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She had anticipated a peaceful protest where the Nigerian government would address police brutality. Instead, she found herself in an Abuja hospital, receiving stitches after police officers inflicted a severe head injury during the #ENDSARS protests.
“It’s hard to accept that in the fight for justice and safety from police brutality, I was brutalized by the police,” Martha said.
It was October 2020, and Martha, an Abuja-based writer, joined the nationwide #ENDSARS protests with hundreds of other young Nigerians. The movement rose in response to widespread bribery, extortion, harassment, and extrajudicial killings by the Nigerian police, especially by the now-disbanded rogue unit, the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).
Martha hadn’t foreseen the intense resistance she would encounter. But she and countless other Nigerians faced violence from security operatives. Throughout the protests, participants were beaten, detained without cause, tear-gassed, and, tragically, some were killed.
“With how the protests were handled, the Nigerian government showed it has no problem killing its citizens just to subdue the rest. It’s shameful,” she noted.
Martha’s experience and those of many others affected by police brutality and the #ENDSARS protests of 2020 are the focus of the newly released documentary, “October 2020.”
The documentary by the Tiger Eye Foundation, a media nonprofit championing investigative journalism, looks into the events and aftermath of the 2020 #ENDSARS protests. It captures the movement’s enduring impact on Nigeria and the wider world three years later.
“October 2020” is produced and directed by multimedia journalist, Aisha Salaudeen and narrated by reporter, Abisola Alawode. It features activists, experts, and young protesters like Martha, all touched by police brutality and the #ENDSARS movement.
According to Tiger Eye Foundation, the aim of the documentary is not just to record history, but to ensure the lessons from ENDSARS pave the way for a brighter future for the country.
On October 9, 2023, a Lagos State High Court sentenced Nigerian police officer, Drambi Vandi, to death after he was found guilty of fatally shooting Lagos-based lawyer, Bolanle Raheem.
Vandi shot Raheem, an expectant mother, on Christmas Day in 2022 in Ajah, Lagos state. While this sentence offers respite and some level of justice to the victim’s loved ones, the country is still riddled with pockets of police misconduct and brutality against citizens.
Source: Maritime First Newspaper
In commemoration of the third-year anniversary of the #ENDSARS protest, we’ve compiled a timeline of notable dates and events that defined October 2020.
But first, what were the five-point demands of the Nigerian youths who stormed the streets in unity to demand an end to police brutality?
#ENDSARS Five-Points Demand
End SARS
Compensations for victims of police brutality
Investigation of police misconduct and prosecution of the indicted
Release of arrested protesters
Increase in the salaries of police officers
A timeline of events that shaped October 2020
October 3, 2020
A video surfaced on social media showing the moment SARS in officers Ughelli, Delta State, assaulted a Nigerian man. The clip sparked public outrage and escalated into widespread protest in the state.
October 4, 2020
Then Minister of State for Labour, Festus Keyamo, in an X post claimed the young man in the viral video from Ughelli, Delta State was alive. He claimed he spoke with the victim’s brother, Ochuko.
October 6, 2020
The protest continued in Delta State with youths blocking off major roads and ultimately driving heated conversations on X.
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October 8, 2020
Demonstration kicks off across major cities in Nigeria. Young people, including celebrities, in Lagos converge at the Lagos State House of Assembly complex to protest against police brutality. Many spent the night there.
October 9, 2020
Police forcefully disperse peaceful protesters at the police headquarters in Abuja. Meanwhile, members of the Lagos State House of Assembly addressed protesters.
October 10, 2020
Protests continue across the country. The situation takes a heated turn after police officers in Ogbomosho, in a bid to disperse peaceful protesters, shot Jimoh Isiaq.
October 11, 2020
Source: Signal
IGP, Mohammed Adamu, announced the dissolution of the SARS unit. However, demonstrations continued across the country, with three more protesters shot dead in Ogbomosho.
October 12, 2020
Ebonyi youth joined the ENDSARS protest while Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State banned protests in the state. Meanwhile, stray bullets from the police killed a bystander in Lagos.
October 13, 2020
Source: Premium Times
Protesters defy Governor Nyesom Wike’s order and trooped out to protest. The governor of Lagos State, Babajide Sanwo Olu, met President Muhammadu Buhari to discuss the protests and demands.
October 13, 2020
The FG announces the establishment of the Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) team to replace the disbanded SARS unit. Governor Sanwo-Olu announced a ₦200 million fund for victims of police brutality.
October 14, 2020
Source: Rex Features
Nigerians in Belgium, the U.K., and the U.S. joined the #ENDSARS protest. Meanwhile, pro-SARS individuals attacked protesters and burnt vehicles in Lagos and Abuja.
October 15, 2020
FCT minister, Muhammad Bello, banned protests in the capital city. International hacking group, Anonymous, infiltrated the Nigerian police website.
October 16, 2020
X created a special emoji to show solidarity with the #ENDSARS movement. Meanwhile, Muslim faithfuls in Lagos held the Friday jummah prayer on protest grounds.
October 17, 2020
Two protesters died in Osun after hoodlums hijacked the peaceful protest in the state.
October 18, 2020
The National Examination Council (NECO) postponed its examination for the year.
October 19, 2020
Hoodlums attacked the Benin Correctional Centre to free some inmates in one of the cells. The Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS) condemned #ENDSARS protesters for non-peaceful and destructive actions.
October 20, 2020
Governor Sanwo announced a state-wide curfew late evening in Lagos, but some protesters remained at the Lekki Toll Gate area. Later, soldiers deployed to the Lekki Tollgate area opened fire on protesters. Gory videos and images of blood-stained Nigerian flags flooded social media.
Notable events post #ENDSARS protest
October 19, 2021
Source: The Nation
Lagos State Judiciary Panel of Inquiry concludes its findings into alleged shootings that took place on October 20, 2020, at the Lekki Tollgate. The panel awarded a total of ₦410.2 million to over 70 petitioners as compensation.
October 20, 2021
Police in Lagos and Ogun insist that there should be no street protests in commemoration of one year anniversary of #ENDSARS protest.
November 15, 2021
Governor Sanwo-Olu sets up a four-member committee for white paper reports on the reports submitted by the Judicial Panel of Inquiry on Restitution for victims of SARS-related abuses and other matters.
October 20, 2022
Police fire teargas at peaceful protesters who converged at the Lekki Toll Gate to mark the second anniversary of the #ENDSARS protest in Lagos.
You’ll have your fill of grilled, peppered or fried meat and many more at Zikoko’s meat festival on November 11. Have you bought your Burning Ram ticket? You can do that real quick here.
Serah Ibrahim, a self-acclaimed human rights frontier, shared an official document online from the Lagos State Public Procurement Agency on the morning of July 23, 2023. Ibrahim was the first social media user to make the document public. Many people, including news platforms, demanded answers and criticised the government.
What was the document about?
I need @jidesanwoolu and whoever runs the Lagos Govt @followlasg to explain this official document signed by Onafowote Idowu the DG PPA Lagos.
103 Dead Bodies to be buried by TOS Funerals on a Mass Grave?#EndSARS victims was actually written on it🤦🏼♀️.
Dated July 19, 2023, the document revealed the approval of N61.2 million. This was for a mass burial for 103 victims of the #EndSARS massacre of October 20, 2020. Onafowote Idowu, the agency’s Director-General, signed the letter and addressed it to the Ministry of Health.
An excerpt from the letter reads, “Following review of your request and based on the information provided therein, the agency has ‘No Objection’ to award the contract to MESSRS. TOS FUNERALS LIMITED at a total cost of N61,285,000 only for the mass burial for the 103, the year 2020 EndSARS victims.”
What was Lagos State’s response?
For the Lagos State Government, their reaction was to “set the record straight.” According to the Permanent Secretary of the Lagos State Ministry of Health, Olusegun Ogboye, the 103 bodies in question were not from the Lekki Toll Gate.
They were retrieved from various parts of the state, such as Fagba, Ketu, Ikorodu, Orile, Ajegunle, Abule-Egba, Ikeja, Ojota, Ekoro, Ogba, Isolo, and Ajah. The government says that some were even retrieved from a jailbreak at Ikoyi Prison.
RE: MASS BURIAL OF ENDSARS VICTIMS (MISCHIEF MAKERS AT WORK)
The attention of the Lagos State Government has been drawn to some social media publications about a purported mass burial plan for casualties of the 2020 #EndSARS incident. Peddlers of the news are deliberately… pic.twitter.com/j94U8P1dkX
Ogboye also mentioned in the statement that the Lagos State chief pathologist was legally summoned to produce the full records of unclaimed bodies in the Lagos State Central Mortuary. This was immediately after the tragic incident of October 20, 2020.
He also confirmed that relatives of the lost or dead victims were advised to contact the Department of Pathology and Forensic Science at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH). However, “nobody responded to claim any of the bodies.”
“After almost three years, the bodies remain unclaimed, adding to the congestion of the morgues. This spurred the need to decongest the morgues. This procedure follows very careful medical and legal guidelines if a relative may still turn up to claim a lost relative years after the incident,” he explained.
What were citizens’ reactions?
We can use two words to describe citizens’ reactions: outrage and dismay. This was because the state government had initially denied that there was “no casualty” recorded during the #EndSARs protest, particularly with the event that led to “Lekki Massacre”. Till today, the government has not been able to share a clear statement on what actually happened the night of October 20, 2020.
With this, Nigerians are reacting to the news of the mass burial and the government’s statement.
Lagos State was so effective that it immediately picked up bodies of victims before the communities had opportunity to identify and bury their bodies! These people really do not rate us at all!
On the night of the shooting at Lekki Tollgate, many of the protesters kept saying… https://t.co/TC7Ds07go3
It’s been 22 hours and this was the best lie Lagos State was able to come up with and it’s an amazing own goal.
You picked up 103 bodies but not at the Lekki Toll Gate where senseless soldiers massacred peaceful #EndSARS youths. This is the same lie Sanwo Olu told the panel and… https://t.co/TmfvYoK0CE
In November 2021, the Lagos State Government released a White Paper on the report by the EndSARS panel. This panel investigated the events of the Lekki Toll Gate incident of October 20, 2020.
According to this report, armed soldiers trying to scatter protesters away from the grounds killed nine people at the toll gate.
But Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu dismissed the report as “assumptions and speculations.”
Human rights organisations like Amnesty International and CNN International, which carried out independent investigations into the event, continue to stand by their reports that protesters were shot at.
Their claim also carries weight, as many Nigerians watched Obianuju Udeh (aka DJ Switch) livestream and heard gunfire while protesters at the scene waved their flags in the air and sang the national anthem.
That night continues to be the defining moment of a movement young Nigerians remain proud of. But there are still questions about if it was worth the sacrifice and if it changed anything.
We spoke to Nigerians who’ve been vocal about the movement for their thoughts.
Obianuju Iloanya — social justice campaigner
“Being a survivor of police brutality, I can assure you nothing has changed for most families — and I’m in contact with most of them. It’s still business as usual. We went to the judicial panels, but some states didn’t even release their reports.
They say they disbanded SARS, but what happened to the people working under SARS? Were there psychological evaluations for them or were they just added back to the Force? I don’t think there’ve been any marked changes within the Police Force or the government.
Is it that the Nigerian Police is unchangeable and cannot be reformed? Is it the leadership or the junior officers not getting the memo from the top? We need the police to be overhauled, and maybe we do need community policing. We need the police to be responsive.”
Olubiyi “Oli Ekun” Tobiloba — actor, influencer
“The EndSARS protest was successful, but not all the way. When everybody came out, it was more like, “We really have to come out for this, and they have to hear our voice”. Unfortunately, the protest was disrupted by the massacre in Lekki.
The protest wasn’t fruitless because they know what we can do now. As a result of our actions, police officials are more responsive to complaints from the public. I’ve seen them bring rogue officers to book and show them to the public. That wasn’t happening before.
But more can be done. I’d love to be able to dial an emergency number to report crimes in progress. And officers should be paid well.”
Eromosele “Eromz” Adene — activist
“One can’t ignore that the police force have put a lot of PROs online just to show people, “We’re here, and you can talk to us.” To an extent, police issues are easier to deal with because a lot of people who would naturally message me, or other civilian activists, now message these PROs. From the feedback we get, most of them have their issues resolved. The PROs’ numbers are also out there online, and you can call them at any time of the day.
Has the harassment reduced or stopped? I’d say, for me, it’s reduced because of fear on the side of the police that the youths may organise a bigger EndSARS, not because they really want to. The police still physically abuse many people. I still get complaints about harassment and extortion by the police. It may not be of the same magnitude as before the protest, but it’s still there.
EndSARS didn’t need to happen for the police to stop killing people — it’s basic empathy and respect for human lives. There are so many things the government can do to reform the police. Once you pay well, half of the issues will go. You don’t pay them well, their houses are nothing to write home about, their kids go to subpar schools and they’re not even on scholarships. These guys have to feed. It’s not hard to pay them well and stop stealing their money.
Generally, EndSARS was more than successful, and we’ll continue to benefit from it. If you check the attitude of the youths, it was the first time we came together, putting everything aside, to make demands for better leadership. EndSARS was a catalyst for a lot of things.”
Rinu Oduala — activist and social justice advocate
“After the Nigerian government dissolved SARS in October 2020, the Police Force continued to extort and brutalise innocent citizens. The reports of the judicial panels have not met expectations.
Police reform should be about building trust between the police and citizens. We’re supposed to have the NPF working with technology and social media. I’ve seen a lot of PROs of state commands on social media, but it looks as if their only function is to launder the image of the police force without actually treating the main causes of why they’re there — to make sure citizens regain trust in the Police Force.
The biggest stumbling block to police reform is political will. The Nigerian state isn’t interested in police reform. The police as an institution in Nigeria currently serves the interest of politicians. Why end police brutality if the police are being used to oppress the citizenry? Like Mr Femi Falana (SAN) says, Nigeria has some of the best laws in the whole world, but there’s no implementation. There have been recommendations, reports, committees and panels, but the Nigerian government isn’t interested in them.
What citizens can do is keep using their voices to ask for accountability. As long as the criminals in uniform don’t stop killing us, we need to keep voicing out. There has to be more citizen action.
The EndSARS movement is a success because it’s still alive in our hearts. One of its successes is it unified Nigerians across platforms — we all called for an end to police brutality together. It showed that we could put aside our differences to come together for a common goal.”
Ajibola Grey — influencer
“We had many unspoken goals for EndSARS. We didn’t get to achieve all of them, but the world heard us. We fought, shook the government and passed our message. To an extent, police brutality has reduced. Even in cases where there’s police harassment, the institution swings into action very fast to attend to the situation. We’re now aware of our rights and what’s going on in the country.
But police reform will never be enough until every single policeman in this country respects the rights of citizens. People are more scared of policemen than of thieves.
