Notice: Function _load_textdomain_just_in_time was called incorrectly. Translation loading for the wordpress-seo domain was triggered too early. This is usually an indicator for some code in the plugin or theme running too early. Translations should be loaded at the init action or later. Please see Debugging in WordPress for more information. (This message was added in version 6.7.0.) in /home/bcm/src/dev/www/wp-includes/functions.php on line 6121 Chiamaka Dike, Author at Zikoko!Chiamaka Dike, Author at Zikoko!
On the morning of May 27, 2023, 27- year old Amanda Fernanda packed her bags and left her home in the Benin Republic for a “relative’s” house in Makoko, Lagos.
She had just graduated from culinary school and felt she’d have more exposure and richer clients in Lagos. Her father advised that her “uncle”, a skilled caterer, would be the best person to train under.
Little did she know that she would never return home again. She was sent to Lagos not to be trained—but to be the third wife to a husband she didn’t know. She also didn’t know the relationship between her father and this man. As far as she was concerned, she was living with a stranger.
We sat opposite each other in a canoe on the murky, polluted waters of Oko Agbon Waterfront Community, Makoko, where she told me about her experiences as a “wife in hostage.” Amanda even had to cook up an excuse to leave her home and speak with us today.
Stock photo of Nigerian girl [UNICEF Nigeria/2017/Sokhin]
Wearing sadness on her face, Amanda shares, “From the moment I discovered that I was a wife and not a relative, I have been struggling to return home. The man that calls himself my husband has vowed that I cannot leave his house since he spent money on my head. And knowing who he is, he can scatter the whole of Lagos to find me.”
Aside from being an unchained prisoner in her ‘marital home’, Amanda complains about her husband’s treatment (of her) as a housemaid, the two senior wives and their cruelty, and the inability to access essential needs like food and water.
“I am the one that cooks and cleans for everyone in the house, but I am not allowed to eat their food. My husband says that my father has collected money from him. Hence, he doesn’t have the money to feed me. Even the dress I wear today is from my neighbour, not mine.”
Before Amanda can eat a meal now, she has to wash plates at local restaurants in exchange for money, ranging from N700-N800.
“I don’t know anyone here. I need someone that can give me enough money for transport to find my way out of here back home,” she cried.
“I escaped from his house after three days”
Unfortunately, Amanda isn’t the only victim of bride kidnapping in the community.
A 25-year-old lady named Gael also suffered a similar fate in June 2023—but “escaped from his house after three days.”
She currently resides in the Baale’s (community leader) stilt house on the water, where we had the chance to speak with Gael about her experience.
Gael, who has only been educated up to the junior high school level, was helping her mother sell female clothes when the incident happened.
With a furious voice, she narrated, “That morning, she sent me out of the shop on an errand. Five men ambushed me on the way and shouted, “This is our wife!” They hijacked me from the road and took me to my “husband’s” house. I’ve never seen or heard of this man before that day.”
During her stay, she blatantly refused to eat, shower or have a change of clothes. For her, she’d “rather die” than be kept “captive in a man’s house” under the guise of marriage. When she ran away, she had N8,000 in her pocket, which she used to buy new clothes for sale.
“Even if I wanted to get married before, I see no reason to do that now. I can’t live in Baale’s house forever and risk this kidnapper finding me. I rather focus on getting enough money through my business and get out of this community.”
A Culture of Bride-kidnapping in Makoko, Lagos
Bride kidnapping, also known as marriage by abduction or marriage by capture, is a practice in which a man abducts a woman for marriage. It also falls under the category of forced marriage, as the bride is unwilling to get married to the man in question.
According to a 2020 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) report, only a small proportion of cases of forced marriage come to the attention of police, with very few convictions. Women and girls affected by such crimes usually find it challenging to seek help and speak to authorities for fear of stigmatisation.
2023 will not be the first time the Oko Agbon community will experience bride kidnapping, as it is an ancient culture in the region.
In fact, there have been over twenty reported cases and many other unreported issues in the area over the last five years, according to Chief Hungbeji Daniel, the Baale of Oko Agbon Community.
Chief Hungbeji Daniel, the Baale of Oko Agbon Community. [Blossom Sabo/Zikoko Citizen]
The Baale says, “In 2011, the Lagos State government came to Oko Agbon and threatened to demolish the houses here if the bride kidnapping issue still continues. That’s the only reason why there aren’t as many cases as there once were before. And even then, we are not told of many cases.”
But despite this warning, the issue of bride kidnapping persists in the area. “Police and human rights organisations have come here countless times to threaten the people to stop this act, but it still continues. It’s so bad now that even when parents report these cases to the police, nothing is done. It’s almost as though we are on our own,” Baale shares.
One such parent is Pellagi Wenu, a 65-year-old single mother who has not set eyes on her daughter, Paula, since February 2023.
Pellagi Wenu, the mother of Paula, a lady who was bride kidnapped [Blossom Sabo/Zikoko Citizen]
According to Pellagi, Paula, a graduate of medicine, “just disappeared” on February 12. The man who abducted her later sent his parents to reassure her of her daughter’s safety, but she’s still not at peace. She wants to see her daughter again, as well as the man who has taken her.
With a sad demeanour, she says, “I hear my daughter on the phone every week, and she sounds like she’s doing okay, but this isn’t enough for me. I want to see my daughter again. And the man calling himself her husband should introduce himself to the family, not hide his face away.”
Is anything being done to stop this?
When Zikoko Citizen went to Adekunle Police Station, Panti, to inquire about these cases, the Superintendent, Joseph Peter, demanded a “tip” of N10,000 to release records of the incident. We refused to oblige.
We also called Comfort Agboko, the Lagos Zonal Commander of the National Agency for Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons and Other Related Matters (NAPTIP), but she insisted that “our case was for the police, not them.”
What needs to be done to save the bride-napped girls?
Amanda and Gael, through Baale Hungbeji, have reported their cases to the police station in the Adekunle region, but they have yet to receive feedback.
And just like these two girls, several other reported issues of bride kidnapping in the Oko-Agbon community are yet to be resolved. These girls are calling to you for help. Who will save them?
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In Nigeria, the nation’s land force arm of the Nigerian Armed Forces is known as the Nigerian Army. Since its inception in 1863, it has been known for both challenges and achievements—from successful terrorist raids to the most inhumane human rights abuses.
Soldiers gesture while standing on guard during Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari’s visit to the Maimalari Barracks in Maiduguri on June 17, 2021. Photo by Audu Marte/AFP via Getty Images
But how did they get here? What’s the Nigerian Army origin story? How have they evolved time?
To answer these questions, we need to take you all the way back to 1862.
The Pre-Colonial Era
“Glover’s Hausas” And the Rise of Constabularies
The first mention of an armed force in Nigeria dates back to June 1, 1863.
On this day, a unit of 80 former slaves was established by the then Administrator of the Lagos Colony, Lt. John Glover. This was during his trip back to Lagos from Jebba in Kwara State, where he had a shipwreck. Their crew became known as the Hausa Constabulary (a police force covering a particular area or city).
The Hausa Contingent, Under Major J.A. Burdon, Took Part in the Jubilee Procession [Elliott and Fry/Pinterest]
Sir John Hawley Glover (1829-1885) [Heritage. nf.ca]
A detachment of the Hausa constabulary was assigned for their first military operation in the Asante War of 1873-74 on the Gold Coast (Ghana).
The Gold Coast Constabulary of 1873 [Great War Forum]
This was because the Gold Coast once administered the Lagos colony. The detachment was deployed at Elmina and would later form the Gold Coast Constabulary in 1879, giving rise to the Ghana Army and Police.
As for the remainder of the Hausa Constabulary, they became recognised as the Lagos Constabulary in 1879 due to a formal ordinance by a new administrator, Sir Alfred Moloney.
Sir Alfred Moloney [Find A Grave]
But the Hausa and Lagos Constabularies would not be the only ones created.
There were other constabularies too
In 1886, following the 1885 proclamation of a British protectorate over the “Oil Rivers” of Eastern Nigeria, the Oil Rivers Irregulars (made up primarily of Igbos) came into existence.
During the same year, the Royal Niger Company Constabulary was created as the private militia for the Royal Niger Company (RNC) and became the Northern Nigeria Regiment. The Royal Niger Constabulary set up its Headquarters at Lokoja.
Hausa Soldiers, members of the Royal Niger Constabulary in 1895 [Asiri/Getty Images]
In 1891, the Oil Rivers Irregulars were rechristened the Niger Coast Constabulary (NCC) as a result of a change of province name from “Oil Rivers Protectorate” to “Niger Coast Protectorate.”
It was later regularised in 1893 under the command of British officers based at Calabar and formed the Southern Nigeria Regiment. It is here that we first know that the indigenes of the NCC force were made up of “one-third Yorubas and two-thirds Hausas”. The Yoruba component was a result of indigenes that were captured from previous wars in Yorubaland.
From 1893-1897, these constabularies would continue to exist separately until war made the British rethink their military strategies.
The Creation of the West African Frontier Force
France’s invasion of Ilo in the Borgu emirate in 1897 forced the British to make plans for military conflict, as they perceived the French invasion as a means of halting their trade relations.
Hence, the first battalion of the West African Field Force was created by Colonel Lugard on August 26, 1897. It expanded from a core of draftees drawn initially from the Royal Niger Company Constabulary. Two additional battalions, the 2nd and 3rd, were created in 1898.
They argued that one central military force would lead to better coordination, an economy of force, and military efficiency in the scramble for West Africa.
This resulted in the establishment of a committee under Lord Selborne that formally separated Police (irregular) from Military (regular) functions.
It also consolidated all colonial forces—the Lagos Constabulary, the Gold Coast Constabulary, the Niger Coast Constabulary, the Royal Niger Company Constabulary, and the West African Field Force—into what became known as the West African Frontier Force under an Inspector General.
In January 1896, a “Lagos Police Force” was created, separated from the more military “Lagos (Hausa) Constabulary.” Subsequently, as part of the new Frontier Force arrangements, in 1901, the “Lagos (Hausa) Constabulary” formally became known as the Lagos Battalion, West African Frontier Force.
The remnants of the Niger Coast Constabulary and the Royal Niger Company Constabulary companies were merged to form the Calabar Battalion, West African Frontier Force.
The Split of the Northern and Southern Nigeria Regiments
In late 1899, the Niger Coast Constabulary, the 3rd Battalion West Africa Field Force, and the Royal Niger Company Constabulary were merged to form what became known in early 1900 as the Southern Nigeria Regiment, West African Frontier Force.
In May 1900, the consolidation of the 1st and 2nd battalions of the West African Field Force and Royal Niger Constabulary companies based in Northern Nigeria, led to the formation of the Northern Nigeria Regiment, West African Frontier Force, under Lugard.
The Gold Coast Regiment, West African Frontier Force, was not formed until August 1901. The Gambia Company, The Sierra Leone Battalion, and the West African Frontier Force were not formed until November 30, 1901. Therefore, the Southern and Northern Nigeria Regiments were senior to the others in order of precedence.
Colonial Era
The Origin of Present-Day Battalion Names
Due to the amalgamation of January 1914, the Southern Nigeria Regiment was merged with the Northern Nigeria Regiment to form one Nigeria Regiment, the West African Frontier Force.
Remembering the soldiers of the West African Force [Norwich Art Gallery]
From this point on, the various colonial battalions (initially comprised of eight companies each) took on new designations with specific numbers, which they have retained to this day, with minor modifications:
The 1st Battalion of 1914 was the former 1st Bn. Northern Nigeria Regiment.
The 2nd Battalion of 1914 was the former 2nd Bn. Northern Nigeria Regiment.
The 3rd Battalion of 1914 was the former 3rd Bn. Northern Nigeria Regiment.
The 4th Battalion of 1914 was the former 2nd Bn., Southern Nigeria Regiment (and thus the former Lagos Battalion, former Lagos Constabulary, former Hausa Constabulary, former Hausa Militia (or Guard) and original “Glover’s Hausas.”)
The 5th Battalion of 1914 was the former 1st Battalion, Southern Nigeria Regiment.
Various re-designations have occurred since then. However, the 4th Battalion retained its number as part of The Nigeria Regiment.
The Legacy of the 4th Battalion
During World War 1, when the number of battalions was expanded to nine, it was known as the 4th Regiment, West African Frontier Force. This was attached to the King’s Lancaster Regiment.
In 1920, after the war, the number of battalions was reduced to four but then expanded to five, several years later. The West African Frontier Force became the Royal West African Frontier Force in 1928.
Headdress of the Royal West African Frontier Force [Military Sun Helmets]
Prior to World War II, the unit was known as the 4 Bn, Nigeria Regiment, Royal West African Frontier Force. During World War 2, it was known as the 4th Battalion Nigerian Rifles.
The last colours of the RWAFF used were reportedly presented in 1952 by Sir John Stuart Macpherson, GCMS, then the Governor General of Nigeria. The colours were retired in 1960, when Nigeria became independent, and remain preserved in the Battalion Officers’ Mess to this day.
The Nigeria Regiment became The Queen’s Own Nigeria Regiment, the Royal West African Frontier Force in 1956, the Royal Nigerian Army in 1960, and The Nigerian Army in 1963 (when Nigeria became a republic).
Independence Era
The Effects of the Nigerian Civil War on the Army
The Nigerian army’s troops rapidly expanded with the start of the Nigerian Civil War (or Biafra War) in 1967. Troops of 8,000 in five infantry battalions and supporting units rose to around 120,000 in three divisions by the end of the Nigerian Civil War in 1970.
Soldiers in the Nigerian Civil War [Peter Williams/Wikipedia]
This also led to an extreme shortage of commissioned officers for the right positions. Newly created lieutenant-colonels commanded brigades, and platoons and companies were commanded by sergeants and warrant officers. The effect of this was the 1967 Asaba Massacre, which led to the murder of 1,000 civilians of Igbo descent.
At the end of the war, the Nigerian Army was reorganised into four divisions, with each controlling territory running from North to South to deemphasise the former regional structure. Each division thus had access to the sea, thereby making triservice cooperation and logistical support easier.
The Impact
Later, sectors for the divisions took its place in place of the 1973 deployment formula.
The Nigerian Army, as of 2019, consists of 223,000 enlisted personnel. The Nigerian Army Council (NAC) oversees the army itself.
It is organised into combat arms, which are infantry and armoured. The combat support arms are artillery, engineers, signals, and intelligence. The Combat support services, which comprise the Nigerian Army Medical Corps, supply and transport, ordinance, and finance. Others include the military police, physical training, chaplains, public relations, and the Nigerian Army Band Corps.
The 1 Division is allocated to the North West sector with its headquarters in Kaduna. The 2 Division has HQ at Ibadan South West Sector, the 3 Division has HQ at Jos North East Sector; and the 82 Division has HQ at Enugu South East Sector.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
In July 2023, the Seychelles government banned Nigerian passport holders from applying for short-term or holiday visas.
It seems Seychelles just placed a ban on Nigerian passport holders. The thing with having a Nigerian passport is you can be postponing travel plans until you become Bill Gates and immigration policies will be like “ Dey play” pic.twitter.com/UroivUEjGM
— MunafromTravelletters (@Munachimsoooo) July 8, 2023
This led to a series of frustrated comments on the ban, with many Nigerians lamenting the recent blacklisting of Nigerians in other countries.
Let’s cut that Xenophobic bullcrap. Why is it always Nigerians? South Africa requires special authorization, Zimbabwe has issues with Nigerian passport holders, Dubai banned Nigerian passports and even Seychelles also banned Nigerian passports. Omo why na? https://t.co/Q5Yap93pdU
Turkey, UAE, Seychelles and at some point USA and Rwanda all banned Nigerians from obtaining a visa to their country because of scam. Y’all messed up Africans reputation in Malaysia and the rest of Asia too now they think we all scam
— King Munhumutapa XXIV (@MoyoChihota) July 20, 2023
But now that we’ve been visa-banned from these countries, what’s next? Well, according to the VisaGuide Passport Index, the Nigerian passport ranks 189th out of 215 countries in the world. This means that we can only travel visa-free to 26 countries worldwide.
These 26 countries are:
Barbados
Benin
Burkina Faso
Cameroon
Cabo Verde
Chad
Cook Islands
Ivory Coast
Dominica
Fiji
Ghana
Guinea
Guinea-Bissau
Haiti
Liberia
Mali
Micronesia
Montserrat
Niger
Niue
Senegal
Sierra Leone
Saint Kitts and Nevis
Gambia
Togo
Vanuatu
Are there any additional requirements?
You still need to have a valid passport—typically for six months after your departure date—and you must buy travel health insurance in accordance with your destination country’s requirements for visa-free travel.
The ‘Nigeria-Friendly’ Countries
In countries like these, visa applications and immigration laws are more relaxed. You have the option of either applying for the visa online (as opposed to standing in long queues) or getting your visa on arrival.
Countries that grant E-visas
Just think of the usual visa process, but online. You can submit your application online, including the visa payment.
After your application is approved, you will receive an email confirming your visa status and a document you must print and bring when crossing the border/airport. Your visa will be registered online, but some officers may ask you for a physical copy of the permit; that is why keeping the copy on your person while travelling is important.
Here are the 23 countries that grant e-visas for Nigerian passport holders:
Burundi
Cambodia
Comoros
Iran
Lebanon
Madagascar
Maldives
Mauritania
Mauritius
Mozambique
Namibia
Palau
Rwanda
Samoa
Somalia
Timor-Leste
Tuvalu
The ‘Visa on Arrival’ Countries
Every country has specific visa policies that include who is allowed to apply for a visa on arrival. This visa is usually given for Tourism, business, family, and medical purposes.
How do you apply for a visa on arrival?
This visa is usually obtained at either the border or the airport. The steps include:
Bring the required documents with you. Each country has its own checklist of documents that you must present to apply for a visa. The documents include:
A valid passport: Your passport must be valid for at least one year and include copies of your previous visas (if any).
A passport-size photograph: The number of photographs may change depending on the country.
A completed and signed application form: You can check the website of that country’s embassy or immigration authorities to see if you need a printed copy of the application.
A card or cash to pay the visa fee: If you are required to pay beforehand, you must have proof that you have finished your visa application fee payment. Also, check whether you need cash in the currency of the country you visit.
A hotel reservation or a rental agreement This is used as accommodation proof.
A round-trip ticket.
A valid travel health insurance certificate.
A bank statement.
Upon arrival, approach the designated area for the Visa on Arrival. Many countries will have a designated area to accept VOA applications, such as a counter or a booth; others will issue the visa directly at the checkpoint. You have to submit the required documents to the immigration or visa officer.
Finish the requested fee payment for your visa application. The visa fee amount can change depending on the country you plan to visit. You may also be required to pay in cash (in that country’s currency), so check beforehand to be prepared.
Wait until the border crossing issues your visa. This can take from a few minutes to a few hours, depending on the country.
Here’s the list of countries that issue visas on arrival:
Armenia
Bangladesh
Bolivia
Cambodia
Qatar
Egypt
Gabon
Georgia
India
Iran
Kenya
Kuwait
Laos
Mongolia
Myanmar
Malaysia
Nigeria
Nepal
Oman
Pakistan
Papua New Guinea
Saudi Arabia
Sri Lanka
Taiwan
Turkey
Thailand
Uganda
Vietnam
Tinubu’s ministerial list is officially being announced today. Let’s find out what kind of minister YOU would be if you were in power.
If you’re a Nigerian reading this, then the National Anthem is not news to you. You must have probably heard it in school growing up, on television, or at public events.
But do you know who made it? Do you know about everyone involved?
Benedict Odiase
Odiase is widely credited for being “the man behind” Nigeria’s national anthem.
The anthem, “Arise, O Compatriots,” was originally written as a poem by five different writers, and it was Odiase who was tasked with putting the poem to music. He did this by creating a melody that would capture the patriotic and aspirational spirit of the poem.
Before we go into what makes this anthem unique, especially with the words reflected, there are four things you should know about the Odiase, the composer.
He was born duringthe colonial era
Odiase was born in Edo State during the British colonial era on August 25, 1934.
He was a police officer
Odiase served in the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) from 1954 to 1992 and was also the Music Director of the Nigerian Police Band and the Mid-West State Police Band.
He directed Nigeria’s current national anthem, “Arise, O Compatriots,” in 1978
In 1978, Nigeria’s former national anthem, “Nigeria We Hail Thee”, was changed to “Arise, O Compatriots,” under the military administration of General Olusegun Obasanjo. The former anthem was changed to promote national ownership, as the composer of the previous anthem was a British expatriate.
The lyrics of the anthem were taken from five of the best entries in a national contest.
The winners were P. O. Aderibigbe, John A. Ilechukwu, Dr. Sota Omoigui, Eme Etim Akpan, and B.A. Ogunnaike.
What Are the Details About These Men?
P. O. Aderibigbe was a Nigerian lawyer and poet. He was born in 1933 in Ibadan, Nigeria. He attended the University of Ibadan, where he studied law. After graduating, he worked as a lawyer in Lagos. He was also a member of the Nigerian National Anthem Committee, which was responsible for selecting the winning poem for the national anthem. Aderibigbe died in 2010.
