.

    If he is not so satisfied, he must convey his refusal in the same manner to the applicant within the time stipulated.

    Section 1 (4) of the Act also gives the governor the power to delegate his powers in relation to the whole state or part thereof, to the Commissioner of Police of the State or any superior police officer of a rank not below that of a Chief Superintendent of Police.

    This means that a state governor has to give a licence before people can assemble in any state, and he can delegate his powers to the commissioner of police of the state.

    But the position of the law is still not over with regards to protests.

    3. All Nigeria People’s Party v. Inspector General of Police (2006)

    In this case, All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) took the IGP to court and challenged the constitutionality of the police permit under the Public Order Act after the police disrupted their rally.

    At the Federal High Court, the Judge stated the Public Order Act is a violation of section 39 and 40 of the constitution, and chapter 11 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Right, and the law is a violation of the right of people’s assembly to free speech.

    The judge agreed with Mr Falana, the lawyer for ANPP, that Nigeria’s criminal law should be used to prosecute violent protesters, but the rights to assemble cannot be taken away if they protest peacefully.

    The judge conclusively stated that “sections 1(2),(3),(4),(5) and (6), of the Public Order Act are inconsistent with the fundamental rights provisions in the 1999 Constitution and to the extent of their inconsistency, they are void. I hereby so declare.”

    4. In Conclusion

    The Federal High Court has held, through a continuous order, that the Inspector-General of Police, whether by himself, his agents, privies and servants cannot prevent aggrieved citizens of Nigeria from organizing or convening peaceful assemblies, meetings and rallies against unpopular government measures and policies.

    The Court of Appeal also held, on the same case, that permits for peaceful demonstrations are things of the past, and that protesting peacefully is part of the fundamental pillars of a democracy.

    It is now a settled case that peaceful protests are guaranteed under the Nigerian constitution, and are an important part of Nigeria’s democracy. And they cannot be denied except in a situation where Nigeria or part of the country is in a special emergency like a disaster.

    Quiz: What Are You Most Likely To Get Arrested For?

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  • Do You Know About Nigeria’s Firearms Act?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    In Oko-aba, Abule-Egba, Lagos, a budding journalist, Pelumi Onifade captured Abiodun Bolarinwa, a politician, shooting at a crowd after not being allowed to address them. However, since October 20, 2020, when the incidence occurred, Abiodun Bolarinwa has still not been sanctioned.

    Today, we will explain Nigeria’s firearms act, and why Abiodun Bolarinwa should not have had access to guns.

    The firearms act was enacted in 1990. The main point of the law was that no person should be in possession of any firearm in Nigeria, except such person has a licence from the president of the Inspector General of Police.

    Some of the most important provisions of the law include:

    1. Possession of firearms

    Section 3 of the firearms act states that no person must have in his control any firearm of one of the categories specified in the Act, except in accordance with a licence granted by the President.

    The firearms in this category includes artillery, gas explosives, rocket weapons, bombs and grenades, machine guns and machine pistols, military rifles, revolvers, pistols and any other firearm that is added to the category.

    2. Possession of personal firearms

    Section 4 of the firearms act states that no person must be in possession of any personal firearm except a licence has been granted by the Inspector General of Police.

    3. Muzzle-loading firearms are prohibited

    Section 5 of the firearms act states that the Commissioner of Police of a state may, by order, prohibit the possession or use of muzzle-loading firearms.

    4. Firearm licences are not rights

    Section 6 of the firearms act states that the authorities have the right to grant a licence permit, and revoke a licence, and the licence to own a firearm may be given as the authorities may think fit.

    However, nobody will be granted licence of a firearm if the person is under the age of 17, is of unsound mind, has defective eyesight, has intemperate habits, or has been convicted of an offence relating to violence within the past five years .

    5. Safe custody of firearms

    Section 7 of the firearms act states that the licenced owner of a firearm must keep the firearm in safe custody.

    6. Prohibition in dealing in arms except by a registered dealer

    Section 9 of the firearms act states that nobody must sell a firearm in Nigeria except the person is a registered firearms dealer.

    7. Maintenance of armouries

    Section 10 of the firearms act states that registered firearms dealers must maintain armouries for the purpose of selling firearms.

    8. Sale only to licence holders

    Section 11 of the firearms act states that nobody must transfer firearms to anybody else except that person is a registered firearms dealer.

    9. Stamping of firearms sold

    Section 12 of the firearms act states that every registered firearms dealer must stamp the permit that was given to them to trade in firearms, with the person’s name, number or any other particular required.