We need an entire re-orientation of the Police Force. We can’t deny these people need to be taken care of — they’re badly paid and don’t live in good conditions. A hungry man can do almost anything — the government needs to stop making these people suffer because their job is risky.”
It's been 2 years since the #LekkiMassacre & Nigerians are still subjected to various degrees of police brutality.
It seems as though peaceful protesters can never catch a break in Nigeria, as police brutality reared its ugly head again during the EndSARS memorial procession at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos State on October 20, 2022.
[Image source: PUNCH Newspapers]
Nigerian celebrities, Folarin Falana, aka Falz, and Adebowale Adedayo, aka, Mr Marcaroni, led the protest in honour of young Nigerians killed by security forces at the toll gate on October 20, 2020.
Police officers interrupted the procession to request that protesters remove a coffin, which was a symbolic reference to the 2020 victims. The protesters refused and the police started to shoot tear gas canisters.
[Image source: PUNCH Newspapers]
[Image source: Punch Newspapers]
A journalist who works for Arise TV, Oba Adeoye, was also allegedly harassed.
36 years ago, on October 19, 1986, a messenger delivered a mail package to a residence in Ikeja, Lagos State. The guard at the gate passed the parcel to Billy Giwa who then passed it on to the recipient named on the package, Dele Giwa, a journalist and co-founder of Newswatch.
When Dele Giwa opened the package, it exploded and he died shortly after.
[Image source: Guardian]
Giwa’s unfortunate assassination — still unresolved — has become a rallying point for press freedom in Nigeria, but we first have to understand his impact.
Who was Dele Giwa?
Dele Giwa was born in Ile-Ife, Osun State, on March 16, 1947. He earned an English degree at Brooklyn College in 1977 and a Master’s in Public Communication from Fordham University. In 1980, Giwa joined ‘The Sunday Concord’.
[Image source: Biographical Legacy and Research Foundation]
Giwa was imprisoned for two weeks in 1983 for his work as the editor of ‘The Sunday Concord’ newspaper. In 1984, with other journalists interested in pursuing a high standard of journalism in Nigeria, he founded ‘Newswatch’ and became the magazine’s first editor-in-chief. The magazine redefined investigative journalism in Nigeria and grew to have a circulation of around 50,000 readers.
By 1986, ‘Newswatch’ had begun criticising the military administration of General Ibrahim Babangida. When Dele Giwa was assassinated on October 19, 1986, he had just recently written an article on the second-tier foreign exchange market (SFEM), a Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) policy introduced at the time. In the piece, Giwa said if SFEM failed, the people would stone “their leaders in the streets.” Two days before his assassination, he was questioned by officials of the State Security Services (SSS) on the article, and he replied by saying that nothing about his article was offensive. The rest, they say, is history.
What’s the state of press freedom in Nigeria after 36 years?
It’s sad to note that not much has changed about press freedom in Nigeria since Giwa’s death. In 2021, the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) reported that at least 120 journalists had been detained in the country and that many others had fled abroad to avoid harassment, threats, and death.
The events that played out during the EndSARS protests of 2020 showed how much behind Nigeria is still suffering from a lack of press freedom.
[Image source: Stephen Tayo]
On October 24, 2020, police officers shot Pelumi Onifade, a 20-year-old journalist, while he was covering a protest. Despite wearing a professional jacket, the officials arrested the injured journalist and he died in custody.
Ope Adetayo, a journalist who covered the 2021 EndSARS memorial for Al Jazeera, told The Republic of the threats he continued to face days after the event. Adetayo’s report claimed that many young Nigerians were still subjected to police brutality despite the 2020 #EndSARS protests and that the protesters’ demands for reforms had not been met.
After publishing the story, the journalist received his first hate mail from an unknown sender who copied several editors of Al Jazeera and warned him against painting Nigeria in a bad light. Although he ignored the email, Adetayo said he was scared and spent time after “constantly looking over his shoulders.”
Nigeria ranked 129 out of 180 countries in the 2022 World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), a decline from 120 and 115 in 2021 and 2020 respectively. RSF also named Nigeria one of “West Africa’s most dangerous and difficult” countries for journalists to work in.
Predictably, the Nigerian government publicly criticised this index, claiming that the Nigerian press is both empowered and free. This is a claim that many journalists in Nigeria have disputed, pointing to several recent examples of the government attempting to clamp down on the media and press.
[Image source: Daily Post Nigeria]
Is there light at the end of the tunnel?
The key to enjoying full press freedom in Nigeria is a government that’s not tyrannical and a press that’ll fight for its rights. Nigeria needs more policies that would protect journalists from harassment in their line of duty.
As the Vice President of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Ronke Samo, rightly said “While we urge our colleagues to be discreet and professional in performing their duties so as to avoid possible pitfalls and banana peels, we equally urge the state to urgently formulate policies and put in place frameworks that would protect the press from this emerging threat from advancement in digital technology. This should be done in a most patriotic manner because of the fact that a truly free press will bring progress, fairness, justice, and true freedom to our society.”
On October 20, 2022, Nigerians will commemorate the two-year anniversary of the EndSARS protests which ended in Nigerian security forces shooting and brutalising unarmed Nigerians.
As we remember them, we take a look at the timeline of events leading up to the tragic events of October 20, 2020.
A brief history of SARS
The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was created in 1992 as a unit of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) to combat a worrying trend of armed robbery and kidnapping. However, SARS eventually became the monster it set out to destroy as officers tortured, blackmailed, kidnapped and extrajudicially murdered Nigerians.
For 10 years, SARS operated in Lagos, but by 2002 it had spread to all the states in Nigeria. The rest of the country was about to see the shege Lagos people were seeing.
SARS gone rogue
SARS gained international notoriety in 2010 when Amnesty International rebuked Nigeria over its poor human rights record. The organisation singled out SARS for its unlawful killings and enforced disappearances of citizens, but that didn’t dissuade them.
In 2016, Amnesty International again released a strongly-worded report, condemning SARS for its “widespread torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment” of detainees. The organisation noted that officers subjected Nigerians to various methods of torture and ill- treatment in order to extract information and bogus confessions.
Still, SARS continued with impunity, and young Nigerians, fed up with the government’s inaction over the rogue agency, took their grievances online.
The seeds of EndSARS
It’s not clear exactly when the #EndSARS hashtag was first used, and by whom. Despite disputed claims over its origin, by 2017 the hashtag became frequent on Twitter.
By December 2017, there was an #EndSARS rally staged in Freedom Park, Lagos. Although it recorded a low turnout, the seeds that would inspire a global protest had already been sown.
Weak government and police response
In December 2017, then Inspector General of Police (IGP), Ibrahim Idris, ordered the “reorganisation of SARS” — a cosmetic response that was, in essence, the same thing as asking a rabid dog to stay quiet. By 2018, following public outcry, the acting president, Yemi Osinbajo, ordered the IGP to “review the operations of SARS”. In January 2019, a new IGP, Mohammed Adamu, ordered the “disbandment of SARS”.
Police reform in Nigeria typically followed this template for years — a press release here, photo op there, and empty promises all over the place.
The trigger
In June 2020, Amnesty International released yet another report faulting Nigerian authorities for failing to prosecute a single police officer in three years over the use of torture, despite laws being passed against it. The warning signs were there but the government ignored them as usual.
On October 3, 2020, a trending video that accused SARS officers of shooting a man and throwing him off a speeding vehicle in Ughelli, Delta State set off the chain of events that became the EndSARS protests.
It was at this point Nigerian youths had enough and took their complaints to the streets.
Timeline of the EndSARS protests
October 3, 2020
Protests began over footage of SARS officers shooting a young man in Delta state.
October 8, 2020
Youths converged at the Lagos State House of Assembly complex to protest against police brutality. They stayed over till the next day.
October 9, 2020
The Lagos State House of Assembly held an emergency session to address the grievances of the protesters. Young people also protested at the police headquarters in Abuja and protests started popping up in other states across Nigeria.
October 10, 2020
Protests continued with police using water cannons and teargas to disperse protesters in Abuja. In Ogbomosho, Oyo State, police officers fired gunshots to disperse a protest and killed Jimoh Isiaka.
October 11, 2020
The IGP, Mohammed Adamu, announced the dissolution of SARS but protesters welcomed it with doubts and continued the demonstrations. Three more protesters were shot dead in Ogbomosho.
October 12, 2020
The governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, outlawed protests in his state. In Surulere, Lagos, stray bullets from the police killed a bystander but they blamed the protesters.
October 13, 2020
Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, announced the formation of a complaints committee to deal with the grievances of protesters. The IGP announced the setting up of a Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) unit to replace SARS but protesters didn’t welcome the idea.
The Lagos State government announced a ₦200 million fund for victims of police brutality, and the presidency said it would accept the five demands of EndSARS protesters.
October 14, 2020
In Lagos and Abuja, hoodlums and pro-SARS individuals attacked protesters and burnt vehicles.
October 15, 2020
The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Muhammad Bello, banned protests in the capital city.
October 16, 2020
An activist group, Anonymous, hacked the Twitter account of the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) to post a solidarity message for protesters. Candlelight vigils held across the country.
October 20, 2020
Governor Sanwo-Olu announced a state-wide curfew in Lagos but some protesters remained at the Lekki Toll Gate. As night approached, officers of the Nigerian Army arrived at the toll gate and opened fire on unarmed protesters who were singing the national anthem.
The defining image of that night is the Nigerian flag soiled with the blood of its slain youth.
The Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos was a symbolic holding ground for the #EndSARS protests until the Nigerian military and police attacked civilian protesters with weapons on October 20th 2020.
The shooting and the widespread violence that followed it resulted in the vandalisation of the Lekki-Epe Toll Gate and the Lekki-Ikoyi Link Bridge Toll Gate.
What‘s happened since October 2020?
The Lekki Concession Company (LCC) oversees and profits from the two toll gates but a judicial panel set up to investigate the October 20th 2020 shooting suspended their operations to protect evidence. The LCC submitted many requests to take back control of the toll gates as the investigation dragged on for months. The judicial panel handed control of the toll gates back to the LCC on February 6th 2021. This prompted another round of protests by Nigerians at the Lekki Toll Gate on February 13th 2021. The police arrested many protesters and brutalised them.
Mr Macaroni and others clothes removed tied and tortured by the police in a Bus at the police station #EndSARShttps://t.co/q2PovymWA2
What the judicial panel found out about Lekki Toll Gate massacre
The judicial panel ruled in its report on the shooting that security forces killed at least nine people during the October 20th 2022 crackdown. The panel advised the government to turn the Lekki Toll Gate into a memorial site for the #EndSARS protests and rename it ENDSARS Toll Gate. The Lagos State Government rejected the findings and recommendations.
The LCC announced on March 14th 2022 that toll operations would resume at the Lekki-Ikoyi Link Bridge Toll Gate on April 1st 2022. The company won’t toll car owners for the first two weeks, but everything will be back to business as usual from April 15th 2022.
The LCC says resuming operations is important so it can pay off local and international loans. The Lagos State Government has also been appealing to Lagosians to allow the resumption to happen smoothly for the sake of LCC workers who could lose their jobs.
It’s still unclear when tolling operations will resume at the Lekki-Epe Toll Gate where the October 20th 2020 shooting took place, but Nigerians aren’t open to the idea of LCC tolling anywhere.
We asked some Nigerians their thoughts on the situation.
Seun
The government hasn’t been able to convince the citizens that Nigerians weren’t killed at the toll gate that night. This means that justice hasn’t been done to this issue. The two toll gates are Siamese twins that can’t be separated on this issue. It doesn’t matter if it’s Lekki-Epe or Lekki-Ikoyi, reopening the toll gates will continue to be an injustice unless the government comes clean.
With all that’s going on in Nigeria, the citizens should avoid any confrontation with the security agencies on this matter. They should engage the government with their demands and the government should address their concerns with all sincerity.
Duke
The reopening of the Lekki-Ikoyi Toll Gate just like other toll gates must not happen. Both toll gates in Lagos State are in Lekki within a 5 km radius. However, Lekki has no general hospital, no central market, no courts, no public primary or secondary schools. So what’s the tax Lekki residents pay being used for? All we’re saying is: no justice, no tolls.
We shall commence a street-to-street mobilisation and sensitisation of residents within the axis on the need to resist the extortion at the gates.
Bajo
The government should just dead the idea of reopening the toll gates. It won’t work unless we are cowards. What I personally feel is that the government is very greedy and all they care about is the money generated from the toll gates. The 2023 elections are around the corner and they want to make millions of naira to stuff in their pockets. The Lekki Toll Gate must not be reopened or else we occupy it again. I’m sure the youths are fully ready for this. We’ll continue to cry for justice for the victims of the Lekki massacre.
Peace
The government should be taking steps to remedy the wrong meted on its citizens during the #EndSARS protests. They should be implementing the remedy recommended by the judicial panel and ensuring the youths’ demands for good governance and change are met. You can’t beat a child and still tell the child how to cry. I only hope young Nigerians react wisely to this development.
Tito
Whether people want to believe there was a massacre or not, what we know is there was a shooting and people lost their lives. If they actually have to reopen the toll gate, the toll fee should at least be reduced by 50% of what it is right now because we all know the realities of our current economy.
I used to have a stammer as a child. It wasn’t anything debilitating, but whenever I got excited or upset, my words would just refuse to come out.
As I grew up, it got better and mostly disappeared as an adult. If you’ve ever heard me speak and thought my words were very deliberate, it’s not me being wise, it was a mechanism I learned as a teenager to speak without stuttering.
As much as I’d wish everyone here went home, my heart beats in solidarity. This is the strongest message since these #EndSARS protests began.
On the afternoon of Tuesday, 20th October 2020, I scrambled off a couple of voice notes to friends who work in government to prevail on the authorities to not take rash action against protesters. This was because it had become obvious a group of protesters were taking a last stand and not leaving the Lekki Toll Gate even after a curfew had been announced. I sent voice messages because none of them picked my calls.
Then I waited.
3 pm. 4 pm. 5 pm. 6 pm.
No one replied. Then I started sweating. As a Nigerian who had seen all sorts of violence meted out to innocent people at the hands of the state, I feared the worst.
6:30 pm.
Then it began. To write about that evening is to relive it all, to remember watching the live video, closing it, watching again and closing again, crying, making frantic calls, and sending more messages.
On Twitter, there were calls for ambulances. That’s when I recall grabbing my keys. I could put my vehicle seats down and create a flatbed to transport people to the hospital. That’s when my wife asked where I was going, and I tried to say where but the words just didn’t come. I was stumbling over them, worse than any time in my life.
Nigerians said #EndSARS and the government replied with bullets. We will never forget.
She said I wasn’t in any condition to go out, and that it was likely to be unsafe. I tried to argue but really could not speak because I was stuttering terribly.
I’m sorry. I’m so sorry. There was a part of me that hoped we had a country. I am so sorry.