John A. Ilechukwu was a Nigerian journalist and poet. He was born in 1937 in Nsukka, Nigeria. He attended the University of Ibadan, where he studied English. After graduating, he worked as a journalist for the Daily Times of Nigeria. He was also a member of the Nigerian National Anthem Committee. Ilechukwu died in 2012.
Dr. Sota Omoigui was a Nigerian physician and poet. He was born in 1936 in Benin City, Nigeria. He attended the University of Ibadan, where he studied medicine. After graduating, he worked as a physician in Lagos. He was also a member of the Nigerian National Anthem Committee. Omoigui died in 2017.
Eme Etim Akpan was a Nigerian lawyer and poet. He was born in 1938 in Calabar, Nigeria. He attended the University of Ibadan, where he studied law. After graduating, he worked as a lawyer in Lagos. He was also a member of the Nigerian National Anthem Committee. Akpan died in 2019.
B. A. Ogunnaike was a Nigerian engineer and poet. He was born in 1938 in Ibadan, Nigeria. He attended the University of Ibadan, where he studied engineering. After graduating, he worked as an engineer in Lagos. He was also a member of the Nigerian National Anthem Committee. Ogunnaike died in 2014.
Odiase, the composer, passed away in 2013, aged 78.
Before his death, Odiase was a national award winner. In 2001, he received the Order of the Niger Award for his composition of the National Anthem.
Odiase got the National Anthem copyrighted
Odiase still earns royalties from the National Anthem since he copyrighted it through the Musical Copyrights Society of Nigeria (MCSN).
It’s worth mentioning that his family previously filed a lawsuit against MTN Nigeria in October 2013, seeking N1.5 billion in damages for unauthorised use of the National Anthem as a ringback tone.
MTN, in response, attributed the mistake to their content providers and asserted that they should not be held responsible.
A Brief Rundown of What the National Anthem Means
Let’s start with the first four lines:
Military recruitment and patriotic values
Arise, O Compatriots,
Nigeria’s call obey,
To serve thy Fatherland,
With love and strength and faith
In the third line, “to serve thy fatherland” refers to Nigerian military recruitment. It means that Nigerians should be ready to defend the country when necessary.
The three principles of love, strength, and faith are the virtues every patriotic Nigerian must have for the country. Love for the fatherland, strength to make it past economic hard times, and faith that Nigeria can overcome every obstacle it faces.
The fight for independence and democracy
The labour of our heroes past,
shall never be in vain
To serve with heart and might,
One nation bound in freedom, peace and unity
“The labour of our heroes past” refers to the wars that our forefathers and national heroes fought for the nation.
These include the battles against British colonial masters and the fight for national independence and democracy with the likes of Sir Tafawa Balewa, Ahmadu Bello, MKO Abiola, etc.
The National Prayer
The second stanza of the National Anthem is often referred to as “The National Prayer”, as it contains prayers for the country. It reads:
Oh God of creation,
Direct our noble cause,
Guide thou our leaders right
Help our youth the truth to know,
In love and honesty to grow
And living just and true,
Great lofty heights attain,
To build a nation where peace and justice shall reign.
The first line of the anthem is suggestive of Nigeria’s religious sentiments. Christianity and Islam are the most dominant faiths in the country, with 50% of Nigeria’s population being Muslim and 40% being Christian.
Both share a common denominator in their belief in a supreme being, i.e., God.
The second, third, and fourth lines are a plea to God to help Nigeria with three things—direct the affairs of the nation, help our leaders make the right decisions, and give understanding to the youth.
The fifth and sixth lines are a continuation of the prayer to God, the future of the country should mature with love and honesty, guided by truth.
The last line is a call for national peace from conflicts and wars and a nation where legal justice is met in cases of wrongdoing.
“Thanks to these women, we do not pay tax to any British monarch who has no jurisdiction on our God-given corner of this globe.” — Ndanyongmong H. Ibanga
The last episode ofCitizen History, marks the beginning of our historical exploration of Nigerian women and their fight against British colonialism. We started with the Egba Women’s Tax Revolt. The mass protest lasted three years, with arrests and assaults by British police on Abeokuta market women. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was the leader until their demands were met in January 1949.
Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance. UNESCO.
This week, we travel back to a similar event in Eastern Nigeria. The year is 1929.
This year, women in southeastern Nigeria rose up in protest against British colonial rule. The uprising, known as the Aba Women’s Riot, was sparked by introducing direct taxation on women.
Scholars have referred to this protest as West Africa’s first women’s revolt.
Aba Women of Nigeria in the first half of the 20th century. Archival photograph
What birthed the Aba Women’s Riot?
Two words come to mind—indirect rule. We’ve discussed indirect rule as the default mode of governance in colonial Nigeria, but for those who missed it, let’s do a quick recap of the key details:
The Recap
Indirect rule is a system of administration in the colonies where local leaders—although front-facing with the people and ruling with native politics—dance to the British tune and follow all orders the administration gives.
Britain adopted this system of governance because they didn’t have enough personnel for Nigeria’s enormous land mass.
Applying this method in Eastern Nigeria was troublesome because the ethnic groups (Igbo, Ibibio, Efik, Ekoi, Ogoni, and others) did not believe in the existence of one ruler but rather lived in autonomous communities. To solve this problem, the British devised a solution in the form of “warrant chiefs”.
The colonial administration made warrant chiefs tax collectors and used them to conscript youths as unwilling labourers for the colony and oversee judicial matters.
However, the British colonial officers couldn’t comprehend this practice. They considered male-dominated political organisations but ignored female ones. Combined with the extortion of the warrant chiefs, the women eventually became dissatisfied with the increased school fees and forced labour.
Now that we understand the full context, let’s visit a major event that made everything go from bad to worse for these women—the introduction of direct taxation.
The Native Revenue Amendment Ordinance of 1927
In April 1927, Lord Lugard commissioned a colonial resident, W.E. Hunt, to enforce the Native Revenue Ordinance in the five provinces of East Nigeria.
Under this ordinance, taxes or tributes were paid to the “Chief” (warrant chief). The “Chief” thereafter was to pay a portion of the tax into the General Revenue and the remainder to the Native Treasury. This was the first official tax documented in the East and was used to prepare the people for direct taxation in 1928.
When direct taxation was first launched, only men were obligated to pay taxes. That is, until an assistant District Officer, Captain James Cook, entered office temporarily in September 1929.
Cook’s Tax Revision As A Catalyst of War
In September 1929, the serving district officer, Hill, went on leave. Cook was sent as his substitute until November.
Upon taking over, he saw the ongoing direct tax roll count as insufficient because it didn’t include the number of wives, children, and livestock in the household, and he set about correcting this.
With his revision, women now had to bear the brunt of paying taxes alongside men. Combined with their other obligations, was too much for them. The tax for women became effective on October 14, 1929.
This tax revision led to a fight between a widow and a census worker—the legendary moment that set the tone of the Aba Women’s War.
The Nwanyeruwa-Emeruwa Fight
Madame Nwanyeruwa [BlackPast]
On the morning of November 18, 1929, a representative of the Warrant Chief of Oloko town, Mark Emeruwa, had one duty—to count or take a census of the people for taxation. However, he didn’t know that the women had already decided not to have themselves or their property counted!
When Emeruwa reached the house of a widow, Nwanyeruwa, he asked her to “count her goats, sheep and people,” (which meant that she would be counted based on her people and livestock). In response, Nwanyeruwa sarcastically asked if “his widowed mother was counted.” This led to a serious fight between the duo, which made Emeruwa choke Nwanyeruwa by the throat.
In anger, Nwanyeruwa went to the market square to meet other Oloko women discussing the issue of taxation and told them about the incident. When they heard of it, they decided they would no longer accept the leadership of Warrant Chief Okugo.
They used palm tree leaves to call nearly ten thousand women from other areas in the Bende District, Umuahia, and Ngwa to protest Okugo’s resignation and trial.
How Aba Women “Sat on Men” In The Riot
Under the leadership of Nwanyeruwa and the Oloko Trio (Ikonnia, Nwannedia, and Nwugo), the women protested Okugo’s resignation by “sitting on him.”
This is a traditional practice where women chant war songs and dance around a man, making his life miserable until demands are met. The protests eventually spread to the factory town of Umuahia, which sparked fear among the colonial officers.
The British District Officer jailed Okugo for two years to appease the women, ending the Oloko riot.
But that wasn’t the only protest
Another protest began in the Owerri district of Aba. This was after another census taker, Warrant Chief Njoku Alaribe, knocked down a pregnant woman during a fight. It eventually led to a miscarriage of the pregnancy.
Like the Oloko women, the women of Owerri would not take the matter lying down.
On December 9, 1929, the women protested in Njoku’s compound, during which two women were killed and many others wounded in an encounter with British police. This also led to the arrest and detention of their leader in Aba City.
On December 11, 1929, ten thousand women went to Aba City to protest against their leader’s arrest. On their way, a British medical officer was driving on the road when he knocked down two protesters, fatally wounding them. These made the women raid the nearby Barclays Bank and the prison to release their leader. They also destroyed the native court building, European factories, and other establishments. According to reports, soldiers and policemen killed about one hundred women in Aba.
The Women’s War then spread to the Ikot Ekpene and Abak divisions in Calabar province. Government buildings were burned, and a factory was looted at Utu-Etim-Ekpo on December 14. These left eighteen women dead and nineteen wounded. Thirty-one dead and thirty-one wounded women reportedly died on December 16 at Ikot Abasi near Opobo, also in Calabar province.
The Aftereffect
Until the end of December 1929, when colonial troops restored order, ten native courts were destroyed, houses of native court personnel were attacked, and European factories at Imo River, Aba, Mbawsi, and Amata were looted. Women attacked prisons and released prisoners.
When order was restored, the colonial troops killed about fifty-five women. The last soldiers left Owerri on December 27, 1929, and the last patrol in Abak Division withdrew on January 9, 1930. By January 10, 1930, the revolt was regarded as successfully suppressed.
The Rise of Female Eastern Movements
The position of women in society was greatly improved. Once only allowing the wives of elite husbands to participate in politics, the protests allowed women of lesser backgrounds to join native politics. Women were appointed to serve in native courts; some even became warrant chiefs.
The Aba Women’s Riot also inspired many other female movements in the 1930s and 1940s. This includes the Tax Protests of 1938, the Oil Mill Protests of the 1940s in Owerri and Calabar Provinces, and the Tax Revolt in Aba and Onitsha in 1956.
Serah Ibrahim, a self-acclaimed human rights frontier, shared an official document online from the Lagos State Public Procurement Agency on the morning of July 23, 2023. Ibrahim was the first social media user to make the document public. Many people, including news platforms, demanded answers and criticised the government.
What was the document about?
I need @jidesanwoolu and whoever runs the Lagos Govt @followlasg to explain this official document signed by Onafowote Idowu the DG PPA Lagos.
103 Dead Bodies to be buried by TOS Funerals on a Mass Grave?#EndSARS victims was actually written on it🤦🏼♀️.
Dated July 19, 2023, the document revealed the approval of N61.2 million. This was for a mass burial for 103 victims of the #EndSARS massacre of October 20, 2020. Onafowote Idowu, the agency’s Director-General, signed the letter and addressed it to the Ministry of Health.
An excerpt from the letter reads, “Following review of your request and based on the information provided therein, the agency has ‘No Objection’ to award the contract to MESSRS. TOS FUNERALS LIMITED at a total cost of N61,285,000 only for the mass burial for the 103, the year 2020 EndSARS victims.”
What was Lagos State’s response?
For the Lagos State Government, their reaction was to “set the record straight.” According to the Permanent Secretary of the Lagos State Ministry of Health, Olusegun Ogboye, the 103 bodies in question were not from the Lekki Toll Gate.
They were retrieved from various parts of the state, such as Fagba, Ketu, Ikorodu, Orile, Ajegunle, Abule-Egba, Ikeja, Ojota, Ekoro, Ogba, Isolo, and Ajah. The government says that some were even retrieved from a jailbreak at Ikoyi Prison.
RE: MASS BURIAL OF ENDSARS VICTIMS (MISCHIEF MAKERS AT WORK)
The attention of the Lagos State Government has been drawn to some social media publications about a purported mass burial plan for casualties of the 2020 #EndSARS incident. Peddlers of the news are deliberately… pic.twitter.com/j94U8P1dkX
Ogboye also mentioned in the statement that the Lagos State chief pathologist was legally summoned to produce the full records of unclaimed bodies in the Lagos State Central Mortuary. This was immediately after the tragic incident of October 20, 2020.
He also confirmed that relatives of the lost or dead victims were advised to contact the Department of Pathology and Forensic Science at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH). However, “nobody responded to claim any of the bodies.”
“After almost three years, the bodies remain unclaimed, adding to the congestion of the morgues. This spurred the need to decongest the morgues. This procedure follows very careful medical and legal guidelines if a relative may still turn up to claim a lost relative years after the incident,” he explained.
What were citizens’ reactions?
We can use two words to describe citizens’ reactions: outrage and dismay. This was because the state government had initially denied that there was “no casualty” recorded during the #EndSARs protest, particularly with the event that led to “Lekki Massacre”. Till today, the government has not been able to share a clear statement on what actually happened the night of October 20, 2020.
With this, Nigerians are reacting to the news of the mass burial and the government’s statement.
Lagos State was so effective that it immediately picked up bodies of victims before the communities had opportunity to identify and bury their bodies! These people really do not rate us at all!
On the night of the shooting at Lekki Tollgate, many of the protesters kept saying… https://t.co/TC7Ds07go3
It’s been 22 hours and this was the best lie Lagos State was able to come up with and it’s an amazing own goal.
You picked up 103 bodies but not at the Lekki Toll Gate where senseless soldiers massacred peaceful #EndSARS youths. This is the same lie Sanwo Olu told the panel and… https://t.co/TmfvYoK0CE
In November 2021, the Lagos State Government released a White Paper on the report by the EndSARS panel. This panel investigated the events of the Lekki Toll Gate incident of October 20, 2020.
According to this report, armed soldiers trying to scatter protesters away from the grounds killed nine people at the toll gate.
But Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu dismissed the report as “assumptions and speculations.”
Human rights organisations like Amnesty International and CNN International, which carried out independent investigations into the event, continue to stand by their reports that protesters were shot at.
Their claim also carries weight, as many Nigerians watched Obianuju Udeh (aka DJ Switch) livestream and heard gunfire while protesters at the scene waved their flags in the air and sang the national anthem.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
In 2022, David Owumi decided to make his first trip to Istanbul, Turkey from Nigeria. He had no form of cash on him except his ATM card. When he landed at the airport, he needed cash in order to pay for taxi to his hotel. But unfortunately, none of the ATMs seemed to work for him.
“I tried and tried, but all the ATMs were rejecting my card! I was stuck at the airport for quite a while because I also didn’t have any friends in Istanbul to pick me up. Eventually, an ATM did work for me, but that was after I was stuck for God knows how long. I ended up leaving the airport tired around midnight.” he reminisced.
For every 9-5 employee, a vacation sounds like the next best thing after sliced bread. However, it is easy to forget to make proper financial plans in the midst of all the excitement, and probably go broke or get stranded in the process.
In today’s episode of Abroad Life, David and Damiliel, seasoned travelers, have tips to save you from premium embarrassment to help navigate finances while vacationing in a foreign country.
“Before you depart, make sure to CHANGE CURRENCIES”
This is David’s first tip, due to his experience shared earlier. As a traveller, it is important to always try to hold in cash, the currency of the country you are going to before you leave.
“Try to make this include the expenses in your entire vacation budget if you can,” he advise.
“Make sure all your daily bills are sorted for the next month”
Damaliel advises that we should not only plan a budget for the trip but also try “to plan for the month ahead when you are back in Nigeria.”
According to him, “Saving in the current economy is quite hard, but it won’t be wise to blow your hard earned money on just the trip alone and come back home hungry. Make sure your daily bills at home are sorted out for at least the next month too.”
“Get your basic amenities sorted out before you leave”
“This includes hotel accommodation, commuting bills within the city, and feeding,” David suggests. He recommends that you try to book a hotel ahead of time that can serve both breakfast and dinner.
“It’s slightly more expensive, but it’s great to get a hotel like this in case you run out of cash, so at least you’ll not be hungry. Most hotels don’t offer lunch, but some do. If you see any like these, you should book those as well,” he says.
In terms of commuting bills, he also suggests that you search online for dedicated taxi companies that can take you around. “At least, even if you run out of money, you can still take yourself to landmarks in the city.”
“In your budget, always make sure to add money for miscellaneous expenses”
Damaliel advises that one should always budget enough money for emergencies or unforeseen circumstances. And this was out of personal experience.
He says, “Sometime around 2020 or 2021, I travelled to Dubai and contacted COVID. I needed an extra $700 for a new hotel. If not, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government would have isolated everyone for safety purposes.”
“Always do the math of prices in your head”
David believes that if you are going on vacation, you should try to gather prior knowledge of the conversion rate of the country and how much things cost in general. Especially if you don’t speak their official language or lingua franca.
“If you are travelling to France, for example, and you don’t know how to speak French, it is very easy for you to get swindled of your vacation money. There are conmen everywhere, as well as ‘brick and mortar’ businesses,’ he explains, emphasising that you shouldn’t find it easy to let go of money. “Always do the math of prices in your head.”
“Get travel insurance”
Travel insurance is an important money tip for David, especially if you are travelling to a “visa-free country.”
“For countries that do not require visas, it is highly important to sort out your travel insurance. This is like an official extra budget for you aside from the one you’re carrying in case you fall sick or run into any trouble,” he advises.
It’s cool for women to use the ‘feminist’ tag in conversations, but are you really part of the squad? Take our quiz to find out!
Names not only give us an identity, but they also reflect deep personal, cultural, and familial ties.
While most names are given to children by parents at birth, some are created due to the individual’s choice to change their name. And with errors in some documentation, the need to change names might arise to help clarify name order. It can even correct alphabetical inconsistencies in the letters that make up some names.
Even with religious indoctrination, adopting names that reflect our religious values requires some legality in validating identities and representation.
For example, if you are a Christian and get baptised as Mary, you might want to adopt it as a legal name. If you are a new Muslim convert, you might want to adopt a name that fits your religious identity. And if you practise traditional or other spiritual practises, you might want to reflect these beliefs in your legal name.
But how do you go about changing your name? What’s the process like? In this article, you’ll learn about all the requirements.
These are all popular reasons people change their names
If you need to change your name, it can’t be done on a whim. There are certain requirements:
Age
Only 18-year-olds can change their name under the law, as that is considered the age of adulthood. Children and teenagers under 18 need a parent or trusted guardian to change their names.
Citizenship
Only Nigerian citizens can change their names in the country. Foreigners in Nigeria must first gain Nigerian citizenship before being eligible for a name change.
A compelling reason
One must have a legal and compelling reason for changing their name. If you apply for a name change because you committed a crime, your application will be rejected.
Also, name choices that are profane or tribalistic in nature are turned down as well.
Financial stability
If you owe any financial institution money, bury this idea of a name change. Anyone who wishes to change their name would have to be clear in all financial institutions, not bankrupt, and not have any financial liabilities against them.
The process of changing your name
Now that you know the requirements, here are the procedures:
Swear an affidavit
The first step is to swear an Affidavit of Change of Name, often called a “Deed Pool”. This can be done by walking to a nearby High Court and going to the Registry department to complete the task.
Your affidavit should be written in your own words and state that you have changed your name. The affidavit should include the reason for your name change, as it will be used to document your old name.
Publicise your new name
After the affidavit is signed, it is a must that everyone (i.e., the public) know that you now bear a new name. This is done by publishing your new name in any legacy newspaper like The Nation, Guardian, or Punch. You should double-check that your important documents match your new name.
Get your name listed on The Gazette
After publication, one should apply to the Civil Registry’s Paperwork Department of Publication, requesting that your new name be printed in Nigeria’s official gazette. A fee of ₦5000 or more is usually charged for this. Print a copy of the page indicating your altered name once it appears in the Gazette.
Apply for new official documents that bear your new name
When your new name has been published in the Official Nigerian Gazette, you must apply for new official documents that reflect your new name. A copy of the Official Gazette showing the name should be attached to your application.
What documents do I need?
A signed court affidavit confirming the name change. It should not be older than one year.
A newspaper clipping that reflects your announcement of your name change. This should also be less than a year from the date of the advertisement.
You must submit the declaration/advertisement you typed (in the form above).
Two passport-sized pictures of your most recent appearance.
A demand draft for the publishing fees, as well as extra copies if needed.
A letter of attestation from a credible source.
An official announcement of the adjustment.
A statutory declaration (Affidavit) is a document that shows your new name on official records. You can complete the process by waiting for the new name to be published in the Nigerian Gazette.
A copy of the Official Gazette, which includes your name. This is attached to the new document application paperwork.
The chief registrar should be addressed in your application letter.
Personal information such as your date and place of birth, marital status, and address.
Where can I change my name?