    10. Import of firearms

    Section 17 of the firearms act states that nobody must import or export firearms through sea or air or by any other means into Nigeria, except a port in Nigeria.

    11. Restriction on import of firearms

    Section 19 of the firearms act states that no person must import any firearms or ammunition into Nigeria, except the person produces to a customs officer, the licence to import a firearm or ammunition.

    12. Prohibition of manufacture

    Section 22 of the firearms act states that no person will manufacture a firearm in Nigeria except the armed forces, established with the discretion of the president.

    13. Penalty

    Section 27 of the firearms act states that anyone found guilty of the offence of possessing a firearm without a licence is liable to a minimum sentence of ten years.

    14. Production of licence

    Section 28 of the firearms act states that anyone who has a firearms licence or is in possession of a firearm must produce it if a police officer requests it from him, and if he is unable to produce it, the offender will be fined one hundred thousand naira or sentenced to six months imprisonment.

    From the provisions of the law, it is clear Abiodun Bolarinwa should not have had access to a firearm. Section 6 of the firearms act states that a firearms licence should not be granted to a person who has “intemperate habits”, or has a lack of self-control.

    Consequently, the Nigerian police authorities have exercised a serious lack of judgement if they truly granted Abiodun Bolarinwa licence to firearms. And they owe the Nigerian public an explanation.

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • A Brief Timeline of The Social Media Bill

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    Nigerians could reverse 21 years of democratic gains with the passage of the social media bill. In fact, over the past few weeks, there has been renewed talks about the passage of the “Protection From Internet Falsehood and Manipulations Bill 2019”, popularly known as the “social media bill”.

    Meanwhile, this is a complete timeline of the “Protection From Internet Falsehood and Manipulations Bill 2019”:

    1. November 5, 2019 — Second Reading

    On Tuesday, November 5 2019, senator representing Niger East senatorial district, Muhammed Sani Musa, introduced the “Protection From Internet Falsehood and Manipulations Bill 2019” on the floor of the senate.

    While introducing the bill on the floor of the senate, he stated that the goal of the bill was to promote “national unity”. Explaining further, he stated, “I as an individual may decide to remain in my room or office and then draft something I know very well is false because I want to hit at someone. I will decide to draft and throw on social media. Waiting few seconds, it’s on there. Before you know it, it has been shared all over. I have a passion for IT and I know what it takes to disseminate your information, it is like the speed of light”.

    The bill stipulated a fine of N300,000 or an imprisonment term of not more than 3 years, or both, to anyone who is guilty of “online harms”, including the transmission of statements that is likely to be “prejudicial to public health, public safety, public tranquility or public finances”.

    The bill also empowered the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) to issue an “access blocking order” to internet access providers to disable access by end-users in Nigeria to the online location, amongst other provisions.

    2. Committee Stage

    The bill went to the committee stage after the second reading.

    At the committee stage, the senate fixed the public hearing of the bill for March 9, 2020.

    At the public hearing of the bill, civil society members laid out key reasons why the bill could not be passed. The Nigerian Communications Corporation (NCC) and the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON) stated that the bill’s provisions were already in previous legislations like the Cybercrimes Act of 2015 and the Penal code.

    The chairman of the Broadcasting Operation of Nigeria (BON) stated that the bill was “undefined and misleading”, and that it was not necessary.

    3. Third Reading

    The Bill is currently with the senate committtee on communications, after which a report will be made to the senate.

    Read: Nigerians React To The Social Media Bill Proposed By The Senate

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • 5 Times Donald Trump Has Behaved Like A Nigerian Politician

    The US elections is holding today. But as Americans go out to the polls, it is easy to think Donald Trump is a version 2.0 of the average Nigerian politician – refined, composed and less tricky.

    Well, we’re here to tell you “na lie“. Trump is just a Nigerian politician who stays in the abroad Nigerian politicians run to. You don’t believe us? See for yourself.

    1. When He Said He won’t Leave Office Because of A “Ballot Scam”

    Sounds like something Nyesom Wike can say.

    Read: 13 Pictures About Nigerian Politicians That Are Beyond Accurate

    2. When He Suggested A Delay To The Election

    Where do you wake up to go and cast your vote,. only to realise that the election has been postponed. Nigeria, and Trump’s America.

    3. When He Won’t Commit To A Peaceful Transfer of Power

    Even Goodluck Jonathan was kind enough to make the first call.