In the days that followed, there was a desperation to do something, to sweep the streets after the maddening violence that engulfed the city after the shooting, to speak, to keep a brave face, to find a way forward, while switching through endless gears of emotion. Anger, despair, fear, numbness. That numbness took me to the Lagos Judicial Panel. There was no plan, I just needed to connect with something, hoping to find some sense in the confusion of that post-traumatic existence.
The first thing I noticed was that the panel was late. That was when I started documenting.
I’m at the Lagos Judicial Panel of Enquiry sitting. First observation, they’re late. #EndSARS
To understand what a judicial panel is, one must imagine a love child between a courtroom and the lobby of an end-of-life hospice. There is a lot of order and procedure on the courtroom side of the union, but when one enters a hospice, there is an undeniable knowledge of an end in waiting, but no one ever says this out loud.
The panel embodies this dual existence to perfection – there is a retired justice flanked by respected lawyers, a retired policeman, civil society people (whatever that phrase means), youth representatives and the odd video game console dressed in a bow tie.
The panel had the power to investigate petitions of wrongdoing by SARS, the Lekki Shooting and other sundry issues, but it couldn’t really deliver justice – only recommend actions to the state which the state can choose to ignore. As I said, it’s a room full of power without real power.
On the first day of sitting, the panel was the highest-ranking news after the Lekki shooting. Every news organisation was there – international, local and the poor bastards who get a backroom stipend to write whatever the government press office dictates. There were also plainclothes policemen who sat in the room keeping an eye on the people who hoped to bring their service kinfolk to justice.
And then there were petitioners – you could tell from their faces, sad, drawn, furtive, poor folk who would rather have been anywhere but that room.
Next petition. Mr. Ndukwe came in with his mother. He’s wheelchair bound, apparently having been injured by SARS.
An important note – both petitioners are being represented by an attorney who doesn’t know them, or the in-depth details of their cases. pic.twitter.com/CH64FZw9XA
The petitioners were surrounded on all sides by witnesses, civil society people, and jobless folk who really had no business being in the room but were there anyway – people like me.
Having dutifully complained about the lateness of the panel, more than an hour and thirty minutes over time, we all settled down, ready to go.
Before the panel – a bit of perspective
Full disclosure, I (along with 15 others) was on a call with the Lagos State governor this evening. Everyone was respectful but firm – there is no off switch, the protests have no leaders and it’s best to show working, not just talk.
I think a bit of perspective is needed. At the height of the protests, I was invited to a meeting convened by the governor of Lagos State. There were civil society leaders, ‘youth leaders’, musicians, etc. My immediate feeling was that the government just wanted the protest to end, and for that, they were willing to do anything. One of the outcomes was the march to Alausa, where the governor took photos and received the “5for5” demands.
My feeling then was that it was a silly thing to do. And I said so. I said if they wanted the protests to end, the government had prosecutorial powers and the AG could prosecute cases of armed robbery by SARS officers, even if they couldn’t interfere with internal police work.
The governor also proposed the ₦200m fund for victims, which I also disagreed with. I told him that the issue with the government in Nigeria is that we always think money is the solution. Give justice and you won’t need to pay money.
I was not invited to the follow-up meetings. Damn!
Observation of the petitioners – justice for the poor
The first two cases called to the panel were of men who had been reportedly robbed and jailed by police officers. One of the men was allegedly tortured so badly, he was now wheelchair-bound and unable to support his aged mother and ailing father in the village.
Before their encounters, both men had a decent living. Having lost everything in the course of searching for justice, they couldn’t afford decent legal representation. In fact, the pro-bono lawyer who was at the panel to represent them was so unaware of their cases, an adjournment had to be called.
I immediately realised poverty would be the biggest impediment to justice. The police and government had an endless legal budget, represented by senior advocates in designer suits, while these poor folks had none. Donations had been made to support legal aid for petitioners, but how sustainable those donations were was yet to be seen.
LCC and the investigation – the need for forensic analysis
A few days after the shooting incident at the toll gate, I went out with a few friends to clean up parts of the Lekki township which were affected by the violent aftermath of the 20th of October. However, we were advised to leave the looted and burned Circle Mall in Lekki and surrounding areas as they were. They were crime scenes and insurance teams would need to review those scenes before any cleanup. It made sense. It was surprising, therefore, to note that while we were out cleaning the streets, the Lagos state-owned cleaning agency, LAWMA, was cleaning the Lekki Toll Gate and other locations where arson had occurred. While the privately-owned businesses were waiting to carry out an investigation, the government hurriedly cleaned up the biggest crime scene.
During a guided visit to the toll facility, many days later, the management of the Lekki Concession Company (LCC) was careful to show the panel the extent of the destruction, with little reference made to the actual killings which happened on that fateful night. In fact, there were no references made. We also found two bullet casings on the floor, which seemed to have survived the cleaning. But I could not help being suspicious – this was a crime scene that had obviously been cleaned a few times and this tampering means the panel would never be able to investigate properly.
Political Theatre
One of the reasons I persisted with the panel is that it was about the only place run by the government where the incidents of 20/10/20 were still being discussed with any seriousness. Outside the sitting, there had been a counter-narrative by the government and their amplifiers on social media, attempting to brand the #EndSARS movement as criminal, with words like terrorism freely used.
The bank accounts of young participants were blocked using a dubious court order, although the reality is that these accounts had already been preemptively blocked days before the said court order.
If your bank account is still blocked for #EndSars transactions, please reply with name of bank.
(Please don’t put your account number – just name of bank).
A lawyer who was providing free legal aid to arrested protesters also had her passport seized, but was later released without explanation after public pressure. Presidency spokespeople branded protesters as terrorists, while government-affiliated social media accounts and bots went on a disinformation overdrive.
These attacks were unsurprising. After all, this is Nigeria, where no occasion is too solemn for political theatre, not even a massacre in which the country’s young people were shot and killed while sitting with flags, singing the national anthem. Whether it is the former state governor playing detective on TV, or the red sash wearing protesters outside of the panel sitting, Nigeria does these things with a complete lack of irony.
A bit of aluta theatre outside, as a group wearing red sashes unveils a banner stating the governor @jidesanwoolu has no right to setup the panel in the first place.
Seeing this irony in action doesn’t feel any less shocking though. On the first day of the panel, a government-affiliated NGO came to submit a petition to tackle selected protesters for spreading fake news and appeal for the regulation of social media. However, the young leader of the said NGO collapsed under questioning and ran away after being pressed to admit that the government is the biggest purveyor of fake news on the internet.
Mr Bakare obviously didn’t come expecting hard questions. Pressed on the fact that the Lagos State and other arms of the FG have made several false statements on Social Media since The #LekkiMassacre, he admits the government gave fake news. pic.twitter.com/NkCDFkUjJx
As Nigerians, we have learned to live with the ridiculous politicisation of serious processes. The Lagos State House of Assembly, for example, quickly called for a regulation of social media, spearheaded by Desmond Elliot, a former film actor turned politician.
Of course Desmond Elliot spends more time condemning the response to the #LekkiMassacre than the massacre itself.
The call for regulating speech has been echoed by various federal government and security agencies, and now seems to be the government’s primary security preoccupation, taking more oxygen than the Book Haram insurgency and the menace of killer “bandits” and kidnappers.
(Of course, the government finally banned Twitter in Nigeria, but that’s a story for another day)
Can Nigeria give justice to victims of police brutality?
Unravelling the Lekki Toll Gate shooting was obviously the primary brief of the panel. But the interests of the various concerned parties couldn’t have been more diverse. The Lagos State Government, implicated by the military, battled to move attention from themselves to the arson that followed the shooting incident. The LCC, managers of the toll gate, wanted to be absolved of accusations of collusion in the shooting, even though their staff turned off lights and managed cameras as the military moved in on protesters. The military denied they were involved. The protesters seemed to stand alone in need of real justice.
I really worry about the investigation of the #LekkiMassacre. The State government is being accused of abetting it, the police have vested interest (#EndSARS), and the Judicial Panel is appointed by the governor.
Aware of these divergent interests, I walked into the panel watching out for small clues of how things would unfold. The first came very early. When the LCC MD walked into the room, he seemed to be getting deferential treatment from the staff of the panel. It was just the beginning. By his second appearance, he was led in testimony by the counsel of the Lagos State Government (LASG), which seemed like a conflict of interest – LCC is owned by LASG.
I also observed LASG and LCC collaborating, which hinted at a deliberate attempt to escape accountability. After the Lagos State lawyers led LCC through a well-guided testimony, the LCC requested leave to start renovating the toll gate. It became obvious that the state government and LCC were not interested in investigating the shooting, but in recovering the tollgate, so they can go back to normal. It felt unfair to the young people who stood up to say “End SARS”, unfair to the people who died.
Throughout the inspection, it was very glaring the LCC was only concerned about property damage.
Hardly a mention of the shooting that happened. They’ve also been hazy about the timing of the shoot relative to the power shutdown. pic.twitter.com/qsWm5MgPFS
The government eventually got this predetermined outcome, got the toll gate back, renovated it and is reportedly ready to put it back to work after the October 20 anniversary.
There was also the matter of the police rampage which happened on the 21st of October. Armed policemen went on a rampage shooting people on the streets. It was never mentioned.
The panel is not a court – so the question is about “What next?’
The government has not been very truthful in its handling of the panel. This begs the question; would an attorney general appointed by the government actually prosecute cases that are likely to show the government’s complicity in the matter?
In the days before the shooting, I had taken to cleaning the protest site every morning. I tried to make friends with the area boys and the private security guards who were looking after the protest area. I always engaged with the boys, bought drinks and always left a little something. This helped us pass the message about non-violence. This is how I noticed the new faces. Two days before the shooting, a new set of area boys showed up, less amiable and more inclined to want to burn things down. I also noticed, as I did the rounds from Lekki Toll Gate to the Toll Gate near VGC, that there were no police anywhere in sight. Not one uniformed officer or vehicle. There was no law enforcement anywhere, which was strange for a state experiencing large protests. I began to suspect something was amiss.
I went round Lekki this morning. Passed through all the hotspots where area boys have blocked roads. Spoke to area boys, helped de-escalate some heated moments.
The one thing I did not see? Police. Not a single officer. Not a sign of law enforcement. pic.twitter.com/0ZHa1FmocA
On the 20th, things took a turn for the worse. There were more ‘new’ area boys, this time, they were not listening to anyone. It appeared their objective was to make as much trouble as possible. I made it past the Lekki gate, but something inside of me was afraid. Something bad was going to happen.
As the state government announced a curfew, the ramifications of the day’s events began to stir in my mind. The people at the toll gate were refusing to leave and whispers were emerging that there will be an armed confrontation later that night.
So I started making calls to my egbons in government. I somehow allowed myself to believe that while the Federal Government was run by crazy people, the state would not want blood on their hands. So I made calls to people within the state government and some from neighbouring states who had influence. When nobody picked up, I started sending voice messages.
The messages were desperate. “Please have the governor go to the toll gate and speak to the protesters until they all go home”. It was the only way to protect those young people. Nobody replied.
In the end, Nigeria has seen many judicial panels come and go, and the most common experience we have had with those panels is how ineffective they have been in ultimately granting justice to the people. So, as I went to the next panel sitting, the real question I had was “Will this one be different?”
In the last few days, I have watched the videos from that day again – phone videos, a drone shot, bits of the live stream and the CCTV footage supplied by LCC. It is really hard watching them without almost experiencing the full emotions of that fateful night.
It is a reminder to press on and ask for better. That is what life is for. The horrors of that night washed up a long-dormant speech impediment for me, but what is a stutter where there is death?
The only way we can truly honour our dearly departed in the #LekkiMassacre is to not give up. Never give up. #EndSars
On October 16, 2020, the National Economic Council recommended that the 36 states of the federation set up judicial panels of inquiry to investigate cases of police brutality by members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). Since then, state governments have established judicial panels to investigate cases of police brutality within their states.
1.ABIA STATE
On October 23, the Governor of Abia State, Okezie Ikpeazu, inaugurated a 17-man judicial panel of inquiry to investigate allegations of extrajudicial killings and brutality by security agents in the state. The chairman of the panel was Justice Sunday Imo, who was a retired Chief Judge of Abia State.
The Governor said that the panel should investigate killings of extrajudicial killings by the men and members of the Police Force and those of other security agencies, from 2015 to date; investigate all forms of police brutality, extortion and intimidation from 2015 to date; ascertain the immediate and remote causes of #EndSARS protest and other grievances associated with it.
The Governor mandated the panel to submit its report within 12 weeks. On July 6, the Abia State Judicial panel of inquiry submitted its 5-volume reports to the Governor of Abia State. The panel recommended over #511 million as compensation to victims of police brutality. Justice Imo declared that the panel received 86 petitions and 46 went through full hearing while the remaining were struck out.
2.ADAMAWA STATE
On October 20, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri Adamawa state approved the establishment of the eleven-member judicial panel to look into the alleged brutality by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in Adamawa State.
The Judicial Panel of Inquiry was headed by Justice Adamu Hobon (Rtd), and members of the panel constituted members of the judiciary, civil society organisations, security, youth and religious and student organisations.
The panel’s job was to receive and investigate complaints on police brutality or related extrajudicial killings, evaluate evidence and establish the nature of the abuses. The panel was also to establish whether there are people wrongly charged with crimes currently in custody, find out the reasons why they are in custody, find out whether they have been arraigned in court and establish how many have died in custody.
3.AKWA IBOM STATE
On October 20, the Akwa Ibom State Government set up a judicial panel to investigate complaints of police brutality, human rights violations and extrajudicial killings in Akwa Ibom state.
The panel was created after the State Executive Council meeting and was headed by Justice Ifiok Ukana (Rtd) and was made up of other youth representatives, student leaders, and other members from the Ministry of Justice, human rights commission and civil society organisations.
The panel received 143 petitions, and 28 were about extrajudicial killings and complete disappearance of suspects and death of persons in custody and 22 showed neglected litigations. 85 cases were on human rights cases and over 380 people testified at the panel. The panel submitted a report on 23rd July and its report was in four volumes.
3.ANAMBRA STATE
On October 16, 2020, the Anambra State Governor, Willie Obiano, set up a judicial panel of inquiry to investigate the allegations of human rights abuses by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state. The panel was headed by retired Justice V.N Umeh, and it was made up of 20 members. The panel was expected to submit its report within 30 days.
On February 13, 2021, five youth members of the judicial panel of inquiry resigned, claiming that the Anambra State Government had totally ignored the panel and the government had no regard for the victims of human rights violations, police brutality, extortion and extrajudicial killings in the state. The resigning members claimed that infamous SARS units like the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, Awkuzu and numerous other police outfits were still operating in the state.
The police officers of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad shunned the invitations of the Anambra State Judicial Panel, even though many petitioners complained of police brutality.