You can simply visit the registry department of any High Court near you. To make the process faster, you can go to the National Civil Registration Office. It is located at Sokode Crescent and Michael Okpara Street in Zone 5, Wuse, Abuja. Applications for a name change usually range from 5-21 days.
How much does it cost?
The only expense of the process is the newspaper publication, which costs an estimated N5,000. There are no additional fees for the publication.
In Nigeria, changing names is not a one-day process, and there is no specified time period for completing all the required steps. You will need to be patient and determined. Also, before making this decision, carefully consider the other changes you will need to make, such as your international passport, national identification, financial or banking names, and certifications.
Today’s story, however, takes us back to the late 1940s, when a women-led resistance movement fought against the British colonial system of multiple taxation on women and led to the dethronement of a king.
This is the story of the Egba Women’s Tax Revolt.
Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance [UNESCO/The Republic]
In Colonial Nigeria, government revenue (in the Southern Provinces) came from two sources—import duties (a tax collected on imports and some exports by a country’s customs authorities) and railway freights.
Under import duties, the real “moneymaker” for the British was trading German liquor and spirits, and Germany was the epicentre of World War I (1914-1918). Before 1901, liquor duties were three shillings, but by 1901, it increased to as much as six shillings! This resulted in liquor being a scarce commodity during the war.
The high liquor import duties and shipping difficulties caused revenue from that sector to drop drastically. Which ultimately affected the government’s pockets.
Undated photograph of German soldiers posing for a picture while drinking beer [Beer and World War 1]
At this point, Lord Lugard was extremely desperate to get the nation’s finances in order. He had to plead with the British colonial office formally to impose direct taxation on the Yorubas, but the British government took its time to give any kind of approval.
Even though there was no word from the British, the native rulers felt pressure from the colonial government to generate revenue no matter what. This led to indirect taxation known as the ‘sanitation fines’ in April 1917.
The “Sanitation Fines” and How This Affected Egba Women
As the name implies, sanitation fines were monetary penalties one had to pay for not keeping their environment neat and tidy. To make up for the government’s lack of revenue, they needed to catch offenders, summon them to court, and make them pay fines—and market women or rural women were always the easy targets.
These women had to pay fines of up to five shillings, with an additional eight shillings for court summons, making it thirteen shillings. Sometimes the courts could even decide to inflate prices by close to thirty shillings.
The “offences committed” were usually very mundane, like not sweeping the front of their compounds or setting up water pots outside the house with no covers (which could cause mosquito breeding).
The sanitation fines turned out to be a successful revenue scheme for the British. In the Native Courts alone, they made up to £1.6 million from 1.9 million sanitary case offences. It encouraged British colonial officials to further impose stricter taxes on women.
The “Independent Woman” Mode of Taxation
After much deliberation, the British Colonial Office introduced the official method of taxation for Abeokuta on January 1, 1918. This was with the approval of the Secretary of the Native Authority, Adegboyega Edun. But right from the start, there was something not quite right with this new tax.
Adegboyega Edun [Nairaland]
The model was for every adult to pay an average of 5 shillings per head. Based on the number of adults in a household, the head of the compound was given an amount that the family must pay. This happened to exclude women, as they had to pay a totally different amount of tax altogether.
This was entirely different from the model of taxation in other parts of the country, which didn’t recognise women as different from men. In that model, “tax for every household will be £1, including the wife, and £10 per annum for additional wives.”
Despite several complaints, the British Resident bluntly refused to change the system. Women were more prevalent than men in the population, which made the taxation spread wider, and he knew that if he increased the men’s taxes, they may cause ‘wahala’ and riots.
Ironically, despite his efforts to reduce mayhem, the people were not at all pleased with the taxation system. The income of the people was not considered. They still had to pay customs dues and shop licences, and forced labour was still in practice. This led to the Adubi War of 1918.
How the Adubi War Solved Tax Problems for Men But Not Women
On June 13, 1918, 30,000 Abeokuta residents protested their displeasure by destroying railway and telegraph lines south of Abeokuta. Neighbouring Yorubas from the French colony of Dahomey also joined the fight, as they also protested against forced army recruitment for World War I.
Three thousand British soldiers were used to suppress the revolt, after which 1,000 Egba civilians and 100 soldiers were killed.
Despite the bloodshed, the tax scheme was modified. Men who earned less than £40 per year were now required to pay five shillings a year, with women paying two shillings and six pence. Those above £40 paid 1% of their income in taxes, while landlords were taxed 5% of their rental income.
However, this modification did not favour women. Women expected the government to make the market favourable for them as traders so that they could also profit, but there were no gains whatsoever.
Market women were charged as much as £3 for sheds. Those who couldn’t afford it and made use of ‘illegal’ spaces had to pay fines. The industries they could profit from were also limited, as they included only trading foodstuffs, imported goods, and local textiles. And these problems continued until World War II (1939–1945).
Egba women are unhappy over the multiple taxes [Getty Images]
In the words of the women’s representative to the Oba, Madam Jojolola, “The women all complained that they derive no benefit from the government. We make no profit on the goods we sell, and yet we have been called upon to pay taxes…”
The Rise of Women Through the Abeokuta Women’s Union (AWU)
The AWU – a combination of market women and the Christian Abeokuta Ladies Club (ALC) – emerged in 1945. Although initially a social club for middle-class women, it morphed to respond to the unending taxes on women and ultimately the brutality of colonial rule. They felt they could do this by uniting both working class market women and middle class women as one.
Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was its first president, and the Alake (King) of Egba land in Abeokuta, Ademola, was its first patron. Grace Eniola Soyinka also joined Funmilayo’s leadership.
Portrait of 70 year-old Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti[Obioma Ofoego/UNESCO]
The Soyinka Family in 1938. Wole Soyinka’s mother and father, Grace Eniola Soyinka and Samuel Ayodele Soyinka, with Wole, Tinu, and Femi. [Wole Soyinka]
To end the taxation regime, they wrote proposals to the Alake of Egba for the following:
Replacement of the flat rate tax on women with taxation on foreign companies;
Investment in local initiatives and infrastructure, including transportation, sanitation and education;
The abolition of the Sole Native Authority and its replacement with a representative form of government that would include women.
Alongside these proposals, they heavily fought the colonial government with different kinds of resistance tactics. Many women stopped paying their taxes altogether, and they either got fined or jailed. The AWU also wrote several petitions to the Alake between August 1946 and May 1947, but to no avail.
This eventually provoked the Egba Women’s Protests or Revolt.
The Egba Women’s Revolt
Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance [UNESCO/The Republic]
From Mid-October 1946, Ransome-Kuti and women from the AWU started to hold mass protests outside the king’s palace to demand the removal of direct taxation. The response was brutal, with police deploying tear gas and beating up the women.
But despite the obstacles, these women didn’t relent. They released a document in 1947 called “AWU’s Grievances”, which contained all their accusations against Alake and the Secretary of Native Authority. Ten thousand women then held another demonstration outside Alake’s palace, which lasted two days, while insulting Alake with different songs.
Alake’s response was an empty promise on tax suspension. More women got arrested and assaulted, including Funmilayo.
On December 8, 1947, over ten thousand women camped outside Alake’s palace and refused to leave until every woman arrested was released. They stood resiliently and remained until December 10, when they released the women.
Thousands of women come to show support for Funmilayo Ransome Kuti and the detained women. [Ransome-Kuti Family Archives]
However, the women didn’t get their demands met until three years later, in January 1949.
The British removed the Alake from the throne, the tax was removed, and four women were established in seats of power.
It is worthy to note that both the tax and the Alake later returned, but for a while, the women won.
The Impact
It is sad to see that market women are still being taxed without inclusive consideration in 2023.
A Nigerian marketplace. [Google]
In an article by TechCabal, market women are revealed to make little profit on their income as a result of various taxes for the local government, Lagos State agency officials, Kick Against Indiscipline officers (KAI), etc.
In July, the Nigerian Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) announced the Value Added Tax (VAT) Direct Initiative, a way for the federal government to collect Value Added Taxes (VAT) from market women and reduce multiple taxation.
Will the VAT be effective? Will it lead to another women’s revolt? We’ll see what becomes of this.
On July 15, 2023, a Twitter user (@daveshewrote) publicly called out Caleb University, a private tertiary institution situated in Ikorodu, Lagos, for attempting to suppress students from discussing an incident involving robbery, saying the school is “wanting to die it”.
so armed robbers entered caleb university just last night, robbed the female hostel, injured some students and now the school wants to die it? wetin we no go see for nigeria
A Caleb University student, who wishes to remain anonymous, informed Citizen that a robbery took place in one of the wings of Susannah Hall Girls’ Hostel in the early morning hours of Saturday, July 15, 2023.
The source who shared his account based on anonymity for fear of backlash by the university’s management, says the event unfolded as a girl sighted one of the robbers when she went to the bathroom at midnight. “She panicked and tried to run back to her room, but her roommates locked her outside, probably to protect themselves from the robbers. Because of the girl, people were alerted to the robbery situation,” the source shared.
The incident didn’t end there. The girl was reportedly attacked and quickly taken to the clinic, while some security personnel were allegedly assaulted.
Caleb University’s Media and Publication Specialist, Olawale Adekoya, also revealed to the media that three phones and one laptop were stolen (with the laptop retrieved) at the Hall. “The statement was circulated through a WhatsApp broadcast message,” our anonymous source corroborated.
Was there a second robbery?
From the anonymous source and social media user, we learnt that the robbers allegedly returned a second time on the same night to Elisha Hall, another female hostel in the school. The source also claimed that a riot started in the boys’ hostel because they wanted to “chase the robbers away and help the girls out.”
they are getting robbed in elisha hall right now please tag goverment authorities!!! pic.twitter.com/AlKZbthODQ
A Caleb history of robberies and culture of silence
July 15 is not the first and only day of robberies and student suppression at Caleb University.
A 300-level student shared with @Daveshewrote that there had been fires and riots in the school in the last two semesters due to multiple phone and laptop thefts that had been “successfully died down” or covered up by the school.
Even while Citizen tried to investigate deeper into the issue, we experienced a lot of roadblocks from students (and their siblings) who refused to talk for fear of backlash from school authorities.
But why all the need for secrecy? Students aren’t allowed to speak on certain issues about the school. This creates a culture of fear, with students fearing suspension or expulsion.
Our anonymous source states, “People caught not obeying the ‘school’s code of confidentiality’ are usually suspended or expelled.” He goes further to share with us that talking to us is to his detriment. “I just want to finish my degree and get out of here,” the source added.
Any word from school authorities?
Through the school’s security statement, students are informed that security personnel are working closely with police authorities to investigate the incident and apprehend the culprits.
He also circulated on WhatsApp a series of “truths” about what “really went on” in Sussanah Hall, most of which our source has claimed to be “lies.”
Citizen also contacted the university’s spokesperson for comments and to answer some of our specific questions. We, however, haven’t gotten any response at this time.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
Today, we are doing things a little bit differently. Instead of discussing the Japa experience for Nigerians in other countries, we will touch more deeply on why some Nigerians moved back home from abroad and why anyone in the diaspora might consider returning to Nigeria.
Just think of it like the usual “Japa” move,
The inspiration for this article came from a viral tweet that one of my editors spotted and tagged me on.
A marriage therapist, Shamseddin Giwa, shared the story of his previous life abroad and how he and his wife could barely make a sustainable income. This forced the couple to return to Nigeria.
The relocation story you don’t get told.
This was us several years back as a young couple looking for better life abroad. The dream was good, the intentions were good and we had enough to start. We just didn’t have enough information of how challenging it would get.
Many Nigerians received the story with lots of scepticism and speculation that they left due to “illegal migration.” It was unbelievable for many people. How could anyone make such a decision with Nigeria’s economy crumbling day and night?
Interesting! The moral of this story is- do not engage in illegal relocation, and if you do, have 2-3 backup plans.
Whatever is worth doing at all is worth doing well and carefully planned! I'm glad things are working well for you now!
On this table, amidst the ongoing debates on social media, illegal migration isn’t always the sole reason for anyone to return to their homeland, Nigeria. There are myriad reasons behind such decisions. To gain a better sense of this decision, six Nigerians who previously lived abroad but have now chosen to reside in Nigeria share their motivations for relocating.
“I had issues with European culture and racism”
Bayo*, an entrepreneur, didn’t experience the stress of European culture and racism while seeking a Master’s degree as a student in Italy. His once cordial relationship with white people changed after graduation due to his lifestyle upgrade through internships.
“After I started to make money from my internships and look nice, I started experiencing racism. My neighbours harassed me and, at one point, even involved the police in minor incidents. For the average Nigerian, every day as an immigrant is stressful,” he shares.
Bayo moved back to Nigeria in 2020, and he has never regretted his choice. He has made “five times the income” he made in Italy, has gained more job opportunities, and describes his lifestyle as “feeling like a king in my own country.”
“My mother’s ill health drove me back to Nigeria”
Even though Dele and Dante relocated to Nigeria from the UK in 2011 and 2018, respectively, they have one thing in common about their relocation stories—their mothers. Dante’s mom fell ill, and Dele’s mom passed on.
But the one difference they have, however, is their feelings about relocation. Dante, a software engineer, hates that he moved, while Dele, a business development expert, has never regretted it because he is doing “way better financially” than the friends he left behind.
“I would still have been in the UK if not for my mother’s health. Life there was cool, and there were no worries. I miss the job opportunities and friends I’ve left behind,” Dante shares.
Dele is also of the opinion that Japa is only for “economic survival” and that most Nigerians only travel to “gain exposure and enhance their skillset”, not to reside there permanently.
“I came back to Nigeria because of the conflict in Sudan”
In April 2023, John* was among the many Nigerian students in Sudan who had to be immediately evacuated due to the conflict in the nation’s capital, Khartoum, and the Darfur region.
But even though he is grateful for life, John hates that his education has come to an unprecedented halt since he arrived. “I’m doing nothing at home and haven’t finished my studies yet. And I’m currently finding it difficult to get admission as a transfer student,” he complains.
“My dreams of becoming a diplomat can be fulfilled here in Nigeria”
For many Nigerians, they see the Abroad Life as a means of fulfilling their dreams. But not for a recent graduate, Osione. Moving to Nigeria after living in the UK, Switzerland, and Australia is one step towards her long-term goal of becoming a UN Ambassador or diplomat.
She sees this move as important because of “the connection one needs to have with his or her home country” before becoming a diplomat.
Does she regret relocating? Not in any way. She is determined to stay.
According to Osione, “Nigeria can be a hard country to live in and find job opportunities in, but nothing will deter me from my long-term goal of an international diplomacy career. If I want to achieve this, I have to stay.”
“I left Ireland because of COVID”
Peter* was halfway through the final year of his undergraduate degree in Ireland when the pandemic struck. As a result, he had to leave Ireland in March 2020 and only go back to school a few months later to finish his degree.
After graduating in 2021, he never returned to Ireland, and he doesn’t see the need to.
“I didn’t plan to work or live there,” Peter shares. “I have more family in Nigeria, and I am more comfortable here with my enterprises and accounting career. In Nigeria, if you find the opportunity to be who you want, it’s not as difficult to live here, unlike living an immigrant life abroad.”
You say you’re ready to japa, but do you even know the type of immigration plan suited for you? Well, Citizen is here to give you the answer.
P.S: You can gain more insight by reading this article on UK student visas.
Have you ever received a bad product or service that was NOT what you ordered? Or sustained a physical injury/illness due to company negligence? Or worse, you signed a contract deal with a company as a freelancer or entrepreneur, and they didn’t keep their end of the bargain?
If you have, I’m pleased to announce that there is GOOD NEWS! You have the option to pursue legal action against the company by filing a lawsuit and seeking justice!
Now, how can we sue the company?
Before you get started on this path of justice, it’s important to note that an enterprise that has been fully incorporated under the law has the capacity to sue and be sued. If the company isn’t registered, you can still sue the owner, but just as a person, not a company.
This means the company can also enforce a lawsuit against someone and defend their rights when it receives a lawsuit.
Whatever complaint you bring to court can’t be based on your emotions. It has to fall within the range of company negligence, breach of contract, employee discrimination, etc. A good lawyer should be able to determine or evaluate the weight of the complaint before filing a lawsuit in court.
Before a lawsuit goes to court, you need to get a lawyer skilled in civil litigation who will send a written demand notice to the company. This notice explains the nature of the complaint and the type or amount of compensation the plaintiff (i.e., you) is willing to collect as a settlement.
The notice is also used as a warning or a threat to the company that the plaintiff will take the matter to court if his/her demands are not met.
Basically, the plaintiff is saying to the company:
If a demand notice doesn’t work, start filing processes
These processes include a statement of claim (a plea document containing the allegations made against the company and the type of relief or settlement needed), a list of witnesses, witness statements on oath, and necessary documents.
When these processes are completed, you can serve them to the company. One can do this by delivering them to their office address or serving the directors or key executives in the company.
After an action is filed in court, a suit number and court will be assigned to the matter. It will then be listed on the court’s cause list.
When can I NOT sue a company?
As much as you can sue a company, you may also be ineligible to sue them. This is when the limitation period or maximum time period for initiating a lawsuit has elapsed, according to the statute of limitations. Limitation periods differ depending on the nature of the complaint and the time the lawsuit was filed.
For instance, actions for damages resulting from negligence must commence within three years of their occurrence; actions for breach of contract must commence within six years of their occurrence. Learn more about the respective limitation periods here.
What if the company agrees to avoid being sued?
As much as the plaintiff wants justice, the reality is that the matter can be resolved outside of court. Most companies would rather avoid the spotlight and use the alternative dispute resolution process (ADR).
ADR is simply the different ways people can resolve disputes without a trial.
These can include negotiation, mediation, reconciliation, and arbitration—using a third party that both parties agree upon to resolve the conflict.
The news is out. Industrial product designer and ambassador of the Global Talent Visa platform (TechNation), Funfere Koroye, has a history of violence and abuse against women. This raises an important question: “How can victims of abuse and sexual violence obtain justice?”
When Ozzy Etomi, a gender and culture writer, asked her Twitter followers on July 1, 2023, about organisations that could help victims of stalking, harassment, and battering, not many people had an idea of what was going on. And the responses she got were filled with curiosity about who the stalker was, without many positive responses about which organisations the victim could go to.
A week later, Etomi revealed the alleged actions of stalking, sexual harassment, and violence by Koroye against his Ex.
I was approached 2 weeks ago by a concerned third party, about a woman who was terrified of her ex who had been stalking, harrassing and threatening her for 2+ years, following a physically abusive relationship. If you recall I came on twitter asking if any orgs could help.
The news so far has sparked public outrage. It has also gotten the attention of the Lagos State Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (Lagos DSVA), which has promised to work with the Ex to receive support, protection, and justice.
Sexual harassment, stalking, and physical assault by men are problems that women face. But to understand what to do in these contexts, let’s explain what the Law says.
Under Section 46 of the Violence Against Persons Act, stalking is listed as a type of ‘harrassment.’
Under Section 17 of the same act, a person who stalks another commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a term of imprisonment not exceeding 2 years, a fine not exceeding N500,000, or both.
Sexual harassment is listed as a form of sexual violence under Section 264 of the 2004 Criminal Code Act. It says that “anyone who sexually harasses another commits a felony that is liable on conviction to imprisonment for three years.”
For Rape
According to Section 359 of the Criminal Code Act of Nigeria, any attempt to commit rape is liable to 14 years imprisonment.
Under Section 1 (2) of the 2015 Violence Against Persons Act, the offender will get a life imprisonment sentence if convicted and 14 years imprisonment if the offender is under 14.
You are a victim or know someone who needs help; what can you do?
The Executive Secretary of the Lagos DSVA, Tiwalola Rhodes-Adeniyi, told Citizen that victims of these crimes should first be able to “build their case by having evidence.”
If you wonder what building your case with evidence looks like, it involves getting hold of and presenting text messages, voice recordings, pictures, or videos. It can also include physical evidence like bruises, wounds, or damaged clothing.
This all helps your case and helps you achieve justice. According to Rhodes-Adeniyi, “If a victim has these, one can successfully get an emergency restraining order.”
Usually, police officers give an emergency restraining order in domestic and sexual violence cases where there is immediate danger or an inability to go to court immediately. These usually last for 5-7 days.
Olivia Ovuodo-Peters, a sexual and gender-based violence expert, shares that one can always follow up with police personnel if they don’t respond quickly.
According to Ovuodo-Peters, “If you report to the police on duty at the Sexual Base Desk and don’t hear from them, you can write a letter explaining your case to the Divisional Police Officer (DPO),” and if that doesn’t work, you can write to the State’s Commissioner of Police and copy the appropriate DPO.
However, not everyone sees going to the police as their first line of action. The Communications Officer at Stand to End Rape (STER), Elfrida Adeleye, recommends that victims should always contact a non-governmental organisation (NGO) when filing these cases.
According to Ayodele, these NGOs already have contacts in important governmental ministries such as the Ministry of Justice, and Ministry of Women Affairs. Thus, they can help “push the right buttons to get these cases heard faster. You don’t need to go in alone.”
How can social media best help you?