    Read: We Reimagined Some Presidential Aspirants As Secondary School Students

    4. When There Were Claims That He Planned To Steal The Election

    LMAO. Maurice Iwu’s INEC, plis.

    5. When He Mocked His Opponent

    Which Lagos State governor called a press conference to say that his challenger was arrested for spending “fake American dollars”, and that his records are at the Gbagada General Hospital?

    Hint.

    With these few points of mine, I hope you can now realise that east or west, every politician is the worst.

    Read: The 10 Stages of Becoming A Nigerian Politician

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  • We Looked At Lagos State’s 2019 Financial Statement: Where Does The Money Go?

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    After a series of lootings in Lagos State, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, the governor of the state, declared that the state will need ₦1 trillion to fix the damages incurred.

    There have also been allegations of fraud and financial misappropriation against the speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly. 

    Due to this, there has been public scrutiny on the Lagos State and the Lagos State House of Assembly’s disbursement of funds. We decided to break down the financial statement of Lagos State to get a true picture of the financial situation of the state.

    1. Lagos State earned ₦644 billion in 2019

    The total amount paid to the state for the economic value it offers is calculated as revenue.

    Economic value includes the services that the state renders to its citizens and the country, from which it is paid back in taxes, allocations and other monies.

    This revenue is divided into “non-exchange transactions” and “exchange transactions”.

    Exchange transactions are transactions where two people buy and sell from each other. In a non-exchange transaction, there is no sale of any goods, and only one party takes from the other. An example of a non-exchange transaction is taxes and levies.

    The money Lagos got from non-exchange transactions in 2019 include: 

    • Taxation income – ₦348,001,113,000 billion .
    • Levies, fees and fines – ₦26,597,553,000 billion. 
    • Statutory allocation – ₦229,495,389,000 billion.
    •  Grants – ₦483,934,000 million.
    •  Other revenue from non-exchange transactions – ₦3,958,723,000 billion.

    Exchange transactions include: 

    • Income from other sources –  refers to money gotten from private sector development programmes, such as the Lekki-Ikoyi toll revenue, proceeds from hospital units and other miscellaneous revenues. This revenue was  ₦24,014,757,000 billion.
    • Capital receipts – ₦8,972,888, 000 billion.
    • Investment income – ₦2,077,847,000 billion.
    • Interest income -₦1,161,184,000 billion.

    The total operating revenue of the state was ₦644,762,788,000.

    Read: This Is Lagos

    2. Lagos State spent ₦278 billion in 2019

    From the gross revenue of the state, the state spent ₦278,551,391,000 billion on expenses, leaving it with ₦366,211,397,000 billion.

    The ₦278 billion expenses went to: 

    • Wages, salaries and employee benefits – ₦107,132,214,000 billion.
    • Grants and other transfers – ₦16,626,164 billion.
    • Subvention to parastatals – ₦53,445,714 billion.
    • General and administrative expenses – ₦101,347,300 billion.

    3. Other losses, charges and expenses amounted to  ₦366 billion

    After spending ₦278 billion on operating expenses, Lagos State further incurred losses in these respects:

    • Capital expenditure – ₦134,521,650,000 billion.
    • Public debt charges – ₦62,533,163 billion.
    • Net loss on foreign exchange transactions – (₦2,332,949,000 billion).
    • Depreciation – ₦104,491,678 billion.

    4. Lagos State had a ₦66 billion surplus for the 2019 financial year.

    After spending ₦278 billion on recurrent expenditure, and losing ₦366 billion on capital expenses, foreign exchange losses, public debt charges and depreciation, Lagos State had a surplus of ₦66,997,855,000 billion for the 2019 financial year.

    5. Lagos State’s total asset is ₦2.4 trillion

    Assets are divided into current assets and non-current assets.

    Current assets include: 

    • Cash and cash equivalents – ₦33,349,831,000 billion. 
    • Receivables from exchange transactions – ₦325,268,000,000 billion. 
    • Receivables from non-exchange transactions – ₦31,961,939,000 billion.
    • Inventory – ₦3,076,959,000 billion.

    Non-current assets include: 

    • Available for sale investments – valued at ₦49,665,927,000 billion .
    • Other financial assets – valued at ₦16,453,704,000 billion.
    • Property, plant and equipment (PPE) – valued at ₦2,271,309,527 trillion.

    Read: Money

    6. Lagos State has total liabilities of ₦957 billion 

    Liabilities are divided into current and non-current liabilities.