4.BAUCHI STATE
On October 28, 2020, the Bauchi State Governor, Bala Mohammed, inaugurated a 17-man panel of inquiry into alleged human rights violations by officers of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad of the Nigerian Police Force. At the inauguration, the governor stated that the panel was set up to address the violation of citizens’ rights in the state by receiving complaints and petitions from the public, identifying the culprits and proffering recommendations to the government.
The panel was headed by Justice Habibu Idris and the panel was mandated to submit its report within six months.
5.BAYELSA STATE
On October 21, 2020, the Governor of Bayelsa State, Duoye Diri, constituted a judicial panel of inquiry through a state radio broadcast. The Bayelsa State Government set up the panel in response to the demands of the #EndSARS protesters in the state.
The Bayelsa State panel of Inquiry was headed by Retired Justice Y.B. Ogola and the panel were given six months to complete its assignment.
The panel received 50 petitions and it recommended the prosecution of 11 police officers, the demotion of four police officers and the demotion of one police officer. The panel also awarded ₦21 billion as compensation to the victims of police brutality in the state. Eight cases were struck out at the panel and two were adjourned.
6.BENUE STATE
On October 21, 2020, the Benue State Government set up a judicial panel of inquiry to investigate cases of human rights violations, police brutality and extrajudicial killings in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Adam Onum, and the governor declared that the panel was to submit its report within six months.
The panel entertained many petitions including that of a 34-year old man, Terfa Gundu, who alleged that the police poured petrol on him.
The panel has not submitted its report to the Benue State Governor.
7.BORNO STATE
Borno state did not set up a judicial panel of inquiry in the state. Officials of the state claimed there were no cases of police brutality in the state.
8.CROSS RIVER STATE
On October 22, 2020, the Cross River State Government set up a judicial panel of inquiry to investigate the allegations of police brutality by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. The panel was headed by Hon. Justice Michael Edem.
However, just a few days after the composition of the panel, members of the civil society in Cross River State complained about the composition of the panel, stating that the panel was not diverse enough. Many observers concluded that the panel was cherry-picked and the selection process was not transparent.
On November 11, 2020, the Cross River State panel adjourned due to “technicalities” about whether the panel had the power to investigate the police. The panel had received 39 petitions by the time it adjourned.
9.DELTA STATE
On October 19, 2020, the Delta State government formally inaugurated an eight-member panel of inquiry to investigate the allegations of police brutality and extra-judicial killings in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Celestina Ogisi (Rtd) and Omamuzo Erebe was the panel’s secretary.
On July 9, 2021, the Governor of Delta State, Sen. (Dr) Ifeanyi Okowa received the panel’s report. The Governor said that the Delta State Government will consider and implement the decisions of the panel, and that the state would do its best to support victims of police brutality and extra-judicial killings in the state.
The Delta State judicial panel of Inquiry received 86 petitions and it heard 49 cases while 37 were struck out. The panel recommended the payment of compensation to victims of police brutality in the state.
However, some human rights activists in Delta State claim that the Delta State government has not implemented the report and that there would be a procession to mark the one year anniversary of the #EndSARS protests if the government did not implement the report.
10.EBONYI STATE
On October 20, 2020, the Ebonyi State government set up an eight-member judicial panel of inquiry against police brutality, extra-judicial killings and human rights abuses in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Alloy Nwankwo.
The panel received 71 petitions and recommended the payment of ₦189 million to victims of extrajudicial killings in the state. The chairman of the panel also stated that security agencies involved in extrajudicial killings in the state were recommended for sanctions.
11.EDO STATE
On October 19, 2020, the Edo State government set up a 12-man judicial panel of inquiry to receive complaints from the public about police brutality in the state and to recommend measures for compensation of victims of police brutality in the state. The panel was given 90 days to complete its assignment and the chairperson of the panel was Hon. Justice Ada Ehigiamusoe.
After nine months, the Edo State Judicial Panel of Inquiry on Police Brutality submitted its report. The panel received 170 petitions, and it recommended the payment of compensation to the victims of police brutality in the state.
12.EKITI STATE
On October 19, 2020, the Ekiti State government set up a 10-member judicial panel to look into cases of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Cornelius Akintayo.
Three months after the panel was set up, the panel recommended over ₦1.5 million as compensation to six petitioners, including four policemen whose properties were violated during the #EndSARS protests.
In March 2021, the Ekiti State government presented ₦7.4 million to victims of police brutality in Ekiti State, following the recommendations of the Ekiti State Judicial Panel on Police Brutality.
The Ekiti State government formally received the report of the panel, and it promised to pay another ₦13.8 million to 28 victims of police brutality in the state. The Governor also promised to implement the recommendations of the Ekiti State panel Judicial Panel of Inquiry into allegations of human rights abuses by police officers in the state.
EndSARS protesters occupy Lagos State House of Assembly, Alausa, Ikeja, Lagos, Nigeria on Friday, October 9, 2020. The protesters are calling for the scrapping of police unit, known as Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) over the squads incessant harassment and brutality of innocent Nigerians. (Photo by Adekunle Ajayi/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
13.ENUGU STATE
On October 27, 2020, the Governor of Enugu State, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, constituted a nine-member Administrative Panel of Inquiry to look into cases of police brutality in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Frederick Obieze and it was mandated to conclude and submit its report within sixty days.
In March 2021, the panel submitted its report to the Enugu State Governor, and the governor stated that the government would implement the recommendations of the panel.
14.GOMBE STATE
On 31 October 2020, the Gombe State Governor, Inuwa Yahaya, inaugurated an 11-member commission to investigate cases of police brutality by members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.
As of November 2020, the Commission claimed that it had not received any petition yet.
15.IMO STATE
On October 19, 2020, the Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodinma, set up a 17-member Judicial Commission to investigate and make recommendations on cases of human rights violations and extra-judicial killings by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state. The panel was headed by Justice Florence Duruoha-Igwe.
In June 2021, the Imo State government received the report of the panel of the Judicial Commission on Police Brutality and Related Matters and the commission recommended that ₦770 million should be paid as compensation to victims of police brutality in the state.
On receiving the report, the Governor stated that the report would effectively guide the state government in tackling issues related to police brutality.
16.JIGAWA STATE
Jigawa State did not set up a Judicial Panel of Inquiry into human rights abuses by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.
17.KADUNA STATE
On October 19, 2020, the Kaduna State government inaugurated a judicial panel to investigate human rights violations and police brutality in the state. The panel was headed by Justice David Wyom.
The panel held its inaugural meeting in December, 2020, and it stated that it had received a total of 28 petitions from the public as at then.
In June 2021, nine months after its inauguration, the panel concluded its public hearing on police brutality in the state, stating that it entertained 69 petitions throughout the period it sat.
18.KANO STATE
Kano State did not set up a Judicial Panel of Inquiry into human rights abuses by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.
19.KATSINA STATE
The Kaduna State Judicial Panel of Inquiry received 61 petitions related to police brutality, human rights abuses and extrajudicial killings by members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).
The panel was headed by Justice Abbas Bawale and it commenced hearings on November 23, 2020. Most of the petitions to the panel came from the Funtua zone of the state. Other petitions came from the Daura and Katsina zones of the state.
20.KEBBI STATE
Kebbi State did not set up a Judicial Panel of Inquiry into human rights abuses by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.
21.KOGI STATE
The Kogi State Governor inaugurated a 10-member panel of enquiry consisting of personnel from the police, State Security Service, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), Ministry of Justice and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). The Kogi State government codenamed the panel Human Rights Special Intervention Group (HRSIG).
The chairman of the panel was Ibrahim Alhassan. He claimed that the panel received six petitions and that one of the petitioners claimed that his cow was detained in a police station since 2016.
The Kogi State Human Rights Special Investigation Group has not released a report of its panel hearings.
22.KWARA STATE
On October 20, 2020, the Kwara State government set up a 10-man judicial panel to look into the complaints of police brutality in the state. The panel was set up to investigate complaints of human rights abuses and extra-judicial killings by the #EndSARS protesters.
Justice Tunde Garba was announced as the chairman of the panel and the panel included representatives of the civil society organisations, youths, human rights organisations, the state Ministry of Justice.
In February 2021, the Kwara State Government received a three-volume report of the panel and he promised to implement the recommendations of the committee.
23.LAGOS STATE
On October 19, 2020, the Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu inaugurated a 8-man Judicial Panel of Inquiry to investigate the alleged cases of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in Lagos State. The panel was headed by Justice Doris Okuwobi and the two youth representatives on the panel were Rinu Oduala and Majekodunmi Temitope.
The panel was mandated to six months and its job was to determine the causes of police brutality in the state, investigate the cases of police brutality, recommend compensations for the victims of police brutality and recommend the prosecution of culpable SARS officers.
The Lagos Panel received 230 petitions and it awarded ₦262 million to 19 petitioners, including to one Charles Otoo, a petitioner who claimed that he was shot by police officers the Ojodu Police Division on the evening October 21, 2020.
At the Lagos Panel, the Nigerian Army admitted to firing live rounds at “hoodlums” around the Lekki toll-gate protest ground. The panel has promised to submit its report to the Lagos State Governor very soon.
24.NASARAWA STATE
On October 27, 2020, the Nasarawa State Judicial Panel of Inquiry commenced its judicial hearings. The panel was headed by Justice Badamasi Maina (Rtd) and he told members of the commission to approach the commission with their complaints on police brutality by SARS officers in the state.
On 29 April 2021, the Nasarawa Panel submitted its report and it recommended ₦480 million as compensation for victims of police brutality in the state.
25.NIGER STATE
On 23rd October 2020, Governor Abubakar Bello of Niger State inaugurated a 14-man judicial panel of inquiry to investigate cases of police brutality and other cases of extrajudicial killings by the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). The chairman of the panel was Ishaku Usman and the secretary of the panel was Abdulrahim Tariq.
As of January 2021, the panel had concluded its hearings and the panel received 18 petitions. The Niger State Judicial Panel of Inquiry has not submitted its report of the panel hearings.
26.OGUN STATE
On 17th October 2020, the Ogun State Governor, Dapo Abiodun, set up a Judicial Panel of Investigation to investigate cases of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in Ogun State. The Governor appointed Justice Solomon Olugbemi (rtd) as the Chairman of the Judicial Panel.
The Ogun State government also set up a Victims’ Support Fund of ₦50 million to enable payment of monetary compensation to deserving victims. The Governor also promised that a forensic laboratory will be set up to aid and support police investigations and crime scene management.
The Governor of Ogun State also announced the setting up of the Ogun State will be establishing a Forensic Laboratory to support police investigations and crime scene management.
On July 10, 2021, the Ogun State Judicial Panel of Investigation on Police Brutality and Extra-Judicial Killings submitted its report to the state governor, Dapo Abiodun. The Governor recommended over ₦218 million as compensation to 42 victims and families. The panel made recommendations for the investigation and prosecution of deterrent police officers.
27.ONDO STATE
On 19th October 2021, the Ondo State Governor approved the constitution of a Judicial Panel of Inquiry against the alleged illegal activities of the officers of the Nigeria Police Force in Ondo State. The Chairperson of the panel was Hon. Justice Salisu Adesola Sidiq (rtd), and the panel was given six months to complete its assignment.
The Ondo State Judicial Panel recommended ₦755 million for the compensation of the victims of police brutality and human rights violation by the police in Ondo State.
The panel received 77 petitions, out of which 14 were criminal matters and 63 were civil cases.
28.OSUN STATE
On October 23, 2020, the Osun State Governor inaugurated a judicial panel of inquiry to investigate the human rights abuses by disbanded members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). The panel was chaired by Akin Oladimeji, a retired judge of the state high court.
On August 5, 2021, the Osun State Governor received a report of the Judicial Panel, and he promised that the government will implement the recommendations of the panel.
For a long time, the report of the Osun State panel remained inconclusive. Seven out of the 13 members of the panel disowned a report of the panel allegedly submitted to the governor by other members of the panel.
29.OYO STATE
On November 10, 2020, the Oyo State Government inaugurated a Judicial Panel of Inquiry to investigate cases of extrajudicial killings and police brutality in Oyo State. The panel was headed by Justice Bolajoko Adeniyi and the panel had eleven members.
On July 14, 2021, the Oyo State Judicial Panel concluded its panel hearings. The panel received 163 petitions and the panel promised that it would submit its recommendations.
30.PLATEAU STATE
On 17 November 2020, Plateau State Governor Simon Bako set up the Plateau State Judicial Panel of Inquiry to look into police brutality and extrajudicial killings in the state.
The panel was headed by Justice Philomina Lot and the panel was given six months to complete the assignment.
31.RIVERS STATE
On November 24, 2020, the Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, inaugurated a Judicial Panel of Inquiry to look into the cases of police brutality by operatives of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in Rivers State.
The panel was headed by Justice Chukwunenye I. Uriri (Rtd) and the panel’s job was to identify victims of police brutality in Rivers State and recommend punishments for perpetrators of police brutality in the state.
On 19 February 2021, the Rivers State Governor received the panel’s report and he said the state’s panel received 190 petitions. Governor Wolf said the state would produce a white paper and present it to the Inspector General of Police (IGP).
32.SOKOTO STATE
Sokoto State did not set up an #EndSARS Judicial Panel of Inquiry.
33.TARABA STATE
On October 22, 2020, the Taraba State Governor, Darius Ishaku, set up a 10-man Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution for victims of police brutality and extrajudicial killings by members of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the state.
The panel was headed by Justice Christopher Awubra and it said it had received 11 petitions by November 9, 2020.
On 17 May, 2021, the Taraba State Judicial Panel concluded its hearings but no compensation was awarded to any individual. The panek received 34 petitions throughout the times that it sat.
34.YOBE STATE
Yobe State did not set up an #EndSARS Judicial Panel of Inquiry.
35.ZAMFARA STATE
Zamfara State did not set up an #EndSARS Judicial Panel of Inquiry.
One thing Nigerian artists will do is use music as a form of protest. On the 20th of October 2020, Nigerians watched on Instagram Live as peaceful protesters were shot at by security forces, on orders from the very people who had sworn an oath to protect us; the Nigerian government. In honour of the lives lost and to ensure that what happened that night is never forgotten, these five Nigerian artists made songs about the EndSars protest.
1. 20.10.20 by Burna Boy
Burna Boy released this song on the 23rd of October, following the dark events of the 20th of October, 2020. On the track, he sings, “20th of October 2020, you carry army go kill many youth for Lekki. Na so water oo water run away my eyes”. He closes out the song with the sounds of gunshots and pleas of innocent people begging for their lives as they were shot at.
2. 20.10.20 by Chike
Released on the 6th of November 2020, this song gave a detailed account of the events that happened during the protests and also shines a light on the the twisting of facts by politicians after.
3 This Fight by Dwin The Stoic
This fight was released on the 4th of November 2020, it is a sweet but gut wrenching eulogy honouring the people who lost their lives in the massacre. In the song Dwin sings about the hope and plans people had, the lives that were lost, and how our spirit won’t be shaken regardless.