Rhodes-Adeniyi passionately advocates for the use of social media as a platform to shed light on sexual assault, harassment, and abuse. In her view, it is a powerful tool to “raise public awareness on cases” and support victims who have experienced such atrocities. She firmly believes that victims should have the freedom to speak the truth to power in their own way without being dictated how to do so.
With genuine concern, Rhodes-Adeniyi asserts, “We shouldn’t tell a victim how to speak truth to power.” She recognises that social media can be instrumental in calling for justice and creating a collective voice against these injustices. However, she cautions that social media alone is “not to make a formal report.”
Rhodes-Adeniyi insightfully reveals the potential risks faced by victims who do not formally report their cases. She highlights the possibility of the offender filing a lawsuit, accusing the victim of defamation through libel or slander.
To reduce this risk, she strongly recommends victims “formally file their case with evidence with the police, an NGO, or a court of law” before resorting to social media. Rhodes-Adeniyi suggests additional steps, such as visiting a hospital to obtain medical documentation if there are visible injuries. She also emphasised that having an “official statement of the case somewhere” is crucial.
Rhodes-Adeniyi advises victims to safeguard themselves legally by formally reporting these cases. This will ensure their claims are supported by substantial evidence and provide a solid foundation in the event of a legal backlash.
By taking these steps, victims can effectively navigate Nigeria’s complex justice system while leveraging social media to shed light on their experiences and rally support for their cause.
Which organisations can you reach out to for help?
STER (Stand to End Rape Initiative)
The Stand to End Rape (STER) initiative is an enterprise advocating against sexual violence, and supporting survivors with psychosocial services. They handle all forms of sexual violence.
You can reach out to them by filling out this form or sending an email to the team here.
The Mirabel Centre
The Mirabel Centre is Nigeria’s first sexual assault referral centre where survivors can get medical and psychological aid.
You can call them at 08187243468, 08155770000, or 0701 349 1769. You can also visit them at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital, Ikeja General Hospital Road, Ikeja, Lagos.
Alternatively, you can send an email to sarc@pjnigeria.org
The Women at Risk International Foundation (WARIF)
WARIF is a non-profit organisation. WARIF helps to address high incidence of sexual violence, and rape amongst young women across Nigeria.
You can contact them at 0809 210 0008 or you can send an email to info@warifng.org
The Lagos Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (DSVA)
DSVA is an organisation under the Lagos State government. They help eradicate domestic and sexual violence in the state.
You can contact them at 08000333333 or email them at info@lagosdsva.org
The International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA)
The International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) Nigeria is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation comprised of women lawyers, formed in 1964. They take pro-bono cases across Nigeria, usually on domestic, sexual, and other related violence against women.
You can visit their website to find the branch closest to you or call +234 708 849 6115
The ‘Japa’ season is upon us. Nigerians who intend to study abroad, especially in the UK, are getting their bags ready with lots of delight to relocate. In recent years, the UK has become popular as the preferred destination for higher education for many Nigerians and Africans.
If you’re getting ready to travel, then you definitely need to know what it takes to acquire a key document, the UK student visa. As you continue to read this article, you will learn about the following
Who can apply?
When can one apply?
What are the fees?
When can you arrive?
How long can you stay?
Who can apply?
Being an accepted student isn’t the only thing that matters. You must also:
Have enough money to support yourself and pay for your course – the amount will vary depending on your circumstances. You must have enough money to pay for your course for one academic year (up to nine months). You’ll also need to show you have enough money to support yourself—unless you’ve been in the UK with a valid visa for at least 12 months on the date of your application.
How much money you need depends on where you will be studying. You’ll need either:
£1,334 per month (for up to 9 months) for courses in London.
For courses outside London, £1,023 per month (for up to 9 months).
Have consent from your parents if you’re 16 or 17—you’ll need evidence of this when you apply
When can you apply?
This depends on whether you are living in or outside the UK. For Nigerians in the UK, the earliest application is 3 months before your course starts. It must also be applied for 28 days before your current visa expires. You’ll usually get a decision within 8 weeks.
For Nigerians outside the UK, you need to start your application process earlier, as you’d need 6 months. You’d also get a decision on your visa within 3 weeks.
What are the fees?
UK student visas cost £363 (N356,000) for students outside the UK and £490 (N480,000) for students who wish to extend their studies or switch to a student visa inside the UK.
There is also a healthcare surcharge, which you can find out more about here.
When can you arrive?
You can arrive a month before your course starts (if your course is longer than 6 months) or a week before (if your course is shorter than 6 months).
But no matter when your course starts, you MUST NOT travel to the UK before the start date given on the visa. To be forewarned is to be forearmed.
How long can you stay?
A pertinent question for students who just finished their studies is, “How long can we stay here?”
Do not worry; you won’t be kicked out (or at least not right away). Everything depends on the length of your course and what studies you’ve already completed in the UK.
If you’re 18 or over and your course is at degree level, you can usually stay in the UK for up to 5 years. If it’s below degree level, you can usually stay in the UK for up to 2 years.If you want to stay longer than five years, read more about the requirements here.
If you can’t make at least 7/9 on this simple quiz on Nigeria’s pre-colonial wars, then we definitely need to return your green passport.
P.S: You can only get the answers if you have read the episodes of Citizen History.
Despite several conversations on more women’s participation in Nigerian politics—before and after the 2023 elections—the debate is still on for more women to be included in Nigeria’s political leadership. Let’s show you how bad things are.
Only 17 women were voted into power in the 2023 parliamentary elections, with three and 14 women entering the Senate and House of Representatives, respectively. And only seven were elected as deputy governors of their states. No woman became governor. And as we all know, a woman is not our current president.
Now that we understand how bad things were in the 2023 elections, how can we ensure that the same events don’t repeat themselves in 2027? Well, ladies, the ElectHER Policy and Research Centre (EPRC) has the answer for you.
The movement to get women involved in politics by ElectHER is called the Roadmap to Proactively Advance Gender Equity in Political Leadership in Nigeria.
What will this do?
This roadmap was designed to help push establishing a gender quota into law. Gender quotas imply that women must have a certain number or percentage in their nation’s parliament. For ElectHer, the percentage average they aim for is 22.5% representation by 2027.
But how will this happen?
This will be done through five main objectives:
Facilitate women’s inclusion in political hierarchy and adoption as party candidates by at least 35% in the 2027 elections.
Improve, control, and reduce the narrative of negative media stereotyping for women in Nigerian politics by at least 60% before 2027.
Control and minimise the impact of cultural and religious norms on politically exposed women in Nigeria.
Building institutions to encourage female candidacy for posts and make political participation attractive for women.
Strengthen the woman’s capacity to generate enough income and resources for campaigns.
These objectives are further broken down into short-term, medium-term and long-term actions.
Facilitate women’s inclusion in political hierarchy and adoption as party candidates by 35%
ElectHER plans to do this through the following actions:
Aggressively sensitise women to participate in local/grassroots politics.
Lobby for women to be part of transition committees for both the president and state governor-elect. This is to ensure the presence of more women in appointment/ministerial positions.
Introduction of gender bills for reservation of seats for women in political parties.
Increase advocacy for affirmative action to become law.
Reservation of at least 20-35% seats for female political appointees at the state and federal levels.
The long-term goal is to develop and implement long-term capacity for identified female candidates. This will include mentorship programmes and tutorship in managing campaigns and fundraising.
Reduce the negative media stereotyping of women in Nigerian politics by at least 60%
Work with key stakeholders to review media content, language, and representation that reinforce discrimination against women.
Create more media content that promotes equity in governance through spotlights, profiling, and storytelling.
Develop strategic partnerships with media in the design and dissemination of media information.
Utilise entertainment and lifestyle media tools to reorient the public on the importance of women’s participation.
Objective 3: Minimise the impact of cultural and religious norms on politically exposed women in Nigeria
Visit key traditional and religious leaders to encourage inclusive participation of women at all levels of governance.
Facilitate national dialogue to address cultural and religious practices.
Advocate for full implementation of the National Gender Policy in Nigeria, which seeks to establish full gender equality for women.
Incorporate gender equity when drafting bills and making policies.
Co-create, design, and implement interventions that address socio-cultural norms that harm or subjugate women, especially in cases of gender-based electoral violence.
Leverage technology to build strong communities that include Nigerians in the diaspora.
Building institutions to encourage female candidacy for posts and make political participation attractive for women.
Reintroduce the “Reserved Seat Bill”, a temporary measure for reserving a minimum number of seats for historically underrepresented groups. Consult with male senators who rejected the bill to find out why it was rejected and how it can be improved.
Call on influential men, media, private sector, and citizens to support the Reserved Seat Bill.
Review internal rules and procedures of Federal and State legislatures to encourage more inclusive participation.
Collaborate and establish relationships with key national learning and training institutions (e.g., the National Institute of Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS)) to ensure that gender equity conversations are included in every aspect of operations.
Strengthen the woman’s capacity to generate enough income and resources for campaigns.
Focus on putting women out there, either with storytelling, visibility, networking, manifesto development, etc., to attract crowdfunding.
Improve involvement of individuals and women-led organisations with top female executives to mobilise resources for women with a proven track record ahead of the 2027 elections.
Have inter-generational knowledge-sharing sessions to ensure that women interested in politics can learn from older women with experience.
Establish a fundraising network for female candidates.
Benefits of the Roadmap
You now know the roadmap’s contents, so what are the benefits? Here are five of them:
Increased collaboration with all stakeholders.
Build gender-responsive reforms in government.
An establishment of the gender quota.
Improved media messaging towards women.
Amplifying women’s voices.
Since we started the Citizen History flagship, we have journeyed together through the significant conflicts of pre-colonial Nigeria.
Today’s story takes us back to 1906, when Lord Lugard, the High Commissioner of the Northern Nigeria provinces, considered locals instead of British soldiers for leadership of the newly colonised lands.
Frederick Lugard, 1st Baron [Wikipedia]
Why did a British representative trust the locals to rule over other locals, and how did he execute that?
This era in Nigeria’s colonial history is known as Indirect Rule.
In June 1934, this picture was taken of the governor of northern Nigeria, Lord Lugard, and other country rulers at a zoo in London. [Getty Images]
Indirect rule is a system of administration in the colonies where local leaders—although front-facing with the people and ruling with native politics—dance to the British tune and follow all orders the administration gave.
But why was there an indirect rule?
There were several reasons:
Britain didn’t have enough personnel for Nigeria’s enormous land mass. By 1925, there was approximately only one administrator for every 100,000 Nigerians. Even Lugard admitted it once by saying, “Nor do we have the means at present to administer so vast a country.”
Even if they could, there was an issue with Nigeria’s high mortality rate. Between 1895–1900, up to 7.9-10% of British officers died yearly. British officers were reluctant to move to Nigeria, and those that did wanted a higher salary, which Britain couldn’t give.
According to some reports, the colonial masters also wanted to limit uprisings from the Nigerians, who would rather be ruled by one of their own than a foreigner.
Now that you understand why indirect rule happened, let’s walk you through what life looked like in both Northern and Southern Nigeria under this rule:
Indirect Rule in Northern Nigeria: The Day in the Life of An Emir
Emir of Kano in 1911 [Wikipedia]
In northern Nigeria, the Emir was the traditional and spiritual leader of the emirate. Using Islamic dictates, he had a judicial system with alkalis, a revenue generation system, and several titled officials. The British did not see the need to overhaul their systems but took control of them instead.
The Emir in colonial Northern Nigeria was not elected by the people but rather selected by the colonial government, which informed the kingmakers of their preferred candidate. So, even though he is ruling the Northern people, his allegiance goes to the British Crown, and this is backed up with letters of appointment and oaths.
During his tenure, an Emir knows that his most important duty is tax collection, not for himself but on behalf of the British. Delayed tax payments could lead to their removal.
The budget for running the British colonial administration also came from these taxes, which were 25% of total taxes collected. The Emir never ruled alone but always had a “resident” with him as Britain’s colonial administrator for “advice”.
The Emirs’ lives of indirect rule started properly in 1900 and ran till the 1940s.
Indirect Rule in Southern Nigeria
South Eastern Nigeria
Implementing indirect rule in the North was a piece of cake for the British due to their existing political systems. But in the East, applying this method was hell.
This was because the ethnic groups (Igbo, Ibibio, Efik, Ekoi, Ogoni, and others) did not believe in the existence of one ruler but rather lived in autonomous communities. To solve this problem, the British devised a solution in the form of “warrant chiefs”.
A warrant chief knows he is being called one due to the certificate the British give him. He is not a ruler but a representative of the colonial government.
Despite his power, he is more notorious than popular in the community, as the indigenes see him as disrupting the status quo and betraying them. Due to this resentment, his interactions with the villagers would always be laced with curses and abuse.
The colonial administration made warrant chiefs tax collectors, used them to conscript youths as unwilling labourers for the colony, and oversee judicial matters.
The warrant chief knows he was not selected through any process, so he doesn’t need to be credible or reliable to the people to get the job done. He would be fraudulent with taxes being paid and would invent new ways of extorting the people of their funds.
The actions of the warrant chiefs met such great resistance that he would experience revolts, including the Aba Women’s Revolt of 1929.
South Western Nigeria
The first meeting of the Yoruba Obas in Oyo, 1937 [Asiri Magazine]
Indirect rule was neither perfect nor unfit for the South West. The region had traditional rulers, often known as the Oba, who were held accountable under a democratic system with several checks and balances. The Oba, who already received taxes and tributaries, worked well for the colonial administration for tax collection.
But this did not go without revolts and protests across different towns. One of them is the Abeokuta Women’s Revolt, which led to the removal of a King.
The Impact of Indirect Rule in Nigeria
Here are some of the effects of indirect rule on modern-day Nigeria:
It led to the rise of nationalism across Nigeria
The title of “warrant chief” has gradually turned into a hereditary title today in the South East, with the descendants claiming to be from “royalty”. Key figures in Nigerian politics today are descendants of warrant chiefs, e.g. Senate President Godswill Akpabio is the descendant of warrant chief Udo Okuku Akpabio in Ikot Ekpene, former minister of foreign affairs, Geoffrey Onyeama, is the grandson of warrant chief Onyeama of Eke, etc.
The story elements of this episode of Citizen History were sourced from “What Britain Did to Nigeria”by Max Silloun.
On July 1, many Twitter users worldwide started the weekend—and a new month—by receiving a “rate-limit exceeded” notification on their personal feed page.
The effects of this were limited page scrolling, disappearing timelines, and an inability to retrieve, send out tweets, or even send a direct message.
Anyone else getting “rate limit exceeded” on their twitter? My spread isn’t updating at all This guy called Elon hmmm
— Nigeria 🇳🇬 Sarkodie 👑 (@Ponialbert1) July 1, 2023
But what was the cause?
This is due to a new temporary policy limiting the number of tweets people can read. According to Elon Musk, the CEO of Twitter, verified accounts can only read 6,000 tweets per day, unverified accounts 600 tweets per day, and new unverified accounts 300 tweets per day until further notice.
To address extreme levels of data scraping & system manipulation, we’ve applied the following temporary limits:
– Verified accounts are limited to reading 6000 posts/day – Unverified accounts to 600 posts/day – New unverified accounts to 300/day
It has since been upgraded to 10,000, 1,000, and 500 tweets, respectively (after much backlash). According to Musk, this move was made to address “extreme levels of data scraping and manipulation.”
But what does data scraping even mean?
This is an automated process of extracting large amounts of data from websites or online sources.
According to the co-founder of legal tech startup Mustarred, Oyindolapo Olulesi, while this is useful for data analysts, it can also be a “powerful tool in the hands of bad actors”, which is why social platforms usually frown against it.
He also mentioned that there are other claims that Musk could just be using this to mask a bigger issue. “Some say Twitter is still owing AWS (Amazon); others say the platform probably had a cyberattack,” he says.
But beyond the discomfort of having to keep track of tweets, what impact does it have on the way Nigerians engage with Twitter? What does the future of civic engagement look like for the country?
For citizens, there are mixed feelings
We found many interesting responses in discussions among our Citizen Community members on WhatsApp.
Users like Acacia do not support the rate limit, as she fears missing out on important information.
She asked, “What if I see 600 tweets before a message by the Federal Government or maybe the Nigerian Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC)?”
Acacia also added that social media platforms like Twitter have become “means of expressing one’s rights”, and its usage should be based on the “user’s discretion and discipline.”
An example is the 2020 #EndSARS riot, which kickstarted as an online movement against harmful practices by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).
There is a growing lack of care about the issue as well. For users like Teekay and Kindred who shared their opinions with Citizen, the move doesn’t affect them as they do not frequently use the app.
However, in the nooks and crannies where the conversation about Twitter usage and its end is being envisioned, there are citizens who don’t care. Some people, like Teekay, believe Twitter is still “unserious” about the new policy, especially as his “more active friends” on the platform have yet to complain about these restrictions bitterly.
“It’s us going back to traditional means of sourcing stories”
For Senior Editor at TechCabal, Noah Banjo, the new policy, even though temporary, could make sourcing for stories a hard task as a journalist.
He explains, “In instances where someone has used a keyword many times, how would you know when your limit is about to be exceeded? This will make the process of finding stories even more difficult. Journalists will now have to settle for breaking stories and move on. In-depth stories that give insight into important stories are usually found in Twitter threads, but these threads could now be cut short. This affects the journalists and audience that need this information.”
Banjo added that the new policy could make the art of fact-checking claims difficult. This is because the policy encourages more users to pay for verification, making these people “the forefront of spreading misinformation that can get more visibility as a result of their verification.”
“Curtailment of Twitter would likely result in diminished levels of civic engagement”
Ufuoma Oghuvwu, a Senior Programs Associate at Enough is Enough, believes that the effects of “curtailment of Twitter would likely result in diminished levels of civic engagement.”
She also believes it will affect civic communication with the youth and governmental NGOs, which happen to be “the largest voting bloc in our electorate.”
According to Oghuvwu, solutions with intentional physical civic engagement are the way to go. “Drawing lessons from the recent elections, it is evident that substantial efforts are required to establish a strong connection between the virtual realm of political engagement and offline structures necessary to shape governance in our society.”
How do you navigate life after graduate studies? How do you get jobs? These are questions that today’s feature on #AbroadLife answers with Grad School Buddy, a podcast and carefully curated digital companion that helps simplify the grad school application journey. She shared her migration journey into Washington, D.C., and her inspiration for the podcast with us.
How did you migrate to the United States?
While studying for my undergraduate degree in Economics back in Nigeria, I became very certain that I would study Development Economics. I believe that if the world is going to become a better place in the long run, we’ll definitely need to go through some policy changes. During my National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), I was posted to a primary school. I did a project to help sponsor kids who were out of school in Nigeria. These experiences then motivated me to look for the best places in the world where I could learn more about policy change.
Initially, I wanted to go to school in the United Kingdom. However, my friend then suggested Washington, D.C. This was because D.C. is a policy-centric location where I could meet with other policymakers and interact with organisations to get these policies done. So it was a step-by-step process. I first understood the course I wanted to study, and second was the location—where would I be most suited to study the course? I chose D.C. because of the people [policymakers], the jobs, and the exposure.
What was the process like?
So I applied on my own for my visa, admission, and all that because I had others who had gone through the same process, and they didn’t use agents. I had to do a lot of research. I had to check out which school in DC I wanted to apply to and why. How were the professors? What kind of funding does the school have, and what sort of funding do they have too?
Once I figured these out, I had to look at their requirements. I had to take the TOEFL to fulfil the language requirement and the GRE exam for proficiency. There was an analytical piece of writing where I was asked a policy-related question, and then there was also a Statement of Purpose (SOP) where I had to write about my own motivations for applying to the school. I also had to get my undergraduate transcript from my university, and I got a half-merit scholarship. I applied in 2018 and started in the fall of 2019.
Sweet! How was grad school for you?
So the first semester of my first year in grad school was all about focus. I really wanted to know more about the educational system and how to navigate life in America in general before water go carry me go. But by my second semester, I noticed that many students around me were “badass” and could do the things I was doing better, with brilliant projects. I also saw that some students had started having jobs since my first semester. I asked them more about their jobs and the professors they were working with, especially on impact evaluation across the world.
With this, I was able to start working in my second year as a research assistant, and I continued working with them until I finished. I had surveys, large data sets, survey designs, etc., which helped me get great internship or job opportunities outside school. Working gave me both the skills and the money.
How did you then get a job after grad school?
A lot of students abroad have probably heard of the use of networking to find jobs. It could be annoying and may be a bit out of my comfort zone, but I realised that this was something that had to be done if I eventually wanted an international career for myself. I had to meet people that I never knew to have coffee with me or meet somewhere just to get myself acquainted with them and keep me top of mind.
My first job was with a professor who I had worked with on a short-term project. After school, she introduced me to the very first job I got, which was a six month project. While working there, I was already looking out for the next job. I knew that I didn’t want to ask her for another job yet again.
So I started networking like crazy before I ended the project. I had to check organisations I wanted to work with and people in the sector I wanted to work in, as well as look at their previous projects to see if I had any affinity with them. I then asked my friends if they had emails on some of the people I had researched and started cold mailing them and setting up meetings with them. After these meetings, I only followed up with people that I felt I could work with.