    Current liabilities include:

    • Payables and other liabilities  – ₦123,543,010 billion .
    • Public funds – ₦434,004,000 million .
    • Public debt (borrowings) – ₦101,234,508,000 billion.
    • Finance lease obligations – ₦2,769,303,000 billion.

    Non-current liabilities include: 

    • Public debt (borrowings) – ₦684,608,927,000 billion.
    • Finance lease obligations – ₦3,099,800,000 billion.
    • Retirement benefits obligations – ₦41,857,304,000 billion.

    From this breakdown, Lagos State spent ₦134 billion to build infrastructure in 2019. So, spending ₦1 trillion to rebuild the state would equal the state’s capital expenditure for over six years, if we take into account the impact of inflation.

    For more on Lagos State’s audited financial statements, check here.

    Read: Lagos New Taxes Will Send Everyone Back To Their Village

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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  • QUIZ: Are You A Good Dancer?

    Talk is cheap. Dancing is hard. Take this quiz to know how useful your body really is.

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  • Killings In Oyigbo, Rivers State: Everything We Know

    Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.

    The recent events and killings in Oyigbo, Rivers State, all started on October 21, 2020. On that day, members of the “Independent People of Biafra” (IPOB), a group that has been described as a terrorist organisation by the Federal Government and a Federal High Court, were said to have invaded Oyigbo Local Government Area of Rivers State “in a senseless and mindless attack”, killing three police officers and burning down three police stations.

    In a press briefing given on Monday, October 26, 2020, the commissioner of police in Rivers State, Joseph Mukan, accused members of the IPOB as hiding under the #EndSARS movement to kill three police officers in the state and burn down three police stations in Afam and Oyigbo Local Government areas.

    He gave the identity of the killed police officers as Sunday Dubon, Swawale Ornan, and Umunna Uchechukwu, whose corpses were either burnt to ashes or parts of their bodies cut off.

    Read: Why Are Nigerian Police Officers Off The Streets?

    Governor Wike Imposes Curfew, Proscribes IPOB

    Following this development, the governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, in a state-wide broadcast, stated that the state government had “serious concern” about the activities of the outlawed Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) in the state.

    He stated that it had become a regular occurrence for IPOB members to disturb the peace of the state, including unleashing violence on communities, people and police officers.

    He stated that Oyigbo town had become the “operational base” of the group in the state, and that following the violence that the group routinely unleashes in Rivers State, the government has decided to “outlaw IPOB from existing or operating in Rivers State or any part thereof”, and that security agencies are to stop any agitation by IPOB and arrest any person that identifies with IPOB in the state.

    He also declared one Stanley Mgbere wanted for destroying lives and properties in Eleme and Onne Local Government Areas, and that there was a ₦50 million bounty for anyone who had useful information that would lead to the arrest and prosecution of the Stanley Mgbere.

    Meanwhile, before that time, specifically on October 21, the governor had imposed a curfew in the state in Mile 1, Mile 2, Emenike, Ikowu, and Iloabuchi areas of Port-Harcourt Local Government Area as well Oil Mill area of Obi-Akpor Local Government Area. He later lifted the curfew in every part of the state except that of Oyigbo Local Government Area.

    Read: 14 Hilarious Reactions To The Curfew In Nigeria That Starts 4th of May

    Curfew In Oyigbo, Killings By Soldiers

    Since Wednesday 21st October 2020, residents of Oyigbo Local Government have been in their homes following the 24-hours curfew imposed by the Rivers State Government. Reports say that residents lack access to food and basic healthcare services.

    Officers of the Nigerian military have also been deployed to the area, and there have been reports of human rights abuses and extra-judicial killings by officers of the Nigerian military.

    The soldiers are said to be going from house to house, while harrassing and killing people.

    https://twitter.com/dspken/status/1322782455758266369

    Online publications are putting the death toll in Oyibo Local Government at more than a hundred while stating that the military has blocked journalists and human rights groups from accessing Oyigbo, an Igbo-dominated settlement eastwards from Port-Harcourt.

    Meanwhile, the Nigerian Army is denying the accusations. The public relations officer for 6 Division of the Nigerian Army, Major Charles Ekeocha has insisted that the ongoing operation was not designed to inconvenience residents of Oyigbo.

    According to him: “We are there to carry out an operation to recover weapons carted away from our soldiers who were killed so that the criminals will not use the guns to kill innocent citizens in Rivers and outside the State. We carry out our search professionally”.

    Read: The Nigerian Military Has A History of Killing Unarmed Civilians

    We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.

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