4. We Don Tire by Orezi
“We Don Tire” is a song that describes the exhaustion the citizens of Nigeria feel on a daily basis.. He speaks about the false promises made by politicians before getting into power. He also spoke about the killings at the Lekki massacre..
“Until our leaders stop looting the people’s wealth, Nigeria can never be great” this.
5. Live rounds in the dark by Efe Oraka
Efe has a single titled “Nigeria dream” where she sings about how happy Nigerians plaster smiles on our faces to cover up our intense sadness and despair while living the Nigerian dream. In “Live rounds in the dark,” she sings about how she marched for change and how scared and angry the Lekki Massacre made her feel.
Oct 20, 2021 marks the one year anniversary of the Lekki Toll Gate massacre, the culmination of the EndSARS protests, when men of the Nigerian Army and policemen opened fire on peaceful protesters at the Lekki Toll Gate, Mushin and other locations around Lagos.
Now, early reports have emerged from the Lekki Toll Gate that personnel of the Nigerian Police Force have detained at least four peaceful protesters. In videos posted on Twitter, we can see protesters being forced into black vans at the site where the Lekki Toll Gate Massacre occurred one year ago.
Peaceful citizens who have gathered at the toll gate were also seen fleeing from clouds of teargas apparently fired by men of the police force, according to Pulse. Protesters are said to have fled towards Admiralty Way, with employees of the Lekki Concession Company throwing stones at them.
In Abuja, soldiers and policemen have been reported to be in a standoff with citizens marking the one year memorial of the Lekki Toll Gate massacre, according to videos from Sahara reporters.
In the meantime, citizens have set up helplines to assist in case of medical emergencies or detention by the security operatives.
If you are in any trouble, or if you've been arrested, please use #EndSARSHelp or call 0912 945 2247. Help is on standby
We're on the last ride. Starting to get full now. Police is gearing up. Home time. Stay safe, stay in your cars, the convoy is about to leave. But we did it!
This is our second EMERGENCY Helpline 08141954880. Please use this to report any arrests or updates on the location of arrested persons #EndSARSMemorial#EndSarsHelp
Oct 20, 2021 marks a year since soldiers from the Bonny Camp and policemen arrived at the tollgate and opened fire on peaceful protesters, witnessed by thousands via Instagram live streams. The Nigerian government went on to deny that anyone was killed at the Toll Gate or anywhere else, despite video evidence showing otherwise.
It is a common saying that art imitates life, but sometimes it goes beyond that. Through different civil right movements in history, music has played a vital role in serving as an ever potent channel of activism, and an alternative means of documentation.
Over the past few months, the entire globe witnessed the #EndSARS protests both on the streets of various cities in Nigeria as well as online. During the protests, we saw and heard of the unwarranted killings of protesters and passersby in various cities by police officers and army officials during a protest against police brutality. To make things worse, we witnessed the horrific Lekki Massacre live-streamed on our phones, and also in person. International media, international Human Rights agencies, eyewitnesses, survivors, and a select few local media outlets extensively covered the events of the 20th of October, 2020, and there are no doubts as to what happened that evening.
In the presence of overwhelming evidence, the authority figures made and are still making conscious efforts to suppress the truth and distort the facts. This has taken various forms, from attempting to “regulate” social media under the guise of “Fake News”, to targeting identifiable protesters; denying some travel, baselessly arresting and unlawfully detaining some, and tactlessly freezing the accounts of others.
In the face of such tactless and deliberate denial of the truth, we have only one duty; to keep re-stating the facts through every medium available to us, as an act of resistance to injustice. Music has always been a vital tool in important moments,, and it remains so now. Here are a few songs currently documenting the recent events and, continuing the activism in the face of oppression:
20.10 20 by Burna Boy
“20th of October 2020, you carry army go kill many youths for Lekki”
Burna Boy makes a simple but necessary statement summarily reiterating the events that occurred on the evening of October 20th, 2020. That line more than any other is very important when you consider that following the massacre at the Lekki Toll Gate on that fateful day, the Lagos state government, and the army embarked on a campaign to refute the claims. , Thankfully, such denial has been continuously contradicted by the denying parties. The line remains a perfect reminder to the consciousness of every listener of what happened, especially when the authority figures continuously make efforts to gaslight citizens into doubting their own sanity as to what really occurred thatnight. Lastly, the inclusion of the recordings of that night’s shootings at the end of the song assists in preventing the erasure of the horrific massacre which we all witnessed.
Johnny by Falz
Originally released last year, Falz detailed the travails of the youth facing police brutality in “Johnny”. This year, following the #EndSARS protests, and the Lekki Massacre, Falz who has been very vocal and on the frontlines, takes it a notch further with a vivid video for “Johnny”, blending an accurate visual portrayal of police brutality in Nigeria with actual footage Nigerian police officers killing and brutalizing citizens with some footage being as recent as last month. This is very vital when you consider that the Inspector General of Police held out that officers of the Nigerian Police Force exercised restraint, and used reasonable force at all times.
Gangland by psiv
Gangland details the modus of the ruling class; the use of force to silence any form of opposition to their antics,deliberate and concerted acts of implicit and explicit violence to maintain the status quo of oppression, corruption, and censorship of anything that opposes their interests.
The chorus lines, “You know the wave man, welcome to Gangland”, and “I’m in the 234, that’s the mad land” allude to the antics of the government in a country where anything goes. We have witnessed the blatant denial of the Lekki Massacre in the midst of overwhelming evidence, the attempts to “regulate” social media in order to censor free speech, the undue freezing of bank accounts of identifiable protesters, and most recently, the targeting of identifiable protesters and undue arrest and unlawful detention of such persons, amongst so many other examples. Gangland is a reminder that we know all that is going on, and we see it clearly.
Barawo by Ajebo Hustlers
Barawo just like Gangland mirrors the modus of the ruling class and the displeasures of the masses. As Ajebo Hustlers figuratively put it “Angry mob, dem kill Barawo”. “Barawo” which is slang meaning thieves, captures the corruption and oppression exhibited by the ruling class on the disadvantaged citizenry. Throughout the song, Ajebo Hustlers detail the cutthroat nature of the Nigerian society, capturing the mixed feelings of anger, hopelessness, and survival experienced by the average Nigerian citizen. Barawo is a brilliant reminder of the ills present in the Nigerian society, and this is particularly necessary at a time where those perpetrating those ills are using every means at their disposal to fight people speaking against injustice.
20.10.20 (Wahala Dey) by Chike
“Dem dey kill us, soro soke… wahala dey”
Chike reminds us that we need to keep speaking up. In 20.10.20 (Wahala Dey), Chike wholesomely captures the issues at hand; elected officials deliberately siding against the innocent citizenry, the deliberate attempts by authorities at suppressing the truth, and the need to keep speaking up and demanding answers. With a viral video displaying various highlights of the #EndSARS protests, as well as the addition of actor turned politician, Desmond Elliot’s disgraceful speech at the Lagos House of Assembly, Chike matches the right visuals with his lyrics, thereby evoking the right emotions in listeners.
20.10.20 (Remember this) by SoulBlackSheep
“Remember this, remember this… youths dying on the streets”
SoulBlackSheep reiterates the lines above in a heartfelt manner on his song 20.10.20 (Remember This). Very important words, we must not forget the events of the 20th of October, 2020. Incorporating the recordings of survivor narrations, 20.10.10 (Remember This) brilliantly documents the Lekki Massacre. The lines “Soldier please, I’m on my knees… I’ve got no gun, not a threat to you” explains the plight of the unarmed peaceful protesters that were massacred by the Nigerian Army at the Lekki Toll Gate on the 20th of October, 2020.
Honourable Mention
FEM by Davido
With a very simple message, Davido’s “Fem” became an anthem at the protests. A simple, yet instructive one-liner, “Fem” was a clear message to the politicians who kept camouflaging as if they sided with the people; for example, the governors doing photo ops at protests, only to later deny the killings of peaceful protesters despite overwhelming evidence.
The author of this article, psiv, is a multi-genre Nigerian artiste using his music to make a difference.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
The Nigerian Army has shared their testimony twice at the Lagos State Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses.
At Zikoko Citizen, we have been following the “Lagos SARS panel” ever since the panel was inaugurated, and we have also been present at the panel hearing on the two occasions that the Nigerian Army has testified.
We are here at the Lagos State Judicial Panel on Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses and Other Matters. pic.twitter.com/ta05ekghmu
In this article, we will explain what exactly the Army’s new testimonies mean, including the impact of these testimonies for those who seek justice for victims of the #LekkiMassacre.
The first time a representative of the Nigerian Army was called to testify at the Lagos State Panel on Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses was on November 14, 2020.
The Director of Information of the Nigerian Army's 81 Battalion is here giving the Nigerian Army's side of the story at the Lagos State Judicial Panel on Inquiry and Restitution for Victims of SARS Related Brutality and the Lekki Toll-Gate Incident.#EndSARSpic.twitter.com/4gD2Z32Xw3
On that day, Brigadier-General Ahmed Ibrahim Taiwo, the Director of Information testified on behalf of the Nigerian Army to the proceedings of the night of 20th October, 2020.
He began by stating that it is unfortunate that the unrest that has happened in Lagos since the #EndSARS protests has been limited to the Lekki events. He added that the Army decided to intervene in the protests because hoodlums had hijacked the protests in many parts of Nigeria, killing policemen and burning police stations, and even resorting to cannibalism.
He stated that the situation was like the Liberian civil war where different forces were resorting to force were bandits and warring parties where total chaos had descended on the society and warring parties were burning and killing themselves.
He stated that it is this terrible situation of things that prompted the Lagos State government to call the Armed Forces by 12pm on 20th October 2020 to intervene in the situation in Lagos.
He continued, saying that the critical situation made the Governor of Lagos State, Babajide Sanwo-Olu to impose a curfew in Lagos, starting by 4pm, so that the streets would be free of hoodlums.
He stated that when the governor changed the curfew time from 4pm to 9pm, he did not communicate it to the Nigerian Army.
On the night of 20th October 2020, Brigadier Taiwo stated that the Nigerian Army officers of the 65 battalions joined with the officers of the 85 division garrison to secure Epe, Badore, Sangotedo and Lekki axis.
He maintained that the Nigerian Army did not use live rounds against peaceful protesters.
November 21, 2020 – Day 2
We are here at the Lagos State Judicial Panel on Restitution For Victims of SARS Related Abuses and Other Matters. pic.twitter.com/ta05ekghmu
On this day, The panel hearing for the testimony of the Nigerian Army continued.
The hearing on this day focused on the video footage of the events of the night of 20th October, 2020, as provided by the Lekki Concession Company (LCC).
The LCC video is played, but the video has no audio. The video showed how the Nigerian Army arrived at the scene of the protests.
Lawyers to the Lagos State government take turns in cross-examining the Brigadier-General Taiwo of the Nigerian Army, who maintains that the Nigerian Army did not fire live rounds at protesters even after video evidence of people talking about the Army firing bullets at protesters was played to him.
The panel sitting eventually adjourned with the panel promising to summon other officers of the Nigerian Army if need be.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
Some Nigerians were still rolling in their bed this morning, trying to pick up pieces of their lives after the Lekki Massacre, when CNN Africa sent shockwaves through Nigeria’s part of the Internet.
In a brilliant collation of all the videos that have trended over the #LekkiMassacre, mixed with excellent investigative reportage that made use of video time stamp and geo-locations, CNN Africa detailed how the Nigerian Army left their base at the Bonny camp at exactly 6:29 pm, before going ahead to shootliveroundsat peaceful protesters who were stationed at the Lekki toll-gate, as opposed to shooting in the air, according to the Nigerian Army’s own accounts.
The Nigerian Army arriving at the other side of the Lekki toll-gate
A live round from the Nigerian Army directed at peaceful protesters
The Nigerian Army and the Lagos State government have maintained different positions during the course of this event.
On the morning of October 21st, 2020, the Governor called the night of the Lekki shooting the “toughest night of our lives”, and that it was done by “forces beyond our direct control”.
The governor meant that he didn’t order the shootings, nor did he invite the Nigerian Army to the Lekki toll-gate, the scene of the protests.
At the Lagos State Judicial Panel sitting over the weekend, the Nigerian Army claimed that it was present at the scene but that it only fired blank shots in the air at the Lekki protests, and that it did not fire live rounds at protesters.
He said on the night of the Lekki shootings, no live bullet was fired at peaceful protesters.
He stated that the fireworks in the videos circulating on social media are from the gunpowder in the Army ammunitions, and that no live bullet was fired at protesters.
The Army has also claimed that it was invited to the scene of the Lekki protests by the Lagos State governor and that the governor’s continued denial that he did not invite them does not speak well.
In all, there has been no consensus on who ordered the shootings, including whether peaceful protesters were truly shot at, until the emergence of CNN Africa’s investigative report.
This report is very important being that it confirms that live rounds were shot at protesters, and that there were serious casualties by virtue of the indiscriminate and reckless shootings from the Nigerian Army.
What Is The Next Step?
There are a couple of investigations that are currently ongoing, are soon to begin, which center around the shootings at the Lekki toll-gate on the night of October 20, 2020.
The Lagos State Judicial Panel on Inquiry and Restitution for victims of SARS Brutality and the Lekki Toll-gate Incident is currently holding, and it remains to be seen if the Nigerian Army will be found guilty for events at the Lekki toll-gate.
Also, UK Parliament is set to debate a petition to “Implement sanctions against the Nigerian Government and officials” over events at the Lekki Massacre.
4 Reasons. 1. It comes in time to discredit the testimony already given under oath at the Lagos Panel 2. Issue gets revived exactly when more pressure needed 3. It comes in time for the debate in the UK parliament 4. Global attention is back following a fixation on US elections
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
Can the ICC prosecute the Nigerian military?
Many Nigerians are still in grief over the Lekki Massacre which took place on October 20, 2020, when protesters were shot at for exercising their constitutional right to peacefully protest. In the wake of this, several stories — and fake news — have infiltrated the media over what happened, even though video evidence showed officers of the Nigerian military opening fire on Nigerians on scene. The question that has occupied the minds of a lot of people is how Nigerians can get justice, and including if the International Criminal Court can prosecute officers and commander of the Nigerian military.
But what sort of crime did the Nigerian military commit, if it actually did? And, can the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecute key officers of the Nigerian military, including their commanders?
1. What Is The International CriminalCourt?
In June 1998, representatives from 148 countries gathered in Rome, Italy to agree on how to establish an “International Criminal Court”.
After five weeks of discussions, 120 countries voted for the creation of an International Criminal Court under the “Rome Statute”.
In 2002, after the agreement was signed by 60 countries into their national laws, the ICC became the first and only international court with the capacity to prosecute a person with the international crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity,war crimes and the crime of aggression.
2. How Does The International Criminal Court Work?
*Green – Party to the ICC
*Orange – Didn’t sign
*Yellow – Signed (but never passed the ICC statute into law)
The ICC works complementary to national courts. That is, it cannot prosecute a crime except a country’s courts are unwilling or cannot prosecute the crime.