Through these people, I was able to get recommended jobs from them. There were periods of rejection and tears. However, I had friends in my corner who served as a great support system for encouragement. I eventually reached a point where I could turn down jobs because there were so many.
What was your inspiration for the Grad School Buddy podcast?
So firstly, the Grad School Buddy is a podcast and carefully curated digital companion that helps simplify the grad school journey in an unconventional way. It started as a podcast, but now we have a newsletter and social media pages where we share information. What led me to start was that when I was going to grad school, I had people around me that had been through this process, including my siblings and friends. There was specifically one of my male friends who knew that I was very big on development economics in terms of education and financial inclusion policies. He was the one who made me start thinking of grad school beyond just the degree. But also about the importance of life after grad school. I had never really thought about what life after grad school entailed until he spoke about it.
Basically, I had knowledge of these things, but it wasn’t until I moved abroad to Washington, DC, and started school that people started to ask me questions about life after grad school. Then I realised that this information wasn’t accessible to everyone else out there. That’s how I got started. I wanted the podcast to encompass graduates from every walk of life, both the ones that paid tuition through scholarships, family income, or what have you. I also wanted to highlight alternatives to going abroad for a Masters. These included an online Masters or even having their Masters’ degree in Nigeria, how to get great internship opportunities, and so much more. If someone is trying to navigate problems surrounding their Masters’ degree and stumbles upon the podcast or newsletter, I’d love for them to get their answers via the Grad School Buddy Platform.
Why did you record your very first episode?
I recorded my first episode from a sad place. I was broke, and I needed an outlet to let out my feelings and thoughts. Then, I was starting to understand the process behind the “rejection before acceptance” process of getting job opportunities. I wanted other people who were like me also to experience what it felt like. There were friends who had different circumstances with grad school, and I felt like my friends and everyone else needed to share our grad school limitations and also share their solutions as well.
What’s the structure of Grad School Buddy like?
So, I initially started by myself, but now I have 5 people on the team. We plan the whole season to decide on a theme, then break down the topics and decide on profiles that could fit into these topics. For guests, it’s either have people call us requesting a feature or we contact them. We then interview them, and it gets to post-production where we edit the audio, send it to the guests for feedback, and once it’s approved, we start adopting and publishing it for different media.
Aside from this, Grad School Buddy also aims to get people of different nationalities, sexualities, and experiences to come together and share their thoughts. I would always like people to listen to the podcast or read the newsletter and find an episode or two that is for them.
What are your challenges with the podcast?
So I won’t necessarily call it a challenge, but I have noticed that some admission officers or counsellors request a fee when I reach out to them, and I feel that kind of demand doesn’t always serve the greater good. That’s the “challenge” in quote. Besides, Grad School Buddy is privately funded, and it’s not like we have the cash to blow. There are also the usual production glitches that I believe everyone else experiences, but there are always alternative episodes that we can always post in place to stay afloat.
What is next with the Grad School Buddy?
We are looking to launch Season 3 in October or November. I also hope to allow the team to handle more processes of the podcast in the long term as well as bring in more diverse voices.
Have you ever experienced a friendship betrayal?
If you have, you can relate to the eighteenth-century Benin Kingdom and how they must’ve felt when British soldiers invaded their land, looting over 2,500 artefacts and calling it an expedition.
But how did it all start? Let’s dive in:
The Benin-Britain Bromance
In 1553, British merchants sent out two ships to the Benin River under the command of Captain Thomas Windham.
A portrait of Thomas Wyndham in 1508 [Hans Eworth]
The then Oba of Benin, Orhogbua, welcomed them and agreed to sell pepper to them. However, almost 100 people in Windham’s crew caught malaria and eventually died between 1553-1556.
As a result, Queen Mary I prohibited all voyages to the Benin Kingdom.
Queen Mary I of England [The Print Collector/Getty Images]
Time passed, and voyages resumed, but only the crew of James Welsh could withstand the fever. From January to April 1591, they carted away valuable resources back to their country, including 589 servings of pepper, 82 barrels of palm oil, and 150 ivory tusks.
Thus began a prosperous British-Benin trade relation of trading pepper, gold, ivory, and later slaves, which lasted for many years.
But it didn’t last forever
Their breakup happened in several stages, which are all important to know:
A shaky trade agreement
The amount of power the then Oba, Ovoramwen Nogbaisi, had over trade in 18th-century Benin was, naturally, massive.
Ovonramwen, Oba of Benin [Edo State Archives]
The British needed his permission to use the trees in the village to collect palm kernels and tap rubber, which was a difficult process for them, and even export goods across the Benin River.
In 1892, Deputy Commissioner and Vice-Consul Captain Henry Lionel Galway tried to negotiate a trade agreement with Oba Ovọnramwẹn Nọgbaisi to allow for the free passage of goods through his territory and the development of the palm oil industry.
The treaty was signed, and there was free trade for the British, but Ovonramwen still collected customs duties. Major Claude MacDonald, Consul General of the Oil River Protectorate, saw the tax as a hostile act.
To make things worse, Ovonramwen then halted the trade of oil palm produce to the British due to price fixing and the refusal of Itseriki men to remit the customs duties.
Britain, not used to being told no, did not like this. But it was one murder they piled behind.
The Ambush and Slaughter of Phillips’ Crew
In November 1896, Phillips, the Vice Consul of a trading post on the African coast, decided to meet with Oba Ovonramwen to discuss the customs duties discomfort.
He formally asked his superiors in London for permission to visit Benin City, claiming that the costs of such an expedition would be reimbursed by trading for ivory.
In late December 1896, Phillips got tired of waiting and took a crew of 18 men, 180 Jakri Porters, to carry supplies and 6 Kru labourers to Benin. He sent an envoy to discuss trade and demand entry into the territory, while bringing numerous gifts for the Oba.
At this time, the Binis were celebrating the Igue Festival, and strangers were forbidden to see the Oba. Oba even sent a message to Phillips saying he wasn’t allowed and would send word in a month or two. But for impatient Phillips, that was time that he simply couldn’t afford.
On January 4, 1897, Phillips and his entire party were ambushed on their journey to Benin City at Ugbine village near Gwato. This was done by Iyase, a warlord who saw the British advance as a slap in the face despite Ovonramwhen’s warning not to harm them.
1897 [Agefotostock]
That day, both British officers and African porters were slaughtered. Only two British survived their wounds, Alan Boisragon and Ralph Locke.
Within a week, news of the massacre had made it to London, and the colonial officers were filled with rage.
For Britain, they needed to teach the Oba and his ‘savages’ a ruthless lesson not to kill their own. This singular event led to the invasion of Benin, also known as ‘the Punitive Expedition’.
The Punitive Expedition
Towards the end of the first week of February 1897, about 1,200 men, including marines, sailors, and protectorate troops, were assembled and prepped for war. This was under the leadership of Sir Harry Rawson.
Admiral Sir Harry Rawson [Historic Houses Trust]
They aimed to “divide and conquer” by advancing on three fronts. The first column was to take Ogbologbo Creek; the second was to advance through the Jameson River Line up to Sapomba; and the third was to maintain a joint attack through Uguto Creek.
On February 9, 1897, the invasion started, and by February 18, the Benin Kingdom fell and ceased to be an independent entity. The Bini soldiers put up a brave front but were no match for Britain’s superior war weapons.
The Aftermath
The city was later set ablaze, although the British later claimed it was ‘accidental.’
Members of the ‘expedition’ surrounded by objects from the royal palace [British Museum]
Benin was later annexed to the Niger Protectorate.
Many buildings were also burned down, including the famous King’s Court. Oba Ovonramwen was deported and exiled to Calabar until he died in 1914.
Ovonramwen on board the Niger Coast Protectorate steam yacht, Ivy, while the Oba was on his way to exile [Jonathan Adagogo Green]
The Benin Native Council was established to replace the monarchy. It also helped to absolve the kingdom into the colonial rule.
The Looting of Benin
The British expedition force looted and carted away Benin’s precious artworks. An estimated 2,500 wooden, bronze and ivory artefacts were stolen.
A photograph of the interior of Oba’s compound being burnt during the punitive expedition, with bronze plaques in the foreground and three soldiers from the punitive force in the background [Reginald Kerr Granville c. 1912]
European and American art collectors sell most of these artefacts at auctions. It is also exhibited in Western museums, mainly in Germany.
Looted Benin Bronzes that Germany returned to Nigeria are examined during a ceremony in Abuja on Tuesday. Nigerian officials said that more than 5,000 ancient artefacts are estimated to have been stolen from Nigeria, the majority by British colonisers. [Olamikan Gbemiga/AP]
It breaks my heart to tell you this, but the lynching of young Deborah Samuel in Sokoto is not the end of mob killing for blasphemy. Another case of blasphemy killing made the news, again.
On June 25, 2023, a local butcher, Usman Buda, met a sad and violent mob death in a Sokoto metropolis abattoir. Here’s how it happened.
The Murder of Usman Buda
Buda, according to eyewitnesses, made blasphemous statements against the Prophet Muhammad, and some young men challenged him to withdraw his statement. He refused.
The Sokoto State Police Command intervened, causing the mob to flee, with Buda being rescued and rushed to Usmanu Danfodiyo Teaching Hospital in Sokoto for treatment.
Sokoto Police Command arrive at the scene [Premium Times]
Unfortunately, Buda didn’t survive his injuries. He was later confirmed dead by medical personnel.
But does the law say anything against blasphemy?
Let’s just say the law here is a bit…tricky. Especially when it comes to Northern Nigeria.
To understand this, we must first note that Nigeria operates two legal systems: common law and customary law. What is customary law depends on if you’re in the South or North (Shariah).
Because of this, some activities are treated as crimes under Northern Nigeria’s penal code that are not under the South’s criminal code.
The penal code (Sharia law) applies in the north, where there is a Muslim majority. The criminal code applies in the southern part of the country, where there is a Christian majority.
The Kwara State Sharia Court of Appeal
When it comes to the issue of blasphemy, only Kaduna State approves of the death penalty for convicted offenders. This can be found under Section 406 of the Penal Code. Nowhere in Sharia Law does it approve of the masses taking life and death into their own hands via extrajudicial killings.
An excerpt of Section 406 of the Sharia Penal Code, with footnote 631 [Sharia in Africa.net]
However, this doesn’t mean that ‘blasphemers’ or people who ridicule the Islam religion get a jail-free card.
If you are convicted of the act under Section 402 of Sharia law, the offender will get either a two year imprisonment sentence, a fine of N20,000 or both. This also comes with a non-negotiable thirty lashes of the cane.
An excerpt of Section 402 of the Sharia Penal Code, with footnote 626 [Sharia in Africa.net]
What will happen next with this case?
The Sokoto State Police Public Relations Officer, ASP Ahmad Rufa’i, reassured the public that the investigation is still on to bring the mob to justice.
But the Sokoto State governor, Ahmed Aliyu, sees Buda’s death in a different light. Through a statement by his spokesperson, Abubakar Bawa, he vowed that “his present administration will not take the issue of blasphemy lightly.”
Ahmed Aliyu [Premium Times]
He also promised that “he will deal decisively with anyone found guilty of any act aimed at degrading the personality of Prophet Muhammad… in line with the provisions of Islamic laws.”
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
Today’s #AbroadLife feature is an assistant audit manager who works for one of the world’s top accounting firms in New Zealand. He tells us how he got an amazing job opportunity and had to leave Nigeria. He is experiencing cultural shock that has shaken his views and stance on what morality truly is.
What inspired you to move to New Zealand?
So I didn’t have to leave; it was more of a work opportunity I could harness. Despite the economic difficulties, life was already good in Nigeria, and I consider myself lucky. In Nigeria, I worked for one of the biggest accounting firms in the country as an auditor. In September 2022, I saw an offer for auditors being able to work for the same firm in another country’s branch. I had already worked for this firm in Nigeria for three and a half years, so I said, Why not?
Nice! What was the process like for you?
So my migration path is different from others. My company had already worked everything out for me concerning my visa and other documents. I gained a work visa that allowed me to work for at most three years, and then I could apply for permanent residency. I came to New Zealand in February 2023.
However, there are different pathways. There are master’s scholarships and auditors that have now been included in the express pathway to permanent residency. If you know anyone in the audit line that can prove that they’ve been working in the field for at least three years, then they can apply.
Awesome! What would you say were your first experiences in New Zealand?
Because of the job pathway I came in with, settling in wasn’t stressful. My company already had mobile relocation experts that helped me settle regarding accommodation and immigration documents. I’d say the people there are extremely friendly, and the population there is only 5.1 million people, which makes it very small. The food here isn’t really great. I ate something during my first week (I don’t know the name of the meal), and since then, I’ve decided to stick with African dishes.
I can also say that you tend to see some crazy people on the street…
Crazy, how?
Well, I’d say the rate of gays, lesbians, and other people in the queer community is very rampant, like they are so open with their sexuality out there. I guess it shocks me more because I am a Christian. Anything goes here. The amount of people that take drugs here is crazy too. You can’t walk 100 metres without seeing a smoker of weed or other substances here in New Zealand. It’s impossible. Maybe it’s a normal thing out there.
Wow, are there any advantages so far in staying in New Zealand?
They have a structured economy in that even though you have a blue or white-collar job; you can rest assured that you’ll have a good quality of living. You don’t have to do too much to get food to eat, provided you work hard. With my NZ$10, I can feed for two days, more than you can get here in Nigeria. Over here, they pay workers’ wages by the hour, so you can make so much depending on how many hours you work. The value of the New Zealand Dollar is much better than Nigeria. Commodities seem readily available. The people I interact with, too, are amazing, as they have so much exposure.
What are the disadvantages?
In terms of raising kids, you don’t have so much control. You could be jailed in minutes if you spank your kids or chastise them in the smallest way. The kids here also seem to talk to their parents and act wayward. There seems to be a lack of a moral compass in that sense.
I would say my bills, too, are kind of high, but only because of the location I’m in. You pay rent weekly in New Zealand and can get a place for as low as NZ$300, like N120-150k in Nigeria. That isn’t bad at all. To live in nicer apartments, you must start paying NZ$700, equivalent to N400k in Nigeria.
With these disadvantages, do you see yourself settling permanently in New Zealand?
Well, New Zealand is not a bad place. It’s a very good place to start, but I’m not sure I want to settle down permanently in the long term. Maybe Australia or Canada perhaps. New Zealand can be very boring at times, and they also love travelling. Whenever public holidays come, the city is deserted because everyone has travelled to their villages for the holidays. It’s a great place to be, but one needs to manage the environment.
When discussing his plans for security when he gets into power, Tinubu once said, “To start chaos is easy”, but ensuring peace is a struggle. Given the events that have unfolded since he was declared the winner of the 2023 presidential election, we can all acknowledge the challenge of maintaining peace with other political parties.
Many people are no longer following up on efforts to challenge Tinubu’s victory, but let’s revisit the purpose and significance of an election tribunal.
The Recap
An election tribunal is a place where a sole judge can determine the contests or petitions alleged against a candidate during an election by all candidates.
On March 21, 2023, four presidential candidates, Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP), Solomon Okangbuan of Action Alliance (AA) and Chichi Ojei of the Allied People’s Movement (APM) filed petitions at the Presidential Elections Tribunal in Abuja, seeking to nullify INEC’s declaration of Bola Tinubu as the winner of the 2023 presidential elections.
The petitions claim that the presidential election results should be annulled for the following reasons:
At the time of the elections, Tinubu wasn’t qualified to contest, which would infer that he received “wasted votes”.
Kasim Shettima had a double nomination, one as APC’s vice-presidential candidate and the other for a senatorial seat in the National Assembly, contrary to what’s permitted based on Section 35 of the Electoral Act.
Tinubu failed to get 25% of the votes in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and engaged in corrupt practices that were non-compliant with the Electoral Act.
The last time we covered the election tribunals, they had just begun court proceedings, with the AA withdrawing their petitions and backing out of the race. But so much more has happened since then. Let’s fill you in:
A tussle over live broadcasting of court proceedings
In May 2023, Atiku and Obi had been pleading with the court to grant a live broadcast of events due to the “national import” or importance of the case. But the APC wasn’t having that at all.
Tinubu’s counsel, Wole Olanipekun, says they are there for “serious business, not a parade ground”. Thus, there was no real reason for the proceedings to be televised.
Kemi Pinero, in defense said that they have responded to all subpoenas (including PDP’s) and that the LP counsel only wants to “stall the case”. She also said this had been a pattern of the LP for the last two weeks.
LP then tendered 18,000 blurred result sheets
On June 15, LP’s fourth witness, Eric Ofoedu, a mathematics professor who was commissioned to analyse election data in Rivers and Benue, claimed that INEC had uploaded 18 pages of unreadable data.
However, Mahmoud denied the claim. He added that the witness had sent in his statements only a few minutes before court proceedings for that day started.
How Ofoedu must have felt when his claims were dismissed
“There was no technical glitch as claimed by INEC”
Technical difficulties were a key reason voters could not view election results on the IReV (INEC Results Viewing Portal). That is, until LP’s seventh witness, Clarita Ogar, spoke on June 20.
Ogar is a cloud engineer with Amazon Web Services Incorporated (AWS), a firm INEC engaged in providing technical support. She claimed that AWS Cloud did not record any technical glitches in the country on February 25. Ogar brought six reports showing the status of the AWS dashboard of cloud services in 33 regions and certificates of compliance to back up her claims.
Tinubu’s legal team strongly disagreed with the allegation. They went to reference instances where the AWS software glitched in the past, e.g., MTN’s payment service bank in 2021.
Gideon Idiagbonya, APM counsel, said the party had analysed the judgement and intends to continue with the petition.
There was no objection from the court, as the panel noted that everyone is free to fight for their rights.
The PDP plans to wrap up by Friday
The PDP and Atiku have indicated they will close their case at the tribunal by Friday. But according to Chris Uche, his team had lost two of the 21 days allotted to them, with one being a public holiday,
The PDP legal team now has an extension of court. This means we should expect PDP presence for two more days.
Meanwhile, Obi is under pressure to give up the fight
A House of Representatives Member, Amobi Ogah, has asked Peter Obi and other parties’ candidates to support President Bola Tinubu.
According to him, “the election has come and gone. Now it is about governance. And whoever God has given that mandate to represent the people, you must respect that institution.”
But will Obi give up? Will shocking new evidence be uncovered? Let’s wait and see.
On June 16, 2023, a burly man met Nigeria’s president, Bola Tinubu, at the nation’s official residence — the Aso Villa. No one knows the nature of their clandestine conversation.
Bola Tinubu and “the mystery man” [Channels Television]
Older Nigerians may understand why his speech was so ‘inflammatory’, but the Gen Zs? Not so much. The biggest question on their lips has been: who is Asari Dokubo?
To answer this, we must time travel to when oil became Nigeria’s new gold up for grabs by foreign oil companies, causing a never-ending conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta region and the rise of some indigenous ‘avengers’.
While they have existed under different tags, they are commonly addressed as the Niger Delta Militants.
Several militant groups in the Niger Delta have attacked oil facilities in the past [AFP]
And all this oil was coming from one region — the Niger Delta.
First test drilling for oil in Nigeria in Oloibiri, Imo State c. 1950 [Ukpuru]
Unfortunately, the vast wealth derived from petroleum didn’t trickle down to the masses in the Niger Delta, who suffer severe consequences due to oil exploration activities.
The region was severely exploited. This was since the 19th century with the discovery of palm oil and crude oil after Nigeria’s independence. Foreign oil companies like Royal Dutch Shell and Chevron set up bases in oil-rich areas, notably the Ogoniland in Rivers State. Indigenes were uprooted from their homes forcefully as government made a profit from the evacuations.
The Ogonis and other minority groups complained about the forced evacuations and very little compensation. The government looked away. So did the oil companies.
Members of Nigeria’s Ogoni community protest against Shell in New York. Photograph: Bebeto Matthews/AP
As all land belongs to the state and is held in trust by the government, the residents had little recourse under the law.
The law also prescribed that compensation for seized land would “be based on the value of the crops on the land at the time of its acquisition, not on the value of the land itself.”
For this reason, the Ogoni people became increasingly dissatisfied and soon formed one of the first Niger Delta agitation groups, the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP).
Beginning in December 1992, the Ogonis started fighting for their land and lives, and the oil companies fought back, leading to escalation on both sides.
MOSOP issued an ultimatum to the oil companies (Shell, Chevron, and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC)) demanding some $10 billion in accumulated royalties, damages and compensation, and “immediate stoppage of environmental degradation”, as well as negotiations for mutual agreement on all future drilling.
What was the government’s response? Well, more agitation. They banned public gatherings and a declaration of disturbances made in oil production as an “act of treason.” But the protests seemed to work. Oil extraction decreased to a mere 10,000 barrels a day, and this got the government extremely pissed.
Several misunderstandings later, the Sani Abacha led military regime found its closure.
The Murder of the Ogoni Nine
In May 1994, nine activists from the movement who later became known as ‘The Ogoni Nine’, among them Ken Saro-Wiwa, were arrested and accused of incitement to murder following the deaths of four Ogoni elders (allegedly killed by a mob led by the Ogoni Nine).
Saro-Wiwa and his comrades denied the charges. However, they were imprisoned for over a year before being found guilty and sentenced to death by a tribunal on November 10, 1995.
Many Nigerians expected the sentence to be commuted, especially as pressure rose from the international community.
“Ogoni Nine: The Encirclement Begins” [Archiv.ing]
The activists were denied due process and, upon being found guilty, were hanged by the Nigerian state.
The Ogoni Nine [Center for Development]
“Saro-Wiwa Hanged? Ogonis Wail and Mourn” [Archiv.ing]
The hanging was met with global criticism from human rights organisations and countries. Shell was also accused of bribing the military to silence Saro-Wiwa and the other activists.
However, we must also note that MOSOP and the Ogonis were not the only people tired of the empty promises of the government and oil companies. This is where we cue in a younger Asari Dokubo and the emergence of the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC).
Asari Dokubo and the IYC
Tinubu’s guest, Asari Dokubo, grew up in the ashes of the Ogoni Nine murder, hating the Nigerian government for taking his home from him. We can trace his displeasure to 1998, when he founded the IYC —to make similar demands as the Ogoni Nine— and became its vice president.
In December 1998, it released the famous Kaiama Declaration, which demanded control of the Niger Delta’s energy resources. The declaration soon stirred the entire Ijaw population, and more than 500 communities supported it. This also helped Asari secure the position of organisation president in 2001.
During this period, however, Asari grew increasingly militant. His more radical agenda was at odds with the core leadership of the IYC. This made him to begin building a private militia organisation known as the Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVF).
The militancy of the Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVF).
The NDPVF is seen to date as one of the major catalysts for the crisis in the Delta region. The NDPVF, a militant group, was largely funded by local and regional politicians who sought great profits from the region’s oil revenue.
They quickly escalated an armed conflict with a rival group, the Niger Delta Vigilante (NDV), who also sought to control the Delta’s oil resources. Combat was concentrated primarily in Warri and, soon enough, Nigeria’s oil capital Port Harcourt and areas to the city’s southwest. Both groups engaged in oil ‘bunkering’ and other illegal forms of local resource extraction.
A change in political ideals by the NDPVF caused the group’s former sponsors to withdraw their financial support and begin funnelling funds to the rival NDV. Asari’s NDPVF declared an “all-out war” against the Nigerian state.
The Effects of the NDPVF Activities
The threats to attack oil wells and pipelines by the NDPVF caused terror for oil companies operating in the area. They started to withdraw most of their staff from the Niger Delta. This resulted in a massive drop in oil production of 30,000 barrels per day. It also significantly pushed the price of petroleum worldwide.
Due to the crisis, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo called Asari and the leader of the NDV, Ateke Tom, to Abuja for peace talks. But unfortunately, these peace talks failed. After he refused to endorse the legitimacy of the Olusegun Obasanjo government, Asari was arrested and charged with treason by the Nigerian government.
On June 14, 2007, Asari was released on bail as part of President Umaru Yar’Adua’s pledge to try and bring peace to the Niger Delta region. He was also given $10 million a year from Abuja as a “federal pipeline security fee” to protect River State pipelines from banditry.
His old ‘crimes’ were overlooked as part of an extensive amnesty program across the Niger Delta region. This saw many of his followers lay down their arms as the government promised to provide jobs, protect the Niger Delta, and prioritise the people over profit.
The negative impact of oil theft on Nigeria
Now that you understand who Asari Dokubo is, you see why it’s ironic that he’s complaining about oil theft and pipeline (in)security. Here’s the reality of oil theft in Nigeria and how it affects you:
The stolen oil is sold on the black market. Since it doesn’t pass legal channels, it deprives the state of crucial income that could be used for public infrastructure, social programs, and economic development.
Oil spills and environmental pollution often accompany oil theft. Thieves use crude and unsafe methods to extract oil, damaging pipelines and infrastructure. These incidents result in widespread farmlands, water sources, and ecosystem contamination.
The proceeds from oil theft are often used to fund criminal activities, including insurgency, terrorism, and other forms of organised crime. This creates security challenges, particularly in the Niger Delta region, where most oil theft incidents occur.
Nonetheless, the impact of oil spillage and environmental degradation in the Niger Delta region remains a concern, as millions of people can’t lead normal lives and are not catered for by the Nigerian state.
In Nigeria, it is no longer rare to hear news about the arrests and court cases of corrupt government officials turned criminals. Several of them are making the headlines these days, with the latest addition being an ex-JAMB registrar, Dibu Ojerinde.
What did Ojerinde do?
Dibu Ojerinde, former ex-JAMB registrar [Premium Times]
On June 16, 2023, Ojerinde and three of his kids were arraigned by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for trying to sell off $150,000 worth of property in Accra, Ghana. This was even after it was forfeited to the Nigerian government.
Ojerinde, in particular, was also accused of incorporating six companies using forged documents and stolen identities.
Also, some of the offences were contrary to, and punishable under Section 1 of the Advanced Fee Fraud Act, 2006.
As shocking as Ojerinde’s crimes are, it might shock you that this isn’t the first time the ICPC will hold him by the neck. In fact, he has multiple criminal charges in his closet.
Let’s get into some of them:
2017 – Ojerinde gets probed on JAMB remittance
2017 was the beginning of Ojerinde’s many criminal accusations.
According to ICPC Spokesperson, Azuka Ogugua, there were also several allegations of multiple identities, abuse of office, money laundering, tax evasion, and making false statements to public officials. This was during his tenure as JAMB and NECO registrar.
July 2021 – Ojerinde is arraigned over N5 billion fraud
On July 8, 2021, the ICPC arraigned Ojerinde on 18 counts of diversion of public funds during his tenure as JAMB registrar — now to the tune of N5 billion.
Ojerinde, however, pleaded not guilty to all the charges. Later, he was admitted on bail of N200 million.
For Ojerinde, the judge, Inyang Ekwo, has granted bail based on earlier terms by the Federal High Court of Abuja.
His four kids will get N20 million bail and offer surety in the form of N20 million worth of property in Abuja.
They also confiscated their passports in case they wanted to flee the country.
What would happen next? Will justice prevail? We have no choice but to wait and see.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
The subject of today’s Abroad Life is Rukayat, a senior financial analyst in the UK whose side hustle is to connect foreign immigrants with job opportunitiesthrough RKY Careers. She spills the tea on her journey into resigning from a senior position at a legacy bank to relocate to the UK for her Master’s Degree and eventually starting her employment franchise.
What inspired you to move to the UK?
Oh, I moved to the UK to be with my fiancé (now husband) in 2019. As I started early, I was then at a senior level at Guaranty Trust Bank (not an executive). But I also wanted to further my education and get a Master’s degree.
What was the process like?
Well, I first have to start with the anxiety. I had to work through the fact that I was leaving my senior role at the bank to start a new life in the UK. I first tried to come in as a tourist to test the waters, as I didn’t have as much information on the process then as I do now.
However, I was later denied for reasons I’m not aware of. At the time, there wasn’t a specified student visa that could enable me to stay in the UK after my studies, so the “student visa” I got only allowed me access to the UK, which expired immediately after graduation. It was in 2021 that it became effective. I got admission to study Financial Technology at the University of Stirling, shortly after the COVVID in 2020
That’s wonderful! What was your Masters’ experience like?
I had the experience of taking physical classes for six months or four months after the peak of the COVID period. The percentage of Nigerians or even other Africans among the whites was very low.
In fact, I and one other Nigerian were the only two self-paid students in my class. The remaining two Nigerian students were on a Chevening scholarship. I also had the opportunity to pay my school fees in installments for twelve months. I was able to pay through savings from my salary at the bank, plus I had the support of my husband.
At that period, I had to live in Stirling, Scotland. Stirling was what I needed at the time because it was a very quiet and humble place. However, I didn’t live with my husband in England, so I still had to pay 350 pounds for my accommodation.
I got married a few months after I came in, was pregnant throughout the time of my studies, and gave birth at the time of my dissertation, so I needed a calm environment. It was also a struggle getting part-time jobs in the beginning (from September to December) because of the influx of international students rushing into the country. However, I could live with my husband’s support, and I finally got a part-time job in January.
Fantastic! How did you then come about creating RKY careers?
Getting my first job after school in the UK also birthed RKY careers in 2022. Going into the job market at first was scary because of the issue of not accepting Blacks lower rate than other races. However, this wasn’t the case. God favoured me with job offers, and I got various calls on salary expectations. At some interviews, I got rejected. At times, this happened in my final stage.
I was applying for jobs based on my research and had no guidance. I eventually got a job as a Senior Finance Analyst. After a couple of months, I then started to help Nigerians, from close friends and family to people in my current work who also had struggles getting a job in the UK for the first time. I first named the page “Live Careers in the UK” as a career consultation and advisory page, where I could dish out advice for first-time immigrants on careers in the country.
In the process, I also started helping people create CVs as well as LinkedIn optimisation. Last year, we also started to work on training for career professionals who wish to transition.
How did you register?
I first went to the Companies’ House where I paid a bill of 13 pounds. You can register as a limited liability company or a sole entity, but mine was a sole entity. You must also be eligible for it, as not everyone’s visa allows them to own companies in the UK.
What have been the achievements and setbacks so far?
So I’d say our team has done a good job so far regarding achievements. We had over 150 success stories of people who got jobs in the UK and even Nigeria and were called for speaking events, and they are generally doing very well. We have also empowered people to live their dreams in whichever career opportunity they choose.
The challenge, I’d say, is dealing with people, as you cannot satisfy everyone with a peculiar style. You have to offer bespoke services. It is also uncommon for Africans to patronise their own people, and even if they do, they make so many demands. I think we need to do better to respect black owned companies.
Where do you see RKY careers in the next 5 years?
We intend to make more impact and help more people be an inspiration to many others. We also need to increase inclusion and diversity in the workplace, not just for Nigerians but for all Africans.
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Trigger Warning: This story contains sensitive content that may be distressing to some readers. Please proceed with caution.
Editorial Note: The names mentioned in this story have been replaced with pseudonyms to safeguard the identity of the person sharing their experience.
At 80 years old, Hannah from Nanka, Anambra State, has “lived two lives”—the life before the night of May 1, 2022, and the life that followed. Motherly love and betrayal represent these two lives.
That night, the first day of May, changed her life. Hannah experienced theft, harassment, and sexual assault by her carer, John, who ironically happens to be the son of her late best friend.
Hannah now battles insomnia and nightmares every night due to the incident with her carer. This is the first time she has found the strength to share what happened to her and the feelings that night left in her.
A ‘mother-son’ relationship
Before the tragic incident, Hannah and John’s relationship was not just that of carer and homeowner but also that of mother and son. “I paid this boy’s fees through secondary school and brought him up in his teenage years,” Hannah said.
“He was the one face I saw every day, and because of my relationship with Ada [late friend], I called him my son, and he called me his mother. He was always respectful towards me. I never believed in all my life that John would do what he did to me.”
“The night my caretaker sexually assaulted me”
Hannah’s eyes welled up with tears as she bravely shared her harrowing tale, the weight of that fateful night still etched in her memory. Her voice trembled with a mix of fear, anger, and resilience as she recounted the chilling details.
“I was surprised to see John there,” Hannah began, her voice quivering with raw emotion.
“He had the spare keys, so it wasn’t entirely unexpected, but his presence that night sent shivers down my spine. With a gun pressed against my face, he demanded that I hand over my gold jewellery, cash, and will. I couldn’t discern whether the gun was real in the moonlight with no streetlights. And at that moment, I dared not find out.”
Forced to act swiftly under the threat of violence, Hannah recounted the painful submission that followed. “I stood up as quickly as possible and handed him everything he requested. But John’s cruelty didn’t end there,” she revealed, her voice laden with anguish. “In a final act of degradation, he violated my most intimate boundaries. Since that night, I have slept with a bucket beside my bed because of the constant nausea that results from the nightmares. Speaking on the subject now will be my first step towards recovery and psychological healing.”
As Hannah’s voice faded on the video call with me, I could tell she was carrying a heavy weight of unresolved pain. Her story serves as a poignant reminder of the underreported gender-based violence against the elderly and the physical and mental trauma that emerges.
Every year, on June 15, the world comes together to observe World Elder Abuse Awareness Day. It is a crucial occasion that sheds light on a pressing issue affecting our society.
This largely depends on the country you’re in. In the case of Hannah, as a Nigerian, you should contact ARDA-DCI’s (a non-governmental organisation) toll-free line, 08000202020. The ARDA-DCI offer medical care, psychosocial support, legal aid, and important information on sexual and gender-based violence.
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On June 12, 2023, a boat capsized and killed more than 100 people on the Niger River in the Patigi District of Kwara State. The incident was reported to have happened at 3 a.m., leaving people unaware of the mishap until dawn, hours later.
Boat mishaps are frequent in Nigeria. In October 2022, Punch Newspapers published a report on similar incidents where a minimum of 701 people lost their lives in 53 boat incidents across Nigeria from January 2020 to October 2022.
Photo to illustrate boat capsize
The people involved were wedding guests
The incident occurred as the victims, comprising men, women, and children, were returning from a wedding in Egboti, Kwara State.
According to Punch, 61 people who died were from Ebu, 38 were from Gakpan, four were from Kpada, two were from Kuchalu, and one was from Sampi, respectively.
There’s a possibility that wedding guests use the boat to travel because it’s a cheaper means of transport in the state. Residents shared that after the fuel subsidy removal was announced, they’d mostly considered water a cheaper means of transportation.
However, navigating the Niger River by peddling a boat during the current rainy season in Nigeria is also risky. This is due to the rising water levels, particularly during windy storms that occur on the water.
So far, at least one hundred people have been rescued, but death toll continues to rise
Okasanmi Ajayi, the spokesperson for the Kwara State Police, says 100 people have been rescued. The search and rescue operation is ongoing. Ajayi has also shared with news platforms that the team might record more fatalities, consequently raising the overall death toll.
What’s the state government in Kwara doing about the incident?
Kwara State Governor Abdulrasaq Abdulrahman has expressed condolences for those who lost their lives due to the incidents and their families.
In a recent statement, the governor also conveyed his sincere sympathies to the affected communities as well as people from other states who are impacted.
Governor Abdulrasaq also assured that he would closely monitor the ongoing rescue operations in pursuit of potential survivors.
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On the evening of June 12, 2023, the talk on social media revolved around a single topic—the newly signed student loan bill by Tinubu.
The Bill was introduced in November 2022 by Femi Gbajabiamila, Nigeria’s current Chief of Staff, who was a member of the House of Representatives at the time. This new Bill seeks to provide interest-free loans to students in tertiary institutions with the aid of a National Education Bank.
President Tinubu signs student loan bill into law [Vanguard Newspapers]
While this bill is seen as a step forward regarding its potential benefits, it has faced criticism regarding its implementation. Many members of the public are concerned about how students will be able to repay these loans, given Nigeria’s high unemployment rate and widespread poverty.
At the Citizen, I cover issues affecting Nigerian students, and this Bill has greatly interested me. In January, we published an article that shed light on Tinubu’s long-standing support for and endorsement of the bill since 2015, including its drawbacks.
Here we are now, six months after that article was published. We’ll go into all the specifics of what the Bill entails. If you’re a student who still wishes to apply for a loan, this ABC information is for you. And if you are not a student, perhaps it’s time to consider taking another Jamb examination if you are interested in its benefits.
Who are these loans for?
Applicants who can access the loans must have the following:
Admission to a Nigerian educational institution (university or polytechnic)
Interest in taking the loan ONLY for tuition fees
House Income that’s less than ₦500,000
Two guarantors. These should be civil servants, lawyers or judicial officers who have been in service for more than 12 years
You won’t get these loans if you are/have:
Previously defaulted on loans
For the government, if you’re a chronic defaulter on loans given by previous organisations, you do not stand a chance of qualifying for the loan.
Wahala be like bicycle
Parents who are also loan defaulters
For the government, your parents’ sins are your sins too. If your parents also happen to be debtors on loans, either student loans or loans from other organisations, the applicant will be disqualified.
Guilty of exam malpractice and felonies
An aspiring applicant won’t be able to access the loans if a school board has found them guilty of exam fraud or felonies by any judicial court.
So much for second chances
How does the government plan to fund this loan?
Here’s the plan to fund the National Education Bank:
Interests arising from deposits in the Bank
Education bonds
Education endowment fund schemes
1% of all taxes, levies and duties from the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) and Nigeria Customs Service (NCS).
Donations, gifts and grants
How does repayment of the loan work?
Every beneficiary is to commence repayment two years after completing the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) programme. Before then, students’ academic records (which contain the year of graduation, NYSC enrollment year, and employment) will be monitored.
If the applicant is employed by an organisation, there will be a 10% deduction from their salary into the Student Loan Account until repayment is complete.
Entrepreneurs would have to remit 10% of their profit to the Student Loan Account as the bank prescribes while submitting their corporation’s details.
The punishment for defaulters? Two years imprisonment or the option of a fine of ₦500,000.
Just imagine being behind bars for defaulting to pay back
With this knowledge, how do I apply?
Interested applicants are expected to submit:
A copy of the student admission letter
A letter written by the guarantors addressed to the chairman and governing board of the Education Bank recommending the student and accepting liability.
Two passport photographs from guarantors
Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) documents if the guarantor is self-employed
If interested, don’t snooze. You’ll only have 30 days after the admissions close for an academic year to submit your documents. After submission, you can expect your funds in no more than 30 days.
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It’s Democracy Day. Major operational institutions are closed. If you tune in to radio and TV stations in the country, everyone is talking about the significance of June 12. This is a day that has come to represent Nigeria’s democracy.
How did Democracy Day become such an important public holiday in Nigeria?
First, you must understand the rise and fall of the 2nd Republic as the catalyst for the demand for democratic governance in Nigeria. You also need to know the backstory of the annulled June 12, 1993 elections, and the journey of Moshood Kashimawo Olawale “MKO” Abiola, who became an emblematic figure in Nigeria’s democratic history.
Shehu Shagari, Buhari and the Fall of the 2nd Republic
To better understand the significance of the Nigerian clamour for democracy in 1993, we must rewind thirteen years to when Shehu Shagari, a civilian president, was in power.
His election into power led to the rise (and fall) of Nigeria’s 2nd Republic from 1979–1983.
Shagari’s election into power resulted from a military-to-democratic government transition model initiated by then Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo in 1979.
But with Shagari’s entry into power, Nigeria didn’t enter a season of political utopia but plunged into its existing problems.
Oil prices crashed, riots occurred in Northern Nigeria, ministers became more corrupt, and massive electoral malpractice and rigging occurred during the 1983 general elections.
This led to Gen. Muhammadu Buhari overthrowing the Shagari administration in a coup during the same year. However, Buhari’s government didn’t fare any better either.
Buhari was particularly unpopular with citizens for his Decrees No. 2 and 4. These gave the state security power to ban strikes and popular demonstrations and censor media outlets perceived as posing a threat to the government’s interests.
By 1985, it became clear to the political elite in the country that Buhari had no plans of ever giving back power to Nigerians. This resulted in the Ibrahim “IBB” Babangida-led coup in August 1985.
IBB, the military general with a desire for democracy
Nevertheless, he encountered similar economic challenges as his predecessor, Buhari, including the devaluation of the naira, which led to social unrest.
With the perception of being labelled as “just another military dictator” in Nigeria’s history, Babangida needed to achieve something remarkable that would leave a positive legacy in the eyes of Nigerians. You can consider it as him “doing better”.
For him, the solution was clear—to restore democratic governance.
To achieve this, he embarked on significant reforms. This included:
An establishment of dual-tier legislatures at both national and state levels
The appointment of civilians to govern the states
And the formation of two major national political parties: the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republic Convention (NRC).
With these structures in place, the only thing Nigerians needed to do was elect a new president as the final phase of the transition. This is where this story becomes more intriguing—so grab your popcorn, and let’s dive in.
The June 12, 1993, elections
The June 12 elections witnessed a head-to-head battle between SDP’s business mogul, MKO Abiola, and NRC’s Alhaji Bashir Tofa. The election was scheduled for Saturday, June 12, 1993.
This election was critical, as it would determine Nigeria’s first democratically elected president since 1979, marking the start of the 3rd Republic.
At the end of the election, MKO Abiola emerged as the winner with over eight million votes, winning in 19 states. His opponent, NRC candidate Tofa, received over six million votes and won in 10 states.
Out of the total votes cast, which exceeded 14 million, Abiola secured nearly 60 per cent. This made him the clear winner of the election. This election is widely regarded as the most free and fair in Nigeria’s history.
MKO emerged as a prominent figure and continues to hold significance. Hailing from the South-West region and having Babagana Kingibe, his running mate, from the North-East made them a preferred choice for most people during the elections. Interestingly, despite both candidates being Muslims, they had wide support.
The election was annulled, which led to MKO—considered as Africa’s most successful businessman—not becoming president.