Also, the International Criminal Court cannot prosecute every criminal case in every part of the world.
The three important things the ICC considers before prosecuting a case include:
Subject-matter jurisdiction: Is the crime a genocide, a crime against humanity, a war crime or a crime of aggression?
Territorial or personal jurisdiction: Was the crime committed in a country that has agreed to the ICC’s rules or by a person who is a citizen of a country that has agreed to the ICC’s rules.
Temporal jurisdiction: The ICC officially began operation in June 2002. So it does not have the capacity to prosecute international crimes before July 2002.
3. Can the International Criminal Court Prosecute The Officers of The Nigerian Military?
Nigeria is a party to the ICC’s rules. Nigeria signed the Rome Statute into our national law on the 27th of September 2001, and it became binding on Nigeria from 1st July, 2002.
So, Nigeria is bound by the Rome Statute, and the ICC has “territorial jurisdiction” to prosecute international crimes committed in Nigeria or by Nigerians.
The ICC prosecutes individuals and not groups or countries, and no one has immunity or is exempted from the ICC’s prosecution, even if they are currently holding a high executive position.
To begin an investigation, anyone who is from a country that is a member of the ICC can request the office of the prosecutor to carry out an investigation on a particular issue. The prosecutor can also begin investigations on their own, if they believe that a crime should be investigated.
Already, Nigerian groups like the Socio-economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) have sent petitions to the ICC about killings of several people during the #EndSARS protests in Abuja, Kano, Lagos, Osun, Plateau and other states in Nigeria.
Over the years, the ICC has publicly prosecuted 44 people. It has issued arrest warrants for 36 people and summoned 8 others. 6 people are in the court’s detention. Former Sudanese President, Omar Al-Bashir, was also prosecuted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
The 8-man Lagos Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution to investigate cases of police brutality in Lagos is now sitting.
The panel is led by Justice Doris Okuwobi, a retired Judge of Lagos State. The youth representatives on the panel are Rinu Oduala and Majekodunmi Temitope.
As we move to end police brutality, by virtue of Section 5 of Tribunals of Inquiry Law, Laws of Lagos State, 2015, I inaugurated an 8-man Judicial Panel of Inquiry and Restitution which will receive and investigate complaints of police brutality in Lagos. pic.twitter.com/XRjDvw0Dha
The panel was constituted by the Governor of Lagos State, Babjide Sanwo-Olu on October 19th 2020, when he invoked Section 1 of the Tribunals of Inquiry Law of Lagos State which gives the Lagos State governor the power to constitute a tribunal when necessary, to inquire into the affairs of any public officer in Lagos State.
Section 5 of the Tribunals of Inquiry Law of Lagos State also gives the Tribunal the power to conduct investigations into the proceedings.
I’m at the Lagos Judicial Panel of Enquiry sitting. First observation, they’re late. #EndSARS
The panel will sit for six months, and it will draw conclusions from the statements of victims of police brutality in Lagos State, with the aim of determining and recommending compensation for victims and their dependents.
The tribunal is also mandated to interrogate SARS officers responsible for the abuse of victims and recommend their prosecution.
Orderly room trials of erring policemen resulting in dismissals, demotions and more severe punishment for human rights violations have begun.
We have also started engaging with protesters and all sides affected in all this.
The Lagos State Government also says it has established a ₦200 million fund for compensation to families and individuals who have been victimised by officers of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).
Oath of secrecy
Earlier on in the day, there had been some controversy about an “oath of secrecy” that panel members had to swear to.
I don’t understand the need for oath of secrecy. @SavvyRinu And Majekodunmi are the representatives of the youth, we stand solidly with them. They should not sign any oath of secrecy. @jidesanwoolu should actually see that the panel is public and televised. #EndSARSpic.twitter.com/Oe7Tf7aBmb
However, it seems the air has been cleared as lawyer, Mochievous, stated that the concerns were raised on the issue and the panelists will not be signing the document.
This has been rejected after concerns were raised and a dialogue was had this morning. The panelists will not be signing this document. https://t.co/0WPsL90hAH
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
Recently, there has been an increasing occurrence of social media accounts broadcasting and spreading fake news.
In one instance, a Twitter user posted a photo of Aisha Yesufu, a prominent activist purportedly showing her relaxing in her living room with her husband while #EndSARS protesters are on the streets. The photo was actually of her 20th wedding anniversary in 2019.
In fact, Aisha Yesufu has been beaten and teargassed on the frontlines of the struggle. She even featured in this iconic photo.
Why though?
Think of it this way. Social media is full of genuine images of victims of the massacre in various parts of Lagos. Some fake accounts or bots start to mix in some fake images and stories. Later on, these images might be used to falsely claim that since some of the images are fake, we can’t believe all of them. Even worse, it might be used as an excuse to clamp down on social media. A cursory search will show that these images are old/fake. You might be wondering why anyone would deliberately spread fake news. Firstly, it might be an attempt to discredit the main movement.
How?
Recently, a Twitter account released a four-minute-long video falsely claiming that the #EndSARS protest was due to tribal differences and is being used by one tribe to oust the president. This propaganda video has received 250,000 views as at the time of writing this article. Countless people have watched and spread the video through other channels. This might lead to ethnic strife in the country, which is the last thing we need right now.
What can we do?
When you see a sensationalist post (a post that is shocking and likely to rouse anger), be sure to confirm from different sources whether the narrative is real and current. Do not engage, share or retweet a post if you aren’t sure it’s true. News has a way of spreading like wildfire, and sensationalist posts travel even more wildly. By retweeting, you are helping to spread potentially false information that might endanger life.
If you confirm that the post is fake, the next thing you should do is report the post immediately. Twitter, for example, has a wide range of possible reasons to report a post. Report immediately and urge your followers to the same.
Another way to help is by asking the elderly and less tech-savvy such as your parents to verify the information they receive on social media with you, especially WhatsApp broadcast messages. This will help slow the spread of harmful narratives.
Finally, you have to do your part. Create and forward posts containing true, verified facts to counter the spread of false narrative. For example, if you see a message looking to stir up religious or ethnic tensions on a group chat, report the message to the group admin. Next, write a solid rebuttal (with veritable proof) and share with the group chat. Encourage members to ignore the false narrative and educate them on the truth as well.
Everyone has a part to play in this fight. Do yours.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
At 11:49 am today, the official Twitter account of the Lagos State governor, Jide Sanwoolu released a series of tweets announcing a 24-hour curfew within the state, taking effect at 4 pm. This comes on the heels of a similar curfew imposed yesterday in Edo State.
Dear Lagosians,
I have watched with shock how what began as a peaceful #EndSARS protest has degenerated into a monster that is threatening the well-being of our society. Lives and limbs have been lost as criminals and miscreants are now hiding under the umbrella …
This curfew does not seem to make a lot of sense to the average person. Lagos State is perpetually plagued with traffic jams that can often triple normal travel times. With the #EndSARS protests, the amount of time required to get between two destinations have increased further. It seems inconsiderate and downright impossible for people to in various parts of Lagos to be in their homes within the 4-hour period allowed by the tweet.
This curfew does not have to dent the protests. Here’s a couple of things you can do with the 24-hour curfew.
1. Regain your energy
It’s been a long 12 days of protests. Protesters and people who have helped keep the protests running are undoubtedly tired. This curfew is an opportunity for you to rest up and gather your strength.
2. Attend to personal affairs
If you’re like me, you’ve probably neglected other aspects of your life to attend the protests. This is a good time to catch up on work and personal affairs. Tidy your room and return those emails. Say thank you to Sanwoolu for this break time.
3. Regroup and restrategise
This curfew gives us a great opportunity to examine what we’ve done so far, where we’ve been lacking, and areas we can improve. It also gives us a minute to think about how to prevent the protests from being hijacked by thugs and hoodlums. We have a great opportunity to improve our processes.
4. Online protesting
This curfew gives us the opportunity to rekindle the online protest which has managed to grab the world’s attention. We can double down on efforts to reach far and wide and make our voices heard.
5. FaceTime your partner
You’ve probably neglected your partner these past few days because one or both of you have been out protesting. Now you have the time to catch up on Facetime and love up. Na who dey alive dey cuddle.
I’m pretty sure nobody saw the #EndSARS protests coming. Since the 7th of October 2020, when Runtown and Falz announced a demonstration at the Lekki Toll Gate, the movement has spread like wildfire to every corner of Nigeria. Protests are springing up in almost every state and people are catching on to demand better for themselves.
To many of us, protesting is a new unexplored territory. The bulk of protesters have never experienced one and we’re really all just winging it. Still, the nationwide demonstration has changed our everyday lives in more ways than we know. Here are some of the ones we do know.
1. Waking up in the morning to catch up on the latest development
We’re all guilty of checking Twitter early in the morning. However, these days, checking your phone has a new urgency to it. Before you’re fully awake, you’re already checking the latest to see if the government have attacked protesters again or if they’ve announced some other ridiculous ban.
2. Trending #EndSARS with all your might
You know your life depends on it. Every tweet is an #EndSARS tweet. If you relax, small, it will drop from the trending list.
3. Feeling guilty for tweeting anything not #EndSARS
Every now and then, you see a hilarious tweet from abroad Twitter and you want to quote it with LMAOO but you remember that Chijioke’s father was made to wade through a river of corpses to find his dead son, after paying SARS N3m, so you jazz up and continue tweeting #EndSARS
4. Nigerians demanding better
Nigerians are not used to having the power. So everytime, you ask yourself “Wait, is this real? Are Nigerians really demanding better for themselves?”
5. Arguing with older people about why we protest
Very likely, you’ll cross paths with people who don’t agree with the protests (usually your parents). Now, you’re now a lecturer on the EndSARS protest, arguing with older people and showing them facts and receipts.
If you’ve been following the #EndSARS protests online or offline, you’ve definitely come across certain terms or phrases used in social media posts or on protest placards. If you’ve had any trouble understanding what they mean, you’re in luck.
It became a thing when a governor came out to speak to protesters but wasn’t loud enough. After a few seconds of people struggling to hear him, someone in the crowd screamed, “Soro Soke, werey!” which translates to “Speak louder, madman!” And that was how it become the unofficial battle cry of the #EndSARS movement.
Used when someone is appearing to speak or act in contrary to what their true intentions are. This slang became synonymous with the #EndSARS movement when Nigerians refused to keep falling for the lies of politicians.
Them break into Benin prison, e no reach 5mins.. Police Twitter page run drop Thread 😂😂😂
Swift response. Where was all of it when we needed you guys ehn? Werey dey disguise 😂😂#EndSARS
21 year old Nigerian protester, Mbache Stephanie, created this now-iconic line when she ranted about how messed up Nigeria is during an interview with Hip TV.
If you’re looking to use your youthful energy join in the current peaceful EndSARS protests against police brutality but your boss won’t let you go because “Client is calling and asking for deadlines”, this article is for you.
We’ll walk you through all the lies you can tell to your boss after you miss work to join the protests.
1. Call in sick
Send a mail saying that you’re sick and you can’t move from your bed. You should also probably add that you’ve lost your voice and there’s no point trying to video call you as well because you’ll be asleep all day.
2. Say Anonymous threatened you
Tell your boss that the cyber organisation, Anonymous, reached out to you and said that if you didn’t join in the protest, they would leak your nudes. Your boss would understand. They have nudes as well.
3. Say you got robbed
You have to be able to act to pull this one off: Tell them that you got robbed overnight and they took your phone, laptop and everything, even the money you would have used to come to work. If they ask why you still have your phone and laptop now that you’re back at work, say that someone caught the thief trying to sell the stuff in Computer Village and brought them back you last night.
If they still don’t show sympathy, quit.
4. Say the protesters forced you
This one is for when you’re presented with pictures of yourself at the protest when you finally get to work. It’s simple and foolproof. You were on your way to work. The protesters saw you. They dragged you out of your car and made you join them. You had no choice.
Other news media sites have also confirmed the development.
I understand some hoodlums claiming to be protesters attacked a prison in Benin. I believe genuine #ENDSARS -ers would never associate themselves with such criminal elements. We condemn such criminal acts in their totality. The quest for change isn’t an opportunity to criminality
At the moment, there is confusion about who exactly broke the prisoners out. While some say hoodlums masterminded the act, some others are blaming it on the #EndSARS protesters.
Don’t allow them pin the prison break at Sapele Road, Benin City on #EndSARS protests. The prisoners revolted & escaped. There are no videos of people going in, only prisoners jumping out.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
As Nigerian youths continue to fight against police against brutality under the #EndSARS movement, there has been much ado the setting up of a judicial panel of inquiry in Nigeria’s 36 states, so as to look into the crimes committed by officers of the Nigeria Police Force.
We need a Public Truth Inquiry into the brutal activities of SARS and #PoliceBrutality, where people just come and tell the stories of the evil done to them or their loved ones. While we reform, whole nation first needs to hear the atrocities that have already happened #EndSARS
The goal of a Judicial Inquiry (or Judicial Panel of Investigation) in this case will be to investigate alleged cases of Police brutality against the citizens in each of Nigeria’s 36 states.
The Committee is to receive and investigate complaints of Police brutality, human rights violations, extra-judicial killings, and to evaluate the evidence presented and recommend compensation and other remedial measures.
On Saturday, 16th October 2020, the Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo also stated on his Twitter handle that he chaired a meeting of the National Executive Council where he agreed with the 36 state governors to agreed to set up judicial panels of inquiry so that justice can be served fast.
We understand that you want to see action from us and I’m here to tell you that work is ongoing. I chaired a meeting of 36 state governors and the Minister of the FCT (NEC), where we resolved to set up judicial panels of inquiry so we can see justice served, and fast.
Section 215 (3) of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution gives the president powers to give directions to the police, which the Inspector General of Police must comply with.
Section 215 (4) of the Constitution also gives a State Governor the power to give lawful directions to the Commissioners of Police in their State, “provided” that those orders may be referred by the Commissioner of Police to the president for his veto or assent.
From the provisions of the Constitution, it is clear that the president is the only one who has full powers to give orders, control and direct the Nigeria Police Force.
Section 3(1) of the Police Act 2020 states that:
“There is established for Nigeria the Nigeria Police Force referred to as “the Police Force” which shall, subject to the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria”.
Section 7 (3) of the Police Act gives the President the power to appoint the Inspector General of Police on the advice of the Police Council, while Section 7 (5) of the Act also gives the president the powers to remove the Inspector-General of Police on the advice of the Police Council.
By virtue of Section 6 (2) of the Police Act, all 36 state governors are members of Police Council which is the highest policy-making body in matters relating to the Police Force.
However, the Section 6(3) of the Police Act makes it clear that the Police Council cannot “organise” and “administer” the Police Force on matters relating to operational control, appointment, disciplinary control and dismissal of members of the Police Force.