On June 16, the government-run Radio Nigeria announced that NEC was suspending the official results announcement due to “developments and action pending in courts.” The announcement cited irregularities observed during the elections.
The announcement triggered widespread protests and civil unrest across Nigeria, leading to the resignation of Babangida. This was followed by Ernest Shonekan’s brief interim civilian government and, ultimately, the Gen. Sani Abacha military coup of 1993.
Abiola was placed in detention following the annulment. Under Abacha’s leadership, the military regime in power at the time accused him of treason. They had him arrested after he declared himself the winner of the June 12 elections.
Abiola died the day he was set to be released from detention, on July 7, 1998. The circumstances surrounding his death remain unclear. The claims of assassination as the cause of his death are also uncertain.
How Nigerians got to celebrate June 12 as Democracy Day
The commemoration of Democracy Day on June 12 is now in its 6th year. For many Nigerians, particularly those from the South-West states, today is marked as significant for the outcome of the election.
But for Buhari, June 12 is a way to nationally acknowledge the man who lost his life in the quest for democratic governance in Nigeria.
Undoubtedly, the 1993 general elections and MKO Abiola will forever be etched in Nigeria’s history as the pinnacle of its democratic revolution.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
Today’s #AbroadLife features a Nigerian software engineer working with Volvo in Sweden. During a vacation in Poland, he experienced harassment and was unceremoniously ejected from his hotel for simply asking for basic services. He shares his story with us and discusses why he may never return to Poland again.
What were your motivations for “Japa-ing” in the first place?
I was not necessarily looking at moving abroad at the beginning. I had a good-paying, remote job working from Nigeria. However, I experienced limitations and frustrations that made me consider the Japa route. Money in your pocket can be very annoying when you cannot get basic things at affordable rates, like electricity, internet and safety, to say the least. I also had this situation where the police extorted me. I consider that one of my last straws.
WOW! What happened?
So here’s the thing. In 2021, I had just moved to Lagos and stayed with a friend until I could find a place for myself in 2022. I wasn’t particular about the distance from town, as I only needed a quiet, big area. I finally got a place like that around Kola, at Alimosho.
When setting up the place, I called on the services of a carpenter to do wardrobes for me. I paid him 60-70% of the total bill in advance for the work he was to do, and he disappeared for two months. When I finally contacted him, he gave me stories. This was for something he was supposed to deliver in three weeks. I gave him another month, but he still didn’t show. After weeks of pushing and shoving, he gave me wardrobes that were not satisfactory, and I then asked for a refund.
Can you imagine that this man reported me to the police and told them many lies about me? The police then came to my place and told me that the District Police Officer wanted to see me for what had been filed as a “civil disagreement”.
When I got to the police station, I was approached multiple times by policemen speaking Yoruba, and each time I mentioned that I didn’t speak or understand Yoruba, they left me. I waited from morning until 10 p.m. when some of the police officers drove me away to a different area that I knew nothing about. They then forced me at gunpoint to transfer money to them. I managed to do it, but getting over what happened took me a while.
Luckily, a new job offer came (which is the job I have with Volvo now). They arranged my visa and all the other details. The only thing I did was do data “capturing” at the Swedish embassy.
Why did you choose Poland for your vacation?
I went there because I have people there. I have a friend doing a Master’s degree and a friend based in Poland with his wife and kids. So my rationale was, “Since you have people there, why don’t you make this the first out-of-country visit?” I mean, I could have gone to Stockholm or anywhere in Sweden. But I needed the out-of-country experience and to see my long-time friends.
Nice! How did the vacation go?
My friend in Poland told me that if I pay the hotel bills physically, it’s usually cheaper than paying online. So, on a Saturday, I sent the money to her, and she helped me book a hotel in Gdynia. I then booked my round trip and went to the airport, but my flight was delayed for an hour. We then landed at around 12:15 a.m. or thereabouts on Sunday morning. I took a Bolt cab to the hotel. I met my friend, who showed me my room and key (no one was at the reception desk), and she later left with the Bolt driver since her place was quite a distance from the hotel.
Later that morning, I got my friend to call a taxi to church (since I didn’t speak Polish). I met more faces at the church, including my nursery school classmate, whom I hadn’t met for several years. I then returned to the hotel and took a walk in the evening.
I’d say everything remained calm until Tuesday morning. Being someone strict on hygiene, I couldn’t use the two towels that hadn’t been changed since my arrival. I also wondered why no cleaner had been in my room since my arrival. And most importantly, I now needed hot water. I couldn’t do without it.
With these questions in mind, I went downstairs to look for someone, and lo and behold, there was a man at the reception desk this time. Using Google Translate (as I couldn’t understand Polish), I politely asked for hot water, which they said would be ready in ten minutes. I also asked for the towels to be changed and cleaned, and the man scoffed at me. He said that I shouldn’t expect much, as the hotel wasn’t “5-star”, which was absurd to me…
Wait what?
Yes o. I would need to pay extra for those basic services to be rendered.
I was appalled, but even then, I returned to my room and told my friend, who had booked it for me, what had happened.
Not long after, two ladies flung the door of my room open and started to push me back towards the reception. Through Google Translate, I realised they thought the room I had paid for was for two people instead of one.
I tried to explain that she was only my friend who helped me book, but all to no avail. They thought I was lying. It even reached the point where I dared them to look through CCTV footage to show that I was the only person and call the police, but they weren’t convinced. I should also say that while looking at the CCTV footage, I peeked at the register, and I also happened to be the only black man in the hotel, or at least in that wing anyway. They “helped me” pack my luggage and bring it downstairs, insulting me and calling me words like “cheating black nigger”. I had to look then for another hotel in another town in Poland to spend the rest of my visit.
Only after I could settle in did I realise that my watch and some money were missing, and these items were in my box before the incident.
So sorry about this. I hope this didn’t ruin your entire stay.
No, it didn’t. I still visited some landmarks in Poland but didn’t stay long after that. I left a day after the incident.
Would you ever go back to Poland?
No, and I’ll never ask someone to book a hotel for me. Not because I don’t want them to, but because I don’t want them in the crossfire when I take legal action. The people of Poland need to fix up one thing—their hospitality.
On June 5, 2023, Nigerian Army troops discovered and rescued 21 pregnant women, a woman, two babies, a generator, and a stretcher with food items. They acted on an anonymous tipoff and raided a building in Umunkpei Nvosi, Abia State, to make this happen.
The survivors were held hostage in a building used for child trafficking. These types of buildings are commonly referred to as “baby factories.” Sadly, this is not the first time Nigerians have heard troubling realities like this happening nationwide.
Women rescued from the baby factory in Abia State [Authority Newspaper]
Items recovered during a baby factory raid in Abia State [Punch Newspapers]
Unfortunately, with this latest raid, the troops couldn’t arrest the actual leader of the illicit operations. Only Katherine Onyechi Ngwama, a chef working at the facility, was arrested. There has been no comment on how Katherine started working there or how much she knows about operations at the baby factory.
What’s next for the women and children?
The women and children have been admitted for medical treatments and assessments at a private health institution affiliated with the Catholic Church in Abia state.
Survivors in hospital bed [PUNCH Newspapers]
One of the pregnant women has delivered a baby at the hospital, and two more are expecting to deliver their babies in the coming weeks. Christian Anokwuru, the hospital’s provost, revealed this to the press.
On June 6, Priscilla Otti, the wife of the new governor of Abia State, visited the women. She assured them of post-natal care and support as they navigate their recovery. Faith-based organisations will partner with the state to make this happen.
Abia First Lady in picture with one of the children [Business Hallmark]
Nigeria has a baby factory crisis. One that demands immediate and widespread attention across all states. The alarming prevalence of these illicit operations calls for more attention to tackle this grave issue.
Do you know it is the third most common crime in Nigeria?
In February 2023, the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) reported 921 child victims of trafficking rescued in Nigeria. And according to a 2006 UNESCO report, child trafficking is Nigeria’s third most common crime after drug trafficking and economic fraud.
It is worthy of note that child trafficking is just one of the many atrocities that occur within baby factories. These facilities are also notorious for facilitating organ trafficking. Incidents of ritual killings tend to occur in such buildings.
Do you have ideas on how we can serve you better? Tell us now!
The Act criminalises child trafficking operations, with a sentence of seven years and a fine of nothing less than one million naira for offenders.
Citizens also have a role to play. We must report more cases of child trafficking to the necessary authorities. Government and private organisations must develop more apps and platforms like NAPTIP’s iReport app that help people report related cases. You can also support civil societies like the Devatop Centre for Africa Development, which fights against human trafficking through the training and education of volunteers.
If you’ve been religiously following the “Northern Nigeria Invasion” series, I have a bottle of wine to congratulate you. This is where we draw the curtain on it. However, key highlights from the two events we’ve covered are Lord Lugard’s British invasion of Northern Nigeria and the capture of the Bida and Yola Emirates.
Catch up:
The British Empire declared Northern Nigeria a protectorate in 1900 but had no territorial control. They needed to gain power over the region due to the fear of European rivals outsmarting them and to gain the local leaders’ respect.
To do this, they called upon Frederick Dealtry Lugard, who grew from a British soldier to High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria in 1900.
After the official proclamation, he sent a memo to the Sarkin Muslmi, or King of the Sokoto Caliphate, to which there was no reply. This led to a rampage from Lugard to depose various emirates in the Caliphate.
Amongst the lands he captured were the emirates of Bida and Yola. Bida fell due to a rebellion and their eventual alliance with the Royal Niger Company (RNC). Yola was captured due to the defiance of the Lamido, Zubaryu, who escaped capture from the British. The Lala tribe from Bornu State later killed him.
For today, take your straws to sip the last drink and dive deep into what ultimately ended the Sokoto Caliphate—the fall of the Kano and Sokoto emirates.
The Fall of Kano – January 1903
A view of a part of Kano City (Inside the Wall) [New York Public Library]
We must backtrack to Lugard’s feud with Sarkin Musulmi in 1900 to understand how Kano fell. His revenge mission against the launch started because the Sarki refused to respond to Britain’s proclamation of the North as a protectorate.
Lugard as colonial administrator, Northern Nigeria [Britannica]
In 1902, Lugard finally received his long-awaited reply from the Sarki, but it wasn’t what he expected. Originally written in Arabic, the message says:
“From us to you. I do not consent that anyone from you should ever dwell with us.No agreement can ever be made with you. I will have nothing ever to do with you….This is with salutations.”
However, scholars believe the message was sent to Lugard’s second in command, Commissioner Wallace, instead of him.
How did Lugard launch the war?
You must know that for Lugard to start a war, he needed the support of Britain’s Colonial Office in London, and those folks were not ready to engage in more battles without a reasonable cause. Lugard, knowing this, eventually got his chance when a British resident at Keffi, Kano, Captain Moloney, was killed under “mysterious circumstances.”
And who better to blame for the murder than the warrior chief of Keffi, Dan Yamusa? It didn’t help that Yamusa was already openly defiant of Britain’s rule in the North.
The Sarki’s letter and Moloney’s murder were enough for Lugard to launch a war. And even though there was a window for negotiations with the new Sarkin Muhammadu Attahiru after the death of Abdurrahman, Lugard wasn’t having it.
The Sultan of Sokoto, Religious Head of Hausaland [Getty Images]
He wanted to assert authority and was bent on using Kano to prove his point.
The Battle of Kano
To make his reasons for war convincing to the Colonial Office, Lugard claimed that the emir of Kano, Aliyu, was marching with warriors to attack the West African Frontier (WAF).
But in reality, the Emir was on the march—but only to pay homage to the new Sarki at Sokoto, hundreds of miles away. And even though the British didn’t buy Lugard’s excuse for a war, that wouldn’t deter him from his goal of total Northern Nigeria dominance.
However, Lugard still had a major problem—the walls of Kano. These walls were specially designed for defence, with a 40 feet thick base and 30 to 50 feet high. The city also had ditches and cultivated farmland inside its walls, which the people could use to feed themselves in cases of siege.
The Ancient Walls of Kano [Naija Biography]
Surprisingly, Lugard’s captain, Colonel Morland, found little to no resistance from the Kano army due to the Emir’s absence. They blew a hole in the wall, stormed the city, stormed the Emir’s palace, and hoisted the Union Jack (the de facto national flag of the UK of Great Britain) on top of the city walls.
The Fall of Kano [Kano Chronicle/Twitter]
No British soldier was killed, and only 14 of them were wounded. Lugard then appointed the Emir’s younger brother as the new emir.
Up next on Lugard’s hit list was Sokoto
The Conquest of Sokoto Caliphate – March 1903
In February 1903, Colonel Morland wrote a letter to Sarkin Attahiru informing him of the fall of Kano and their anticipated attack on Sokoto.
“Sir Thomas Morland” [The Great War by Ed H.W. Wilson]
Attahiru replied by informing Morland that he would consult with his advisers and get back to him, but they could never conclude between negotiation, battle, or outward defeat. With their inaction, Morland’s army proceeded to march into Sokoto.
The War Against Sokoto Caliphate [LitCAF]
“We chase and kill until there are no living men”
On March 14, 1903, Britain fought with the Sokoto Caliphate outside the city walls. Fighting without the safety of their walls was a grave mistake for the Sokoto army, as they were no match for the British artillery and machine guns.
However, the Sokoto army did not give up but stayed valiant until the end. They took the green flag of the Sarki into battle, and every time the flag bearer was shot, another would take his place—until all the flagbearers were dead. After the battle, the British infantry chased down what was left of the survivors and killed them. They also hacked legs and arms off corpses to take items of value. In a British soldier’s words:
“We chase and kill till the area is clear of living men — and we tire of blood and bullets.”
Comparatively, the casualties on the side of the British were remarkably small. Only two of their forces were killed—a carrier and a soldier.
The Aftermath
Sarkin Attahiru survived the battle and fled. Lugard asked Sokoto officials to nominate a new Sarki, and they eventually chose a ruler named Attahiru. In a March 21, 1903, proclamation, Lugard told the people that even though they could practise their religion, all independent Fulani rule had ended. The British system of government was here to stay.
What happened to Attahiru?
He was still on the run alongside Kano’s former Emir, Aliyu. While in exile, Attahiru was able to garner supporters from surrounding villages. This was due to the anger of the indigenes towards the British for deposing the head of their religion.
The British saw Attahiru’s fame and survival as a threat, and despite trying to capture the former Sarki six times at Burmi in the Borno Empire, all their efforts were in vain. In one of the battles, the British army got hit with poisoned arrows, which gravely injured two soldiers and six horses. To ease the two soldiers’ deaths, their colleagues shot them.
25-year-old Benson Ikiowori would never have anticipated the soldier’s bullet that ended his life on June 1, 2023.
Bayelsa Community Moves to Shut Down Conoil Facility After Soldiers Killed Peaceful Protester [Daily Report Nigeria]
His “crime,” like that of other young people in the Sangana Community of Bayelsa State, was protesting at the Consolidated Oil and Gas Limited-run Oil Mining Lease 59 oil mine. CONOIL is a well-known Nigerian company.
This protest led to Benson’s death, the injuries of several other youth indigenes, and the reported disappearance of two youths. Many residents claim that security personnel from the army responsible for protecting the vicinity are responsible for these sad occurrences.
But what was the protest for?
The delayed implementation of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between CONOIL and the Sangana community caused the protest.
The failure of the oil company to execute the MoU after 25 years of operations in the area has amounted to an estimate of N420 million worth of projects being owed to the Sangana Community.
As per the Community Development Chairman (CDC) of Sangana, Comrade Reuben Preboye, whose comments featured in various national publications, “The MoU is for three years and is subject to renewal. The 2013, 2016, 2019, and 2022 MoUs have not been implemented and have accumulated over N300 million to N420 million worth of projects.”
Preboye also mentioned that CONOIL has refused to meet quarterly with the youths this year. They have also refused to ensure medical treatment for victims of a major gas leak from their operations in June 2022.
CONOIL suspected in pollution of Sangana [Environmental Rights Action]
The CONOIL-Sangana Fallout
Benson’s death and CONOIL’s alleged continued negligence have only led to more protests in the region.
On June 3, with protesters holding placards such as “Why kill an innocent youth?” and “25 years of operation in Sangana, nothing to show for it”, tensions are high for the petroleum company to listen to their demands.
Youths protesting Benson Ikiowori’s death in Sangana, Bayelsa [Sahara Reporters]
With these protests, CONOIL has two options. One, address the lingering issues and compensate victims; and two, stop operations and evacuate the area.
But despite the mounting pressure, CONOIL has not yet addressed the issue at hand. Major Adenegan Ojo, the spokesperson for Operation Delta Safe (OPDS), did not respond to our attempts to obtain comments. It is believed that OPDS could have shed light on the motivations behind the violent actions carried out by army security operatives.
Unfortunately, the Sangana Community is one of many oil communities in the South-South region that have suffered from pollution. This is due to oil giant operations. This also comes with records of tensions brewing high this year.
Now, which way forward?
In Nigeria’s history, oil companies, especially those with foreign affiliations, are known for exploiting oil-rich communities’ resources. In doing this, they often do not keep their end of the bargain. So much is expected of CONOIL given its “home value,” with Mike Adenuga being the owner.
We hope the government will do its best to ensure peacekeeping, that institutions that hold all petroleum organisations accountable will do their due diligence, and that citizens’ needs are a priority. We need to see stiffer penalties on oil companies that fail to abide by laws and hold themselves accountable.
The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.
What does it mean to get a CGPA of 7.0 in your undergraduate degree in Nigeria only to struggle academically at one of the world’s top universities in post-grad? With two weeks to graduation, this week’s #AbroadLife subject, narrates how she eventually attained a “perfect” CGPA studying for her master’s in Computer Science at Stanford University, California, USA.
Disclaimer: This interview is being published based on anonymity (without name) to protect the confidentiality and privacy of the interviewee.
How and where did you get a 7.0?
So I schooled at the University of Ibadan (UI), and from the beginning until 2017, they’ve been using a 7.0-grade point average (GPA). They only changed it to 5.0 recently to meet up with international standards.
As to the “how”, my goal when I entered university was to get a first-class degree; I wasn’t targeting a 7.0 in the first place. In the first semester of the 100 level, I was so scared of falling behind that I was always eager to study. After the first semester, I finished with a 7.0. I was so excited, but it wasn’t groundbreaking for freshers to finish with a perfect GPA in the first semester. It was quite common. I wouldn’t say it was easy, but it was attainable.
At the end of my first year, my CGPA was still 7.0, and I began considering the possibility of maintaining that grade to the very end. I wasn’t too optimistic because I knew the courses would get harder as I advanced, but it motivated me to do my best. In my class, two other people also had the same GPA as me, which made me subconsciously accountable to someone.
My parents were people who could provide what I needed, and I didn’t have to find money to care for my siblings or parents. I was just a regular college student. I wasn’t a social butterfly.
Interesting. What was your inspiration for travelling abroad?
I wouldn’t say that I was always dreaming of going to Stanford. Once I graduated from UI in 2019, my major goal was to make enough money. I wanted to make money so bad.
After making a 7.0 CGPA, news about my achievement quickly travelled. Someone contacted me from Canada and persuaded me to apply for graduate school or a doctorate. But I wasn’t feeling it. I wanted to work, and I wanted to make money.
If not for my Aunty, who made a compelling case on how my skills wouldn’t be fully appreciated without passing through graduate school, I may have never made a move.
By then, I had already had a full-time job in Nigeria as a product manager in a tech firm immediately after school. I started to research what it takes to get admitted.
Tell us more about the process.
I then discovered that I needed to write the Graduate Record Examination (GRE), reach out to professors, get recommendation letters etc.
The process seemed quite challenging at first, but I found people who were also on the same journey as me, and we just motivated each other by solving past questions etc. Sometimes I returned from work late at night and started studying. I was targeting 320 as my GRE score, as it would ensure my entry into an Ivy League school.
Sometime in October 2019, I got 318 as my GRE score, two marks shy of my original target, which wasn’t bad for me. I then got my letters of recommendation from my professors at school, wrote my statement of purpose, and submitted most of my applications by December 15.
I got admission and full funding at Stanford University by April 15, 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, but I couldn’t resume school until the US Embassy reopened for my interview in November 2020. The choice of attending courses virtually wasn’t there because I got admission as a graduate teaching assistant. This required me to be physically present in the U.S. Hence the long wait.
Wow, sorry about that. How did the interview go?
Thank you, and it went well. That interview was seamless. I know how often people get rejected trying to get US visas, but thankfully that wasn’t the case for me. The interviewer didn’t stress me out at all. I just gave him my I-20 (a document you receive as proof of admission).
When he saw that I was going to Stanford, he just returned my documents and told me to go, that the F-1 visa (student visa) would be ready in about two weeks. The visa also had a two-year validity clause.
Why do you think the process was so easy?
I think it’s because I was going to an Ivy League school, and it was even Computer Science I studied and the full funding I received. I was shocked and happy because I had prepared so hard, and they never asked the questions I had prepared for. By December 2020, I travelled to the US.
What were your first experiences in America like?
As mentioned, I left Nigeria for California in December because I was so excited to leave and wanted to have at least 3 weeks to settle and prepare for school. I travelled with a friend because we would attend the same school and be placed in the same apartment.
The first thing that shocked me was the seriousness of foreigners regarding the COVID-19 pandemic. By June 2020, Nigerians were beginning to get much more lenient with precautionary measures such as face masks, and I began to get used to pulling down my face mask a lot.
However, on my Turkish Airline flight, I needed something from my friend, who was some seats away from me. I decided to stand up and walk towards him without my face mask. Suddenly, one of the passengers shouted at me to return to my seat because I was not wearing a face mask. It was so embarrassing, and I did not get the item from my friend again. I felt like a “bush” or uneducated girl. It then dawned on me that the pandemic was real here, and this wasn’t Nigeria, where precautionary measures weren’t taken seriously.
Also, people tended to cross to the other side of the road whenever I walked by, and I didn’t understand why. I wasn’t a monster, was I? I believed (and still believe) that I was a petite and pretty lady. Someone then explained that they were either trying not to contact the virus or get too close to people because of the COVID season. It was only then that I understood their actions.
Another thing that happened in my first week was falling sick –
Wow, how did this happen?
I didn’t like the vegan meal given on the plane, and even at the stop in Istanbul, I didn’t like much of the $15 pasta I bought because it was so bland. Coupled with the fact that it was a 14-hour flight, I got ill from the stress of travelling.
Some Nigerians had to take me to the hospital. I asked the nurse for water in the emergency room, and she didn’t understand. Only when I rolled the “t” in “water” did she finally understand what I requested and give me water. The doctor later discovered that I had malaria, but since it’s not a prevalent disease in the US, they didn’t have the test kits and equipment to treat me. They also had to take my blood sample from California to Atlanta before they could figure out if it was malaria.
I was also in the hospital for three days; it was the best time ever. I ate free food, received free Wi-Fi, paid my bills with insurance, and spent my days watching Bridgerton. It was an interesting time. The weather was cold but not too cold, which is one of the advantages of residing in California.
Nice! Could you please describe your experience as a master/teaching assistant?
Everything was virtual at first because of the pandemic. I did have to teach courses as a teaching assistant and then get paid a stipend. I remember the first class I taught on web application development.
There was an idea of the course but didn’t know what to expect because I had never taken the class before. I remember introducing myself and telling them to ask me questions, but after the class, I thought, “How can I tell them to ask me questions when I just started this?”
My teaching assistant experience started with me just “winging it,” more like a “fake it till you make it” sort of thing. I remember taking three artificial intelligence (AI) classes during my first office hours. After seeing these classes’ syllabi and weekly assignments and discussing them with a friend, he advised me to drop one class. As a graduate teaching assistant, you don’t just teach; you also have to attend the classes and do the assignment before handing it out to the students so that you can help them with whatever problems they encounter.
The magnitude of the content for my first class was enormous. I can remember us covering in two hours almost half of the entire semester syllabus of that same course in Nigeria.
Wow, how did you manage to juggle all those classes with your coursework?
At the end of the day, I dropped all those 3 big AI classes because I really couldn’t do them. I then stuck with the web application development class because I felt it would be a good refresher, and then I picked a lighter class regarding the coursework. This was so that I could cope with my coursework. Three of my new friends knew the courses, so I could rely on them for help and guidance. Not knowing these courses, I couldn’t afford to do office hours as a teaching assistant. It took more than 20 hours daily to focus and grade papers as a teaching assistant, talking less about being a master’s student.
Part of what helped me was belonging to a community of students to rely on if I needed any help with my own courses. My school also offers a quarterly or 10-week system to do assessments, teach, and wrap up with exams. This made the pace of work fast. You could always expect the course assignments to take 10-20 hours alone. Coupled with my workload as a teaching assistant, I was always stressed and tired, and I had nightmares in my first quarter.
I could wake up as early as 3 a.m. because I’d remember I had something to do that wasn’t even close to completion. I was sleeping for only 3-4 hours daily. My teaching was non-negotiable, and I couldn’t look like a fool. I was also to be reviewed at the end of the quarter, with students rating me, and I didn’t want a bad review because it could attract penalties.
Wow, THAT hard?
Yes. People say that if you survive in a Nigerian university, you will thrive in foreign universities. This is a lie because it is harder because of the weekly assignments; you’re either teaching or doing research, unlike in Nigeria, where you just need to show up.
I can remember a social computing assessment that I took for my coursework. I didn’t finish because I was a slow typist and wasn’t a fast thinker, and it was the same in many of my courses. Along the way, I asked for accommodation, which helped me gain three extra days for submitting assignments and 1.5x the time for assessments. If the standard time for an assessment was 3 hours, they could give 4 hours and 30 minutes due to the accommodation or special consideration I signed up for. I always felt below average regarding my set because this experience differed from the Nigerian educational experience.
I also learned to ask questions, but I noticed that they never gave straightforward answers. They gave hints and pointers, but never the answers. There was a lot of mental shift and tons of academic realisations in a year and a half. But I wouldn’t trade these experiences for anything.
What was your social life like at Stanford?
So I had my course for two years. The first part of the year was still about the COVID scare, and no one had much social interaction. The campus was quiet, and there wasn’t much activity. People still met in groups, but they wore face masks. Every Nigerian I met seemed willing to accommodate a new Nigerian, so that was chill.
It was a bit tricky mingling with other nationalities, but one way I did this was through assignments. I was the only African in my cohort, with the rest being African-American, Asian, or Indian. Only in September 2021 did things start to open up with physical classes. My attempts at socialisation came in the 2nd quarter because I knew the coursework now and how to go around things. I was also able to take harder courses.
We had departmental hangouts from time to time, and it was always just a bowl of food on a table (usually pizza), with people talking about research and no music. It was always boring, but at the same time, I could appreciate Americans and their zeal for research and hard work. They are so passionate about what they do and very cooperative.
There’s a memory that stands out for me. It was this Black, African-American event, and there was no music, which was very weird. Then, whenever I introduced myself, they’d almost always ask, “Where are you from?”
I wondered if my Nigerian accent was so obvious and if it was that easy to spot that I wasn’t part of them. Because of this, I felt more at ease being at a departmental event than one organised by black students. The cultural difference creates subtle tension, making you feel out of place.
What were the costs and quality of living like at Stanford?
Firstly, I’d say that healthcare is very expensive. Paying your bills would be extremely difficult if you didn’t have medical insurance.
I can remember a time when I attempted to do long-distance running and had tummy aches. My roommate felt I was in bad shape and called 911 (the emergency hotline). The roommate also confirmed that I wouldn’t pay out of pocket before I went to the hospital. The ambulance that the insurance company paid for amounted to $1,200 (N553,500), and the medical bill was $2,000 (N922,500), making a total of $3,200 (N1,476,000) for an ailment that I knew wasn’t serious and would have gone away in a couple of hours. If you don’t have medical insurance here, you can go bankrupt. Thankfully, I only fell ill once.
The cost of living in California is extremely expensive. Therefore, the average salary of a worker here is much higher than in the rest of the country. This also affected my stipend, and I receive $1800 as disposable income (after taxes and other charges have been deducted). This helps me pay rent on my housing, which costs $1,000 monthly, the cheapest I could find. What I have as a balance is usually enough for me. I can afford to send money home to my parents or upgrade my iPhone. You’re not rich, but you’re not broke, either.
What are the best parts and challenges of living at Stanford?
The best part was being part of an environment that motivates you to do great work. If you enter the campus, you’d feel like its heaven, with the infrastructure, alumni network, state-of-the-art equipment, etc. They’re also some of the world’s brightest people from all over the world, which makes learning so diverse. I also like that I can support my family without being affected negatively. $100 is like N73k here, and it won’t shake me here. However, it’s a significant amount to the average family or person in Nigeria. Every family should have one person abroad.
As to the challenges, adapting to a new environment with no family and friends can get lonely. There is also the pressure of moving to a new environment and being burdened with the expectation of succeeding immediately.
People here also tend not to be hospitable and mind their business too much, unlike in Nigeria. Unlike Nigeria, where I can randomly call a friend and visit that day, you always have to schedule visits here. You also have to be very intentional about cultivating friendships here, unlike in Nigeria, where you don’t have to stress how to make friends.
How are your grades now that you’re graduating?
Well, it’s not a 4.0, lol, but at least it’s definitely above the 3-point mark. I wasn’t crazy about getting the perfect grade, but I needed a good enough grade to maintain my teacher assistantship. Also, no one cares about CGPA here. Your skills and your GitHub account are what matter. And schooling at an Ivy League college already shows that you are smart, and that’s an endorsement of you.
What’s your next plan after graduation?
I plan to start working right away. I have a job waiting for me in a few months, but until then, I’d like to gain some extra cash with part-time tech gigs. I’m not looking forward to getting a PhD, though. This master’s degree is enough.
The 2021 murder of an Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) student in a hotel and the recent death sentence of a prince who is a hotelier sets the stage for today’s story.
This incident ignited a seething fury among Nigerians to talk about ritual murder, death sentences and the many grievances associated with Nigeria’s monarchy.
He owns a University He owns a palatial hotel.
He was a top contender for the Ooni of Ife kingship Yet he is deep into ritual killins.
It was a murder too many, as he snuff'd out lives of unsuspecting customers without being caught.
To understand this story better, let’s get to know exactly who the prince is.
Who is Abdulrahmon Adedoyin?
Rahmon Adedoyin [City Voice Newspaper]
Dr Rahmon Adegoke Adedoyin of the Agbedegbede/Oshinkola Akui Ruling House, was born into privilege as a prince from Ile-Ife, Osun State. His lineage carries historical significance and is part of the traditional monarchy of the region.
Adedoyin founded Oduduwa University in the same city and was a candidate for the Ooni of Ife throne after the late Oba Sijuade. He claimed the late king nominated him as his successor in August 2015. However, another prince, Adeyeye Ogunwunsi, became Ooni a few months later, in December 2015.
Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwunsi/[@oniadimulaife]
Adedoyin is prominent in the hospitality business in the state and owns Hilton Hotels and Resorts. This served as a lodging spot for residents of Ile-Ife and happened to be the last place where OAU Masters student, Timothy Adegoke, would ever be seen.
The disappearance and death of Timothy Adegoke
35-year-old Adegoke was set to undergo his Masters of Business Administration (MBA) examinations at OAU on November 6 and 7, 2021. He decided to use the hotel because it was close to the venue of his exam. He checked in at the Hilton Hotel the day before, November 5.
The first person to notice his disappearance was his wife. She called him the following day and noticed that his phone was consistently ringing without him picking up the call. She then contacted his parents. They sent delegates to OAU, only to discover that Adegoke was not present to write his exams.
Through the help of an abandoned receipt (which Adegoke’s wife discovered at home) and the Osun State police command, six people were arrested. This includes an Islamic Cleric (who had Adegoke’s phone), hotel staff, and Adedoyin himself.
Further police investigations helped find Adegoke’s remains in a shallow grave at Ede Road, Osun State. This helped Adegoke’s family kickstart legal action against the prince.
Hilton Hotel, the place where Timothy Adegoke was last seen [Orbitz]
The death sentence, other parts of the verdict
After a year of legal proceedings, the Chief Judge of Osun State, Justice Adepele Ojo, dismissed Adedoyin’s case of “not being present at the hotel at the time of Adegoke’s murder”. The Chief Judge pronounced Adedoyin and two of his staff guilty of murder, with the trio facing death by hanging.
Part of the nails that eventually crucified Adedoyin was his refusal to enter the court’s witness box to prove himself innocent and Adedoyin’s Hilux van, which had murder weapons.
Asides from the death sentence, the judge added that the Hilux Van and hotel would become state property. Timothy’s children are to be educated to the university level at a cost to the three offenders.
But how does the death sentence work?
The death sentence penalty isn’t as straightforward as most people would think.
To provide nuance and better understand the case, Citizen spoke with a defence lawyer for two hotel staff. One was freed, and the other was convicted. Rowland Otaru first explained how the “death penalty” truly works.
According to Otaru, a senior advocate of Nigeria, death sentences take a while. “The convicted offender usually has up to one month to appeal his case before execution. This also gives enough time for the defence team to discover more evidence,” he said.
What’s next?
From all indications from the court’s verdict, Adedoyin’s story isn’t over yet.
We expect to see Adesola Adedeji, the hotel receptionist and hotel manager, and Roheem (who happens to be Adedoyin’s son) come into the mix. There are expectations that their suspected involvement in Adegoke’s murder will be tested.
Roheem Adedoyin [Akede Oyo]
We also look forward to round two of the case. Otaru enthusiastically told us that the defence team would not “be going down without a fight.” They’d head to the Court of Appeal to plead Adedoyin’s case.
Over a phone conversation, Otaru shared, “I personally feel that he judged too quickly. Also, the media hype and public outcry influenced the judge. His [Adegoke’s] organs were intact, and only circumstantial evidence was used for this judgement. We’ll make our way to the Court of Appeal next month. We will not go down without a fight.”
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Last week, we discussed how one spark of defiance from a Northern Sarkin (or king) ignited a full-blown war between Northern Nigeria and the British Empire in 1900.
The Battle of Kano [Wikiwand]
If you didn’t read this piece, let’s break it down with a quick refresher:
The Recap
The British Empire declared Northern Nigeria a protectorate in 1900 but had no territorial control. They needed to gain power over the region due to the fear of European rivals outsmarting them and to gain the local leaders’ fear respect.
To do this, they called upon Frederick Dealtry Lugard, who grew from a British soldier to High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria in 1900.
After the official proclamation, he sent a memo to the Sarkin Muslmi, or King of the Sokoto Caliphate, to which there was no reply. This led to a rampage from Lugard to depose various emirates in the Caliphate.
But today, we look at two kingdoms — Bida and Yola emirates.
The 1897 Fall of Bida Empire
Pre-colonial Bida: A Greedy and Bloodthirsty Government
Before the end of Bida in 1901, the emirate was the most populous out of five emirates (Agaie, Lapai, Lafiagi and Shonga) under the supervision of a Gwandu. Its regions stretched from present-day Niger State in Nupeland to Akoko in Ondo State.
Procession of Etsu chiefs with bodyguards [Nupe Base]
They had the best tax and tributes collection record and traded–mostly slaves, firearms and ammunition–heavily with British and other European merchants in the early 19th century, which helped them raid villages and take other territories. This made them highly unpopular in the region, with many rebellions. Most notable is the Kyadya Rebellion of 1881-82.
Kyadya rebellion of 1881 [Don Steve Blog]
The Emir of Bida also replaced mini-state systems with a centralised system of government (much like Nigeria’s democracy today), which helped them to stay in control of all taxes and tributes.
The Obaro Chieftaincy of Owe was upgraded to the paramount chief of all communities in North-East Yorubaland, which allowed him to implement Bida policies and collect tributes for delivery to Bida, which non-Owe and even Owe clans disliked.
In 1895, the Bida terror reached an all-time high when the Emir decided not only to request money but now tributes in the form of young girls and boys to the Bida Empire. The Bida regions protested but to no avail.
With dissatisfaction amongst the tribes, Lugard’s advent in 1900 allowed them to express their concerns.
How an unexpected alliance led to the fall of Bida
Remember Bida’s trade with British merchants? This partnership is what eventually led to its downfall.
By 1897, Bida traded with the French and Germans. But by 1897, the British (through the Royal Niger Company (RNC) decided they wanted a monopoly, which the leaders at Bida found as over-ambitious. This led to the first war between Bida and the RNC in 1897, which the RNC didn’t win.
However, they helped one of Bida’s most resourceful regions gain independence – Kabba. Mutiny grew around the region, with subjects rallying behind a self-exiled Kyadya prince, Yahaya Marike, towards allying with the RNC to end Bida’s reign.
‘The Battle of Bida’ [Ndagi Abdullahi/RuokoTv/Facebook]
Under the Prince’s instructions, Kyadya inhabitants refused to ferry the Bida army across their territory in the River Niger area, forcing them to take a more difficult route which demoralised soldiers, leading to deaths and desertion. This weakened the Bida.
When this happened, Bida called out to the nearby Lapai and Agaie for aid, to no avail. Even the Yissahzi tribe that lived in the Bida township refused to give them additional troops.
With this cooperation, the Marike-led government, alongside the RNC, attacked Bida. By the time the RNC and Marike’s army had reached the walls, Bida didn’t even know that Yissahzi and Kyadya were not on their side.
The Red Walls of Bida [Nomad4Now]
Bida’s downfall pushed regional power to the Patigi tribe, which revived all traditional Nupe offices. Lugard would later take Bida from the RNC, but the empire was already buried..
The 1902 Fall of Yola Empire
“I’ll not be two-faced”
By the latter part of 1901, the British Army had deposed emirates: Bida, Ilorin, Kontagora, Lapai — and Yola was next on the hit list.
“A Hausa from Yola” c. 1902 [Wikipedia]
Adamawa aristocracy, debated their options: fall under British rule or resist them. This aristocracy comprised Lamido (King), Zubairu bin Adama on one side, Hamman Joda (the Qadi), Bobbo Ahmadu (the Lamido’s younger brother) and Yerima Iyabeno (the Lamido’s nephew) on the other.
In the end, Lamido-Zubairu’s team—arguing for resistance—won.
Their arguments had two principles:
They did not want Europeans for dividing their empire (the Germans had taken over sub-emirate Tibati and were moving towards Ngoundere and Bamnyo);
and strong respect for the Sokoto Caliphate and its vision.
Hans Dominik, Oscar Zimmerman, Curt von Pavel and other German officers rest for a photo after reaching Lake Chad. (May 2, 1902) [Wikipedia]
This is why, in his letter to Sultan Abdurrahman of Sokoto announcing the fall of Yola to the British months later, Lamido Zubairu pledged:
“I will not be two-faced, on your side and on the side of the Christians too. My allegiance is to you, to God and the Prophet, and after you to the Imam Mahdi. There is no surrender to the unbeliever even after the fall of the strongholds.”
The British troops arrive
The British deployed 22 European officers and NCOs and 365 mercenaries, 275-mm guns and 4 Maxim guns, led by Colonel T.N.L. Morland, for the occupation of Yola on September 2, 1901.
They travelled using steamboats on Lake Njuwa and were anchored near a baobab tree locally called Bokki Hampeto. Colonel Morland sent a Shuwa Arab resident of Yola to send a letter to the Lamido containing their terms. The messenger returned three minutes later with the message that Lamido Zubayru refused to receive the letter.
Upon receiving this message, Morland moved his troops closer to the town and then sent his messenger once again to the Lamido with the threat that if his letter were refused again, he would take steps to compel him to open it. Before the return of his message, people riding on horses came out of the town to block the British.
Zubaryu retaliates
The messenger emerges, yet again, failing to deliver the letter to Lamido Zubairu as he was sent back and told by Lamido to warn Morland to retreat. More horsemen streamed out of the town to confront Morland and his forces. Morland calculated that it would be to their advantage to allow the people of Yola to attack first in the open. He felt it was much better than fighting in the narrow streets of Yola. He waited for the first attack from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. “after much shouting and exhorting from their mallams”.
The First Attack
Despite the starting battle, Morland ordered his men to “reserve our fire till the leaders were within 200 yards” before he ordered the maxim guns to be fired. After this attack, Morland’s forces went on the offensive. They advanced through the town till they reached the Lamido’s palace and Friday mosque, which were heavily defended. An arrow wounded Morland himself, but they persevered and defeated their adversaries.
Morland lost two men with 37 wounded, while the Yola forces lost 50 with 150 wounded.
The Second Attack
The morning after, the British forces blew up the palace’s visitors’ chambers and other “important-looking buildings” in Yola. Morland also heard rumours that Lamido Zubayru fled to Gurin, forty miles east of Yola.
The Capture of Yola, Benue, Northern Nigeria on September 2 by the Western African Frontier Force [Caton Woodville]
The Pursuit of Zubaryu
Acting Commissioner Wallace, with Colonel Morland, pursued Lamido to Gurin by steamboat. Eight European officers, NCOs, 150 mercenaries, and 2 Maxim guns accompanied them.
After travelling on the river Benue, Faro and Heso for 26 hours, they arrived in Gurin only to be told that Emir was not there. They turned back towards Yola without any encounter.
However, they learned that Zubaryu was in Ribadu, fourteen miles behind them. Wallace turned back to Yola to appoint a new “Lamido” while Morland and his forces marched towards Ribadu only to find out Lamido Zubayru had also not been there. Morland spent the night in Ribadu.
On the morning of September 7, Colonel Morland shelled the town of Ribadu before returning to Yola.
What happened to Zubaryu?
The Lamido managed to escape capture for months. First of all, he hid in the “German parts” of Adamawa, including Adumri, Manoa and Madagali. He then revisited “British Adamawa” in October 1902 after taking refuge at Gudu for three months. The British caught him, but he escaped.
The Lala (a tribe from Bornu State) later killed him in 1902, before knowing his identity.
Check out this weekly time machine same time next week to read the final edition of this series, “The Fall of Kano.”