State Governors And Their Powers Over Judicial Panels of Inquiry
Yesterday, Governor Nyesom Wike expressed his frustration over the inability of the police to implement reports from the judicial panels of inquiry, and the reason for this is not far-fetched.
Under Nigerian laws, State Governors have very limited powers over the Nigeria Police Force.
Again, Section 215 (2) of the Constitution makes it clear that the Nigeria Police Force is under the command of the Inspector-General of Police, who is in turn appointed by and must take orders from the president, as stated in Section 215 (1) and (3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).
Again, a state governor may give an order to the Commissioner of Police in his State, but the Commissioner of Police may take the order to the president before obeying them.
So state governors have limited powers over the police. And even when state governors do implement panels of inquiry, the resolutions from those panels cannot be implemented because state Governors cannot remove the Inspector General of Police or any police officer.
By virtue of Section 215 (3) of the Constitution, only the president or any Minister of the Federation as he may authorise can give orders for the maintenance of public safety in Nigeria, which must be obeyed.
Again, state governments can’t legally constitute panels of inquiry for police issues. The police is reserved exclusively for the FG to legislate upon.
All this talk about Lagos forming panels is “see, we’re working, oya leave the toll gate” but we go law school Aluta Continua
One of the ways out on reforming the Nigeria Police Force would be that the Police Council allows state governors (who are already members of the Police Council) to set up judicial panels of inquiry in their states while submitting the report to the Police Council which is empowered under Section 6 (3) (d) of the Police Act to receive and deliberate on reports.
The Police Council can then advice the president on action to be taken as sated in Section 6(3) (c) of the Police Act.
But anyway the reforms will go, it is clear that the president will have a huge role to play in it. Because, in Nigeria, the president has almost all of the powers over the Nigeria Police Force.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
Think of SARS units all across Nigeria like teams competing in the Champions League. Except that this time, the goal is not to win a trophy by playing the best brand of football and getting fans to choke with excitement.
No, the mission is to emerge as the most despicable SARS unit in the country by rounding up unsuspecting young Nigerians and torturing them to death, practically.
Tucked away somewhere in Oyi Local Government, Anambra State, Nigeria, is a prominent SARS Unit in this “Champions League of Torture”, known simply to many victims and survivors as “Awkuzu SARS”.
From death by starvation to death by hanging, you name it, the SARS officers in Akwuzu have done it all. And when you keep reading the stories of these crazy human right abuses, you wonder if Adolf Hitler was really evil.
We dug around and curated some of these wanton human right abuses. You’ll be shocked.
1. Dead Bodies On The Ezu River
On the morning of January 19, 2013, villagers in Amansea, Awka, Anambra State woke up to find the bodies of over 35 people floating on the Ezu River. For years, the exact killers of this people remained a mystery.
However, four years later, and in a report by the International Society for Civil Liberties and the Rule of Law, the civil society group accused the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) of the Anambra State Police Command of being responsible for 35 corpses discovered in the Ezu River, Amansea on January 13, 2017.
In the report titled “The Untold Story of The Ezu River Police SARS Killings“, the civil society group stated that there was a need to highlight the activities of the Awkuzu SARS outfit following their continued killing of Nigerian youths in the name of fighting crime.
The organisation stated that they decided to revisit the matter following “increasing shocking, saddening and alarming rate of torture and killings of some of not many of the arrested and detained citizens by the Anambra State Police SARS operatives im the course of their so-called combating of violent crimes of armed-robbery and kidnapping in the state”.
2. “We Drank Our Urine To Quench Thirst In SARS Cell”
In a statement posted on the Anambra Online Facebook page in 2017, a 23 young man named Chijindu (not real name), also recounted his experience in the hands of the Akwuzu SARS after he was accused of stealing a laptop.
He stated that he was arrested on February 23, 2017, and that when he got to the SARS office, the N15,400 in his pocket was confiscated, including the wristwatch, necklace and phone with him.
According to him, “When the Admin officer saw me, he directed his men to go and hang me. They took me to the back of a hall and tied me with ropes. They tied my hands behind, tied my two legs and then joined the ropes in the hands and that of the legs by the back, causing my chest to protrude”.
He stated that they used an iron rod to lift him on an iron stand, after which they started using all manner of items to beat him, including machetes and sticks.
After breaking his teeth with an exhaust pipe and leaving him to hang for three hours, he started vomiting blood. But it didn’t stop. They took him to an interrogation room where they took out the two SIM cards from his phone and destroyed it. Afterwards, one Aghaogu, the leader of the SARS instructed that he should be taken to Cell 5, the worst cell in Akwuzu SARS, where inmates hardly eat or drink water.
Afterwards, they took him from the cell to Onitsha, where they said he should lead them to the people he sold the phones and laptops to. At one Emeka Offor Plaza in Onitsha, the SARS operatives arrested four other boys, alleging that those boys were the ones who bought the devices from him. Meanwhile, Chijindu had never met those boys in his life. They also took him to his aunt’s house where they arrested her son for helping him steal the laptop.
Chijindu was kept in the cell from February 13 to March 17, 2017. During this time, he and the other inmates were hardly given food or water, except on Thursdays and Saturdays when some Reverend sisters brought food. In a particular two day period when they went without food or water, some inmates started urinating and drinking their own urine.
When the inmates continued to cry weakly for water, Chijioke stated that they were tear-gassed into silence. Four among the nine inmates would later die, amidst the effect of the many human rights abuses. But the SARS operatives left the corpses with the inmates until the Police came to evacuate them.
On the second week of the detention, three other inmates further died, but two of the corpses were left with the inmates until after a full day. The corpse of the third inmate was already decomposing before it was taken away from the cell.
A week after the death of Tochukwu, another one of the inmates, Chijindu stated that there were moves to bail one of the inmates. He managed to scribble down details of how to locate his sister and the direction to his home in Nnewi with a broomstick and handed it to the inmate. It was through this way that Chijindu’s family knew he had been kidnapped by SARS, after which they contacted some Human Rights activists.
It was through this process that Chijindu finally gained freedom. Meanwhile, when he was arraigned before the Magistrate Court on charges of Armed Robbery, not one complainant or witness came up against him.
3. “My Experience With The Special Anti-Robbery Squad Awkuzu”
In another story on the popular Microblogging platform Nairaland, another Nigerian also narrated his gory experience in the hands of Awkuzu SARS.
According to him, “This is to expose the wickedness, cruelty, man inhumanity to man (sic), extortion and intimidation (of the Awkuzu SARS)”.
He continued, “I was watching Manchester United v. Club Briggs yesterday. All of a sudden the special anti robbery squad came and pushed all of us inside their bus and pick up van. With no proof, they intimidated us with their guns. We were pushed into the cell”.
“Very dirty cell full of innocent people. They have five cells. They kill at random, inmates confirmed that they kill people sometimes in the middle of the night for human parts sale. They torture people inhumanly. They are very wicked and callous. Very unkind and inhumane, please let government look into this thing. Many innocent people are there languishing”.
He stated that he had been bailed with a fine of twenty thousand naira, but in his bail they wrote two hundred naira.
He stated that the only ‘crime’ he committed was to go watch a football match beside his house, and that many people who didn’t have the money to bail themselves would have been in much worse trouble.
4. Social media outrage
On social media, Nigerians have also been sharing their trauma stories in the hands men of the Awkuzu SARS.
My mum and I couldn't sleep so I started telling her some of the SARS stories shared on twitter and she laughed and said that those stories are just advertisement, that we haven't heard the actual horror. She's a lawyer and knows awkuzu SARS very well. Frightened me back to sleep
THE ARMAGEDDON CALLED THE AWKUZU SARS UNDER CSP JAMES NWAFOR.
AN EYE WITNESS ACCOUNT by Bonaventure Mokwe-Dikeh
This is going to be unusually lengthy for my piece but, it is necessary to enable a comprehensive understanding of the modus operandi of Awkuzu Sars under ..Thread pic.twitter.com/DjcXt4hUWG
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
Although non-members of the LGBTQ+ community are harassed when profiled as “gay”, a lot of people believe that the QueerNigerianLivesMatter hashtag is unnecessary. Members of the LGBTQ+ community, like many Nigerians, are fighting for their right to exist. They are victims of police brutality. So, we spoke to some queer Nigerian protesters to tell us about how they’ve been treated at the protests.
It is the people that tell you that you are hijacking a movement that annoy me. Police brutality affects all of us. You hear stories of people being harassed for “looking gay”. No, they have no proof of these people’s sexuality, they just profile and stereotype them. Imagine how much danger actual gay people are in. The lives of queer Nigerians do matter. We need the world to know that during the fight to end police brutality, queer people showed up, and fought. People have threatened my life, threatened to rape me etc, but I would not stop.
Kunle; 21, Enugu
In Enugu, it was mostly uneventful. I was not kicked out of the protest or anything, but people made horrible comments about my poster. Whenever they made their comments, I replied with “Queer lives matter”.
Samantha; 20, Jos
I went protesting for the women and the queers. When I was writing on the placard, a friend of mine told me that it was not the place, but I did not listen. They were the reasons I came out to protest anyway. People kept giving my placard double-takes. It was weird; the subtle aggression.
Ayo; 21, Lagos
In Lekki, I guess the protection came from numbers. We were a lot, so people could not really physically attack us. The moment we started taking up space, expressing ourselves, they had a problem. It was like they were telling us we could exist, but not too much.
James; 22, online protester
The thing with being harassed as an online protester is that people have the privilege of hiding behind their screen. They have told me to die and threatened to come kill me. Just for demanding that my life is as important as everyone else’s.
For more stories relating to the #EndSARS movement, please click here
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
A few religious leaders have spoken out in support of the #EndSARS movement since the peaceful protests started over a week ago.
1.Rarely does a generation have the opportunity to lead change as the one handed the youths of Nigeria right now through #SARSMUSTEND. It cuts across the fault lines that divide Nigeria.
However, there are still many others who have been silent. People with large followings who seemingly haven’t heard or don’t care about the movement. So if your religious leader hasn’t taken a side, here are a few ways to get their attention.
1) Spam their social media accounts.
Most religious organisations and their leaders have social media accounts that they use to tweet prophecies and stuff like that. Spam the accounts with little explainers of the movement. Don’t forget to use the #EndSARS hashtag.
2) Spam all the religious group chats you’re in.
We know that certain groups have told their members not to get involved because “it’s yahoo-yahoo people that are protesting”. Educate them on why that’s a lie with plenty easy-to-understand broadcast messages and infographics before the moderators kick you out.
3) Protest in front of the place of worship.
Peacefully and quietly.
4) Protest inside.
However you can. Remember, peacefully and quietly.
5) Educate your parents and relatives so they can educate their friends.
A lot of older people only know what they hear on the news (from compromised media houses) and each other. Let your parents and older relatives know, using proof from social media, what’s really going on out there. And tell them to spread the word with their acquaintances.
Editors Note: The previous version referred to only churches. This has been corrected.
Guys please!! Let’s stay focused!! The idea of alcohol, games and all at protest grounds seems too relaxing. We have heroes that have died for this cause. We can’t disrespect them!! There will be lots of fun after we achieve our goal! #EndPoliceBrutalityinNigeria#EndSars
As the #Endsars protests continue into the week, some protesters might be losing focus. We’ve heard reports of [some] bad behaviour among protesters. We the good people at Zikoko thought it right to remind us all of the dos and don’ts of a peaceful protest.
Let’s begin:
1) No alcohol.
Alcohol and good behaviour rarely go well. It’s important not to give the government the ammunition they need to end the protest.
I like alcohol but I do not support serving alcohol at any protests. Asides all the other obvious reasons, if you get arrested and you’ve been drinking at a protest, things become a little tricker in getting you legal aid. #EndSARS
We should avoid anything that makes our protest look indulgent or unserious.
4) No carnival/parties.
Again, please.
5) No sexual harassment.
Of both men and women. Especially of women! Keep your hands to yourself and focus on #Endsars.
Quick side note , sexual harassment at protests kills morale. The movement will crumble if our women especially are starting to feel unsafe . remember they constitute a significant number of those on the streets doing work . See it Say it Stop it.#EndSARS
If people don’t subscribe to your belief, leave them alone and focus on the goal which is #Endsars. People SHOULD not be attacked for their sexual orientation or beliefs. Leave them alone and let’s focus on ending Sars.
7) Please, no violence.
Do not damage government property in the heat of the moment. If you see anyone inciting violence, call someone’s attention. Remember, this is a peaceful protest.
8) No spraying of money or display of wealth.
There’s a crowd and we should try to prevent anything that can result in a stampede.
So @mcgalaxyMCG came to the protest at Lekki toll & stood in the sky roof of his car throwing N200 out of it. He obviously caused a stampede and an unnecessary ruckus. I saw more than one person get trampled
This is disgusting behaviour and I hope no celebrity plans to repeat it https://t.co/CAXCTmA0sO
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
Everyone has a part to play in this essential fight, and this post is for those who are doing that with their phones. Here is how to be an effective and responsible online protester.
Tweet and retweet #EndSARS aggressively
We need to keep the #EndSARS hashtag trending. With each passing day, it gains more attention around the world — making it harder for the government to ignore our demands for police reform.
Now is not the time to rest. Whenever you tweet, remember to add the hashtag. If you get tired of tweeting, then retweet as much as you can. Also important to remember that one hashtag per tweet is more than enough.
N.B: It’s #EndSARS, not #EndsSARS. Always use the correct hashtag.
Report responsibly
When sharing details of any kind of unrest on social media, it’s important to be as precise as possible. Share the time, the location and a timestamped video or picture if you can.
In the past week, with the rise in popularity of activists like FK Abudu and Mr Macaroni, a ton of fake accounts imitating them have been springing up. They share fake news with the intention of drumming up engagement.
Once you spot one, you should immediately report them for impersonation. Go to their profile, click the three dots at the top of their page, and choose “They’re pretending to be me or someone else”.
Don’t limit your online protest to one social media platform
Right now, it’s impossible to open Twitter and not see a flood of #EndSARS hashtags, but that’s not really the case on other big platforms like Instagram and Facebook.
If you can, share protest pictures, posters and infographics on your Instagram feed and Instagram stories. Do the same on Facebook and WhatsApp as well.
At different protest locations across the country, there have even reports of attacks by hoodlums and law enforcement officials. When you see a legitimate cry for help, please retweet.
There are people working to send ambulances and security to help. They need to know where to focus their efforts, and your RT helps make that possible. You are vital to the movement.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
The IGP stated that the Special Anti-Robbery Squad was dissolved across the Thirty-Six (36) State Commands and the Federal Capital Territory with immediate effect.
He also stated that all officers and men serving in the SARS Unit will be redeployed to another Unit, and that a Citizens and Stakeholders Forum will be launched to advise the Police authority on issues touching the general public.
An investigative team to involve Civil Society Organisationsto handle cases of crimes committee against Citizens and deal with culprits was also itemised as reform plans.
5For5
In response to the 5 action points from the IGP, Nigerian youths replied with their own response.
Under the hastag, #5for5, Nigerian youths replied that they wanted immediate release of all arrested protesters, justice for all deceased victims of Police brutality, and the setting up of an independent body to oversee the prosecution of all reports of Police misconduct.
They also stated that in line with the new Police Act, they wanted a psychological evaluation and retraining of all disbanded SARS officials before they can be redeployed, and an increase in Police salary so that police officers are adequately compensated for protecting the lives and property of citizens.
The Police Are Meeting Some Demands
IGP ORDERS ALL DEFUNCT SARS PERSONNEL TO REPORT AT THE FORCE HEADQUARTERS FOR DEBRIEFING, PSYCHOLOGICAL AND MEDICAL EXAMINATION • New Tactical Team to Commence Training Next Week
The Nigeria Police Force has fulfilled some of its promises over the past few days.
A day ago, the Force ordered the withdrawal and pyschological evaluation of all SARS personnel.
Subsequently, the IGP ordered the creation of a new Special Tactics and Weapons Unit (SWAT) which would do the job of the defunct SARS in the mean time.
The SWAT Will be “strictly Intelligence-driven”, barred from indiscriminate and unlawful search of phones and other smart devices and must be free of any pending disciplinary action especially those touching on misuse of firearms and abuse of human rights.
What Do Nigerian Youths Think?
Many Nigerian youths are still not satisfied with the role of the police and the government in all of this.
Top of their concern is that the Police officers who have killed young Nigerians in the peaceful protests be held accountable and brought to book for their actions.
We don’t believe you are listening when nobody has been dismissed, arrested and charged for the murder of innocent protesters and citizens. Accountability is the first step to change. #EndSars#EndSWAT
To them, they have not seen any accountability on the part of the Police towards prosecuting their trigger-happy officers.
So 'SARSHasEnded' is trending. This is their handiwork. We have only heard talk. Where is the action? Who has lost their jobs? Which police officers have been held accountable? They just changed the name to SWAT and we are not stupid. Let's get the other tags back up #EndSWAT
From the tweets above, it is clear many protesting youths will only leave the streets once they are fully convinced the Government is working in their interests.
When will that happen? No one knows.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
We found love in a hopeless place – Rihanna.
Nigerian youths have been protesting peacefully since Friday. Their major demands are that the government must end the rogue SARS unit responsible for extortion and theft. With demands largely unmet, the mood of these protests ranges from anger to frustration to even hope.
However, there’s now…love in the mix?
As strange as it sounds, some people are finding their significant others at protests. We compiled a list of people who have been successful in finding their partners or potentials at these events.
If you're single and protested online, gather here let's know ourselves…. and maybe find love like the others that found love in hopeless places like protest grounds. 😁
The most exciting thing today is that in the process of the protests #EndSARS I found someone I love I asked her out n she said she will get back to me this night….🤸🤸👌
I made one guy shy today. We were about to put rice into our mouths and our eyes met at the same moment. I burst into laughter and he joined in. After eating I walked up to him to talk and he was tongue-tied🤣🤣🤣
If you’re looking to help the protests, click this link.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
Today is the seventh day of the nationwide #EndSARS protests as Nigerians march peacefully against police brutality. So much has happened in these past seven days. You can check out all the stories and updates in our carefully curated EndSARS stack.
Unsurprisingly though, a major driving force for the success of these protests has been music. Being a universal language during these protests, music has brought Nigerians together in unison to speak against police brutality, and sometimes, just to have fun.
Check out this video from Enugu as protesters sing and march:
If you’ve gone through some form of military training or another, or even NYSC, this song will sound familiar to you:
Under the heavy rain, protesters at Lekki Toll Gate, singing and crying out for the government to #ENDSARSNOW#ENDSWAT.. the labour of the youths shall never be in vain! pic.twitter.com/HcnPYJcCjS
For now, the protests continue and the music echoes. Hopefully the government can hear our struggles and take actual measures to put an end to police brutality.
We ranked some of the best protest anthems here. Check it out!
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
For the past seven days Nigeria has had it’s biggest national scale protest since 1993. The #EndSARS protest is a peaceful but powerful movement against police brutality in Nigeria, both generally, and specifically by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad of the Nigerian Police.
In these marches, music is an important tool to keep the people going. This article ranks some of the most popular songs that would keep Nigerians going during protests.
Note: Some songs on this list don’t have an outright “protest” message. They’re here as “ginger” songs to keep the people going.
8. 2Face – No Shaking
My guy na your eye go sharpen because e be like say e don dey happen. Is it really…happening?
7. Wande Coal – Bumper to Bumper
This one is here for the nostalgia. When people are getting tired during these marches, just queue this song. You’ll see movement.
6. Burna Boy – Anybody
This one is here because of the violence. You know the song, you know the lyrics, so you can see how this could work in a protest, right?
5. 2Face- For Instance
2Face talks about how many of the things Nigerians face are swept under the carpet. Someone tell 2Face that we’re not taking that shit from the government anymore.
4. Falz – This Is Nigeria
Falz has been a loud and resounding voice for Nigerians during these protests. When he released this song two years ago as an adaptation of Donald Golver’s “This Is America”, it felt like he had captured the entire state of Nigeria in one song. It still feels like that today.
3. African China – Crisis
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=22g0kfW4auc
A song that talks about government fuck ups? Please increase the volume.
2. Fela Kuti – Beasts of No Nation
If you’re going on one of those long walks, and you have twenty-eight minutes to spare, this song is perfect. This list would never be complete without at least one Fela song. He would be proud of us.
1. African China- Mr President
This song is number one because we’re currently protesting against police brutality. There are so many things African China said in this 2006 song that are still true in today’s Nigerian society, fourteen years later. Oh..and it’s an absolute jam.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
There gave been 9 different Inspectors General of Police in Nigeria within the last 15 years. And while it is always easy to make the Nigerian Police the fall guy, there are structures within the Nigerian Police itself that genuinely makes it impossible for the “Force” to be effective.
Definitely, no organisation that changes its leader every one or two years can maintain a vision.
Under the Police Act (2004), the tenure of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) was not specified. Section 9 (4) and (5) of Act gave the President operational control of the Police Force while the Inspector General of Police was given the power to command the Force, but subject to the directive of the President.
The President may also give the IGP any order which he “shall” comply with, and the IGP is strictly appointed by the President who is advised on this duty by the Nigeria Police Council.
No wonder that in the past 15 years, we have had 9 different Inspectors General of Police, most of them serving for only a year or two.
Sunday Ehindero (2005-2007), Mike Okiro (2007-2009), Ogbonna Onovo (2009-2010), Hafiz Ringim (2010-2012), Mohammed Dikko Abubakar (2012-2014), Suleiman Abba (2014-2015), Solomon Arase (2015-2016), Ibrahim Idris (2016-2019) and Mohammed Adamu (2019-) have all served as IGPs of the Nigerian Police from 2005, but it is clear that the tenure of their roles is uncertain. As it appears, you can be removed from being IGP if the President wakes up on the wrong side of his bed.
Certainly, this uncertainty about the length of tenure handicaps any IGP who wants to implement long term reforms within the Police. Add this to the political uncertainty within the Presidency itself and you’ll realise why Police terms should not be left in the hands of the President.
Police Act 2020
Under the Police Act (2020), this situation has been fixed.
Section 4 of the Act states that the Inspector General of Police shall not be removed from office except for gross misconduct, a gross violation of the constitution and demonstrated incapacity to discharge the duties of the office.
Furthermore, Section 6 the new Police Act states that the Inspector-General of Police shall hold office for four years, except he has served in the Police Force for a period of 35 years or he has attained the age of 60 years.
With this certainty of office, we can at least expect new Inspectors General of Police to implement their own reforms within the Police Force, knowing fully well their four year term is guaranteed to a very large extent.
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
Earlier this evening, the Inspector General of Police, through the Force Public Relations Officer, stated that the members of the disbanded SARS are to report for psychological evaluation at the Force Headquarters before being deployed to other Police units.
He also stated that there will be a creation of a new Special Weapons and Tactical Unit (SWAT) to fill the role of the defunct SARS for the time being.
The new SWAT members will also be psychologically and medically examined to check for the fitness for the new role.
Going by the name, SWAT is a weapons and tactical unit. The name does not really describe whatever job they’ll be doing, but it is expected that they take up the role of the defunct SARS in fight against armed robbery.
But SWAT should not be on the streets like SARS, if it is any different. It must be a “tactical” unit. It must not harrass and violate the rights of Nigerian citizens like SARS.
Either way, the taste of the pudding is in the eating. We await what becomes of SWAT. Will it be any different from SARS? Time will tell.
The #EndSARS protests in Ibadan, today 13th of October 2020, witnessed a very large turnout. The protesters gathered at Iwo road axis, as early as 8am, as stated on the flyer that made rounds on Twitter yesterday.
— Buhari has been a bad boy #ThriveAgricPayUp (@theprincelyx) October 13, 2020
There was a medical team on standby, as well as a team that catered to feeding.
In less than 48 hours, Over 80 individuals volunteered to join the IBADAN #EndSARS medical team. Protesting with one hand and saving lives with the other.
Citizen is a column that explains how the government’s policies fucks citizens and how we can unfuck ourselves.
Mr President,
you gave a short speech some moments ago the disbandment of SARS and the Government’s commitment to police reforms and the protection of lives.
The disbanding of SARS is only the first step in our commitment to extensive police reforms in order to ensure that the primary duty of the police and other law enforcement agencies remains the protection of lives and livelihood of our people. pic.twitter.com/XjQMSr3jlm
But, President Buhari, the Police are still killing protesters! Young Nigerians are still facing human right violations and extra-judicial killings as this moment, the same things they are protesting and complaining about!
Sir, at what point will you call the police to order? When will SARS truly end and the Police truly be reformed?
Meanwhile, young Nigerians cannot be fooled. We know what reforms are and we know what kind of Police we want. But as we speak, the country is clearly far from that reality.
Many young Nigerians want a clear timeline on when the Police will be reformed, when the families of killed protesters will be compensated, when the killers of this people will be prosecuted and when all the arrested protesters will be released.
Give us timelines. – When will they be recalled & taken off the streets? – When will they be disarmed? – When will investigations into their activities commence? – When will their victims receive justice? – When will those still illegally detained be set free?#SARSMUSTENDhttps://t.co/0hPWrTWLPz
We want concrete answers from now on. People won’t leave the streets until the they see trust. And right now nobody does. Even I, don’t.
End SARS Now and reform the Nigerian Police, now. With clear targets and timelines, starting now.
#EndSARS,
We hope you’ve learned a thing or two about how to unfuck yourself when the Nigerian government moves mad. Check back every weekday for more Zikoko Citizen explainers.
The Nigerian youths have been at the forefront of the #EndSARS protest. From all over the country, we have protesters enduring all sorts of harassment from the police force. From being poured hot water and tear gas to having bullets shot at them, they have seen it all. Today, I spoke to Nkeiru, a protester in Abuja to recount what the past few days of protest have been like.
Day 1 of the Abuja protest.
On Friday, 9th of October, we got ready to protest. We headed out to millennium park. I met people there ready to protest. I have a large following on twitter so a lot of people kept sending me DMs on where the location for the Abuja protest is. We walked from millennium park through Transcorp, NCC, hoping to get to the secretariat. When we got to Abia House, we got blocked by five police vans. Some police officers came down and started throwing canister of tear gas at us. Everyone started running.
I jumped the fence into Junkyard. Some people were running into Statement Hotel and Abia house. Some even ran as far back as Berger and Bannex. Everyone scattered and that ended day 1 of the protest.
Nkeiru at the Friday protest
Day 2 of the Abuja protest
On Saturday, 10th of October, we met at Berger roundabout. From there we marched to Banex and then all the way to Unity fountain. People really turn up for this march. When we got to the headquarters, we sat on the floor, demanding to see the IGP. We sat for over 4 hours waiting for him to come. Madam Aisha Yesufu was with us. The police asked us to leave that the IGP wasn’t around but we insisted that we would wait for him.
There was a ready supply of food, water and first aid in case of an emergency.
A policewoman came to talk to us repeatedly asking us to go home but we stood our ground. The police waited until it was dark, like around 6:30 pm – 7:00 pm next thing we knew, they started throwing canisters of tear gas at us. The 100 plus people who came for the protest started running for their lives. It was like a mini-stampede.
Our cars that were parked opposite the road were vandalised. They slashed the tyres, broke the windscreens and windows. The owners had to find a way to fix their tyres before going home. That was how the protest ended.
Nkeiru at the Saturday protest
Day 3 of the Abuja Protest
On Sunday, 11th of October, we met at Unity fountain to march to the police headquarters. When we got to Women Affairs, the police stopped us and started throwing tear gas and hot water at us. It got me thinking about all the fires that the Nigerian fire service did not put out because of lack of water and how easily they seem to have this “scarce” resources available now that youths are protesting for their rights.
A lot of people just sat down on the floor that if it’s just water, they should pour it on them. From pouring water on us, they started throwing teargas again. They caught some of my friends and beat them up.
We went back to Maitaima roundabout and regrouped again with a larger crowd. We went back the second time and they chased us back again with hot water. They chased us as far as Unity fountain from the Ministry of Women affairs.
This was when Davido joined us and he came with the longest convey I’ve ever seen in my life. Everyone followed Davido’s convey as it had over 200 cars. We were headed for the police quarters. When we got there, Davido spoke to them and they released everyone in their custody.
The police told Davido that they have called off the SARS unit and us protesting is against the law. Davido told them that if any of us encounters any SARS office, we will back and that was how everyone went home.
As protests continue and police brutality increases, it’s important more than ever to keep protesters safe. And as far as possible from police officers as possible. One of the ways is by erecting a barricade.
In the absence of cows, here a few tips that may be useful as protests continue all around Nigeria today.
1) The bigger, the better.
Think Lawma cans, tyres, big sticks, bag of cements, sand. Anything that can form a shield and can be gotten lawfully should be considered.
2) Link or connect them together.
For tyres, stack them on each other. For sticks or garbage cans, link them by putting them side by side or wrapping them with tape. Do just enough that they are connected and they form a barrier between two sides.
3) Make sure you work in teams and delegate jobs.
The aim is to work fast and effectively before the police arrives.
As early as 6am on Monday morning, Peaceful protesters have been spotted at Lekki Toll Gate.
The aim is to slow the police down and barricades can’t completely keep the police out. The idea is that a barricade gives protesters enough time to get to safety. That means that it doesn’t have to be the most durable, it just has buy you time.
5) Umbrellas are a key requirement for protesters.
Umbrellas not only protect against the elements, but they can also shield against tear gas canisters.
6) DO NOT LOOT!
While it’s important to build barricades for protest, it’s also important to make sure it’s all lawful and orderly. If not, we lose the plot.